Brasilien, China, Indien und Südafrika zeigten sich laut den Worten des indischen Um-weltminister... more Brasilien, China, Indien und Südafrika zeigten sich laut den Worten des indischen Um-weltministers mit den Ergebnissen der UN-Klimakonferenz in Cancún (Mexiko) im De-zember 2010 "sehr zufrieden". Im Vorfeld dieses Gipfels hatten sich die vier Staaten auf nicht verhandelbare Bedingungen für ihre Beteiligung an neuen Klimaabkommen ver-ständigt. Analyse Aufstrebende Mächte kooperieren nicht nur bei globalen Klimaverhandlungen. In den letzten Jahren haben sie unterschiedliche außenpolitische Netzwerke gegründet und so ihre Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten in der globalen Ordnungspolitik erweitert. Demnach re-sultiert der gewachsene weltpolitische Einfluss der neuen Mächte nicht allein aus dem relativen Anstieg der materiellen Ressourcen in diesen Ländern, sondern ist zudem ein Ergebnis der aktiven Außenpolitik in Form innovativer Netzwerkdiplomatie. Zwischenstaatliche Lobbynetzwerke dienen als Plattformen für Konsultationen und Koordination. Sie bündeln die Macht von Netzwerkmächten w...
Rising powers have attracted tremendous interest in international politics and theory. Yet the wa... more Rising powers have attracted tremendous interest in international politics and theory. Yet the ways in which secondary powers strategically respond to regional changes in the distribution of power have been largely neglected. This article seeks to fill this gap by presenting a systematic comparative analysis of the different types of and causes of contestation strategies undertaken by secondary powers. Empirically, it focuses on two contentious regional dyads in East and South Asia, exploring how structural, behavioral, and historical factors shape the way in which Japan and Pakistan respond, respectively, to China’s and India’s regional power politics. The paper concludes that the explanatory power of these factors depends on the particular context: in the case of Japan, China’s militarily assertive regional role has invoked the most significant strategic shifts, while in the case of Pakistani contestation, shifts in polarity have had the largest impact on the strategic approach.
ABSTRACT This article analyzes what the drivers of contestation of secondary powers vis-à-vis the... more ABSTRACT This article analyzes what the drivers of contestation of secondary powers vis-à-vis the regional power are, differentiating therein between structural, historical, behavioural and domestic such drivers. We argue that in regions characterized by relative stability where major interstate violent conflicts are unlikely, as is the case in South America, secondary powers rely mainly on soft-balancing mechanisms vis-à-vis the regional power. Whereas Brazil’s foreign policy behaviour is key to South American secondary powers being induced to contest the country’s powerhood, the choices that the foreign policy elites of those secondary powers make regarding what the specific expression of soft balancing is to be are influenced by certain domestic groups. Empirical examples are given of how Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Venezuela as secondary powers unfold these domestic drivers, which shape their different ways of soft balancing Brazil. The article thus explains why some secondary powers rely more on institutional binding, others on economic statecraft, or buffering, while others contest by offering and building alternative leadership proposals.
ABSTRACT The politics of contestation on the part of secondary regional powers such as Argentina,... more ABSTRACT The politics of contestation on the part of secondary regional powers such as Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Venezuela towards Brazil as the regional leader oscillate between competition and cooperation, inasmuch as the South American region has one regional power and is a zone of negative peace without aggressive rivalries. The secondary powers use different tactics, which constitute their respective foreign policy strategies, to soft balance Brazil. These tactics include alliance building, entangling diplomacy, binding, and omni‐enmeshment. This paper identifies, first, the specific drivers of contestation towards Brazil and, second, why the secondary powers’ foreign policy strategies vary in how they directly or indirectly contest the rise of Brazil at the regional and international levels. The paper demonstrates that in a regional order such as that of South America, which is characterized by relative stability, domestic drivers of contestation are key to explaining secondary powers’ varied strategic responses to the regional power.
