From the autumn of 1991 until the beginning of the Greater
Serbia armed aggression against the in... more From the autumn of 1991 until the beginning of the Greater Serbia armed aggression against the internationally recognized state, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in April 1992, the Yugoslav People's Army occupied most of the territory without struggle in Serbian intellectual, political, military and ecclesiastical circles the future Serbian state in the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was planned for that Serbian state that the Serbian population has an absolute majority in relation to other nations. Given the large number of Bosniaks and Croats living in the territory it was to occupy, in addition to Serbs - and in many cities there was a majority population - the Serb majority had to be established by force. The creation and maintenance of such a Serbian state on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, later called the Republic of the Serb People in Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie the Republika Srpska, could not be achieved without genocide and other forms of war crimes against Bosniaks and Croats. From October 1991 to April 1992, the Yugoslav People's Army occupied most of the desired territory, and the Serbian separatist authorities in that territory remained obliged to defend it militarily and "ethnically cleanse" it of Bosniaks and Croats, which they did during the 1992-1995 aggression. In addition to occupying most of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the future Serbian state, the Yugoslav People's Army left it with the weapons it needed to form its own army, defend the already occupied territory and occupy what the federal army failed for political reasons. By mid-May 1992, the Yugoslav People's Army had been transformed into the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was renamed the Army of the Republika Srpska in August 1992. Serbian nationalist and, unlike the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, separatist policy was led by the Serbian Democratic Party, which was directly supported by Serbia, Montenegro, the Yugoslav People's Army and the Serbian Orthodox Church. After successfully destroying the administrative structure and state institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina throughout 1991, the Serbian Democratic Party declared a parastatal union called the Republic of the Serb People in Bosnia and Herzegovina on January 9, 1992, and its secession from Bosnia and Herzegovina. The municipality of Kotor Varoš was part of it. The demographic composition of the municipality was such that none of the three most numerous peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina had an absolute majority of the population. There were only 38.14% Serbs, which meant that about 60% of the Bosniak and Croat population had to be removed from the municipality. That population did not want to leave their homeland. The Yugoslav People's Army seized the weapons of the Kotor Territorial Defense in 1990 and took them to its barracks in Banja Luka. Less than two years later, it was returned to the Serbian separatists in Kotor Varoš. The international embargo on the import of weapons to all the republics of the former Yugoslavia made it impossible for the legal authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to adequately prepare the Bosniaks and Croats of Kotor to protect themselves and survive in their homeland. The geographical position of Kotor Varoš for the defense of Bosniaks and Croats was very difficult. The municipality is located deep in the territory provided for the Serbian state by the Yugoslav People's Army before the aggression. Until June 11, 1992, Anto Mandić from the Croatian Democratic Union was the head of the local Kotor government. The cadres of that party held some other important institutions of the municipal administration. The Serbian Democratic Union, with the help of the Serbian army, local police officers of Serbian nationality, members of the Serbian Territorial Defense and the special purpose unit of the Banja Luka Security Service Center, forcibly took power in the early morning of June 11. She immediately started realizing her task of "ethnic cleansing" Kotor Varoš of Bosniaks and Croats. "Ethnic cleansing" was not possible without crimes against those peoples, and on the same day, Serbian military and police forces began individual and mass executions of Bosniaks and Croats. Fearing total extermination, a significant proportion of them opted for armed resistance to the aggressor and criminals. They concentrated in several of their villages, organized and defended themselves militarily until early November 1992.
MONUMENTA SREBRENICA Research, documents, testimonials BOOK 10 SREBRENICA THROUGH PAST CENTURIES, 2021
The paper presents the results of research into the crimes of Chetniks
and “Nedićevci” against th