South America’s security agenda demands the simultaneous management of domestic crises, interstat... more South America’s security agenda demands the simultaneous management of domestic crises, interstate conflicts and transnational threats. Though located at different systemic levels (national, international, transnational), the three conflict clusters are often interrelated and tend to overlap in the region’s border areas. The region’s policy makers, aware of this highly complex agenda and in spite of their striking differences, have tended
Given the importance of the assertion or prevention of regional leadership for the future global ... more Given the importance of the assertion or prevention of regional leadership for the future global order, this paper examines the strategies and resources being used to assert regional leadership as well as the reactions of other states within and outside the respective regions. Secondary powers play a key role in the regional acceptance of a leadership claim. In this article we identify the factors motivating secondary powers to accept or contest this claim. Two regional dyads, marked by different degrees of “contested leadership” are analyzed: Brazil vs. Venezuela and India vs. Pakistan. The research outcomes demonstrate that the strategies of regional powers and the reactions of secondary powers result from the distribution of material capabilities and their application, the regional powers’ ability to project ideational resources, the respective national interests of regional and secondary powers, and the regional impact of external powers.
Esta obra nos ofrece un estudio actual y pertinente acerca de las relaciones entre ambos países, ... more Esta obra nos ofrece un estudio actual y pertinente acerca de las relaciones entre ambos países, que hasta hace una década habían estado restringidas casi en su totalidad a una agenda de cooperación en temas de seguridad fronteriza, tecnología militar y comercio, y que no eran tan dinámicas, si se tiene en cuenta los más de 1600 kilómetros de frontera compartidos.
En años recientes, la tendencia hacia el multilateralismo, a estrechar los lazos con los países vecinos y a diversificar los temas de cooperación, ha hecho que se dinamice e intensifique la relación entre ambas naciones. Con Colombia como posible socio para la cooperación en espacios de índole regional, y con Brasil, que le apuesta a la generación de acuerdos bilaterales, han ido apareciendo en la agenda de estos dos países asuntos como la educación, el desarrollo sostenible, la integración socioeconómica y el intercambio cultural.
Brasilien, China, Indien und Südafrika zeigten sich laut den Worten des indischen Um-weltminister... more Brasilien, China, Indien und Südafrika zeigten sich laut den Worten des indischen Um-weltministers mit den Ergebnissen der UN-Klimakonferenz in Cancún (Mexiko) im De-zember 2010 "sehr zufrieden". Im Vorfeld dieses Gipfels hatten sich die vier Staaten auf nicht verhandelbare Bedingungen für ihre Beteiligung an neuen Klimaabkommen ver-ständigt. Analyse Aufstrebende Mächte kooperieren nicht nur bei globalen Klimaverhandlungen. In den letzten Jahren haben sie unterschiedliche außenpolitische Netzwerke gegründet und so ihre Gestaltungsmöglichkeiten in der globalen Ordnungspolitik erweitert. Demnach re-sultiert der gewachsene weltpolitische Einfluss der neuen Mächte nicht allein aus dem relativen Anstieg der materiellen Ressourcen in diesen Ländern, sondern ist zudem ein Ergebnis der aktiven Außenpolitik in Form innovativer Netzwerkdiplomatie. Zwischenstaatliche Lobbynetzwerke dienen als Plattformen für Konsultationen und Koordination. Sie bündeln die Macht von Netzwerkmächten w...
Rising powers have attracted tremendous interest in international politics and theory. Yet the wa... more Rising powers have attracted tremendous interest in international politics and theory. Yet the ways in which secondary powers strategically respond to regional changes in the distribution of power have been largely neglected. This article seeks to fill this gap by presenting a systematic comparative analysis of the different types of and causes of contestation strategies undertaken by secondary powers. Empirically, it focuses on two contentious regional dyads in East and South Asia, exploring how structural, behavioral, and historical factors shape the way in which Japan and Pakistan respond, respectively, to China’s and India’s regional power politics. The paper concludes that the explanatory power of these factors depends on the particular context: in the case of Japan, China’s militarily assertive regional role has invoked the most significant strategic shifts, while in the case of Pakistani contestation, shifts in polarity have had the largest impact on the strategic approach.
ABSTRACT This article analyzes what the drivers of contestation of secondary powers vis-à-vis the... more ABSTRACT This article analyzes what the drivers of contestation of secondary powers vis-à-vis the regional power are, differentiating therein between structural, historical, behavioural and domestic such drivers. We argue that in regions characterized by relative stability where major interstate violent conflicts are unlikely, as is the case in South America, secondary powers rely mainly on soft-balancing mechanisms vis-à-vis the regional power. Whereas Brazil’s foreign policy behaviour is key to South American secondary powers being induced to contest the country’s powerhood, the choices that the foreign policy elites of those secondary powers make regarding what the specific expression of soft balancing is to be are influenced by certain domestic groups. Empirical examples are given of how Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Venezuela as secondary powers unfold these domestic drivers, which shape their different ways of soft balancing Brazil. The article thus explains why some secondary powers rely more on institutional binding, others on economic statecraft, or buffering, while others contest by offering and building alternative leadership proposals.
ABSTRACT The politics of contestation on the part of secondary regional powers such as Argentina,... more ABSTRACT The politics of contestation on the part of secondary regional powers such as Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Venezuela towards Brazil as the regional leader oscillate between competition and cooperation, inasmuch as the South American region has one regional power and is a zone of negative peace without aggressive rivalries. The secondary powers use different tactics, which constitute their respective foreign policy strategies, to soft balance Brazil. These tactics include alliance building, entangling diplomacy, binding, and omni‐enmeshment. This paper identifies, first, the specific drivers of contestation towards Brazil and, second, why the secondary powers’ foreign policy strategies vary in how they directly or indirectly contest the rise of Brazil at the regional and international levels. The paper demonstrates that in a regional order such as that of South America, which is characterized by relative stability, domestic drivers of contestation are key to explaining secondary powers’ varied strategic responses to the regional power.
South America’s security agenda demands the simultaneous management of domestic crises, interstat... more South America’s security agenda demands the simultaneous management of domestic crises, interstate conflicts and transnational threats. Though located at different systemic levels (national, international, transnational), the three conflict clusters are often interrelated and tend to overlap in the region’s border areas. The region’s policy makers, aware of this highly complex agenda and in spite of their striking differences, have tended
Given the importance of the assertion or prevention of regional leadership for the future global ... more Given the importance of the assertion or prevention of regional leadership for the future global order, this paper examines the strategies and resources being used to assert regional leadership as well as the reactions of other states within and outside the respective regions. Secondary powers play a key role in the regional acceptance of a leadership claim. In this article we identify the factors motivating secondary powers to accept or contest this claim. Two regional dyads, marked by different degrees of “contested leadership” are analyzed: Brazil vs. Venezuela and India vs. Pakistan. The research outcomes demonstrate that the strategies of regional powers and the reactions of secondary powers result from the distribution of material capabilities and their application, the regional powers’ ability to project ideational resources, the respective national interests of regional and secondary powers, and the regional impact of external powers.
Esta obra nos ofrece un estudio actual y pertinente acerca de las relaciones entre ambos países, ... more Esta obra nos ofrece un estudio actual y pertinente acerca de las relaciones entre ambos países, que hasta hace una década habían estado restringidas casi en su totalidad a una agenda de cooperación en temas de seguridad fronteriza, tecnología militar y comercio, y que no eran tan dinámicas, si se tiene en cuenta los más de 1600 kilómetros de frontera compartidos.
En años recientes, la tendencia hacia el multilateralismo, a estrechar los lazos con los países vecinos y a diversificar los temas de cooperación, ha hecho que se dinamice e intensifique la relación entre ambas naciones. Con Colombia como posible socio para la cooperación en espacios de índole regional, y con Brasil, que le apuesta a la generación de acuerdos bilaterales, han ido apareciendo en la agenda de estos dos países asuntos como la educación, el desarrollo sostenible, la integración socioeconómica y el intercambio cultural.
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En años recientes, la tendencia hacia el multilateralismo, a estrechar los lazos con los países vecinos y a diversificar los temas de cooperación, ha hecho que se dinamice e intensifique la relación entre ambas naciones. Con Colombia como posible socio para la cooperación en espacios de índole regional, y con Brasil, que le apuesta a la generación de acuerdos bilaterales, han ido apareciendo en la agenda de estos dos países asuntos como la educación, el desarrollo sostenible, la integración socioeconómica y el intercambio cultural.
En años recientes, la tendencia hacia el multilateralismo, a estrechar los lazos con los países vecinos y a diversificar los temas de cooperación, ha hecho que se dinamice e intensifique la relación entre ambas naciones. Con Colombia como posible socio para la cooperación en espacios de índole regional, y con Brasil, que le apuesta a la generación de acuerdos bilaterales, han ido apareciendo en la agenda de estos dos países asuntos como la educación, el desarrollo sostenible, la integración socioeconómica y el intercambio cultural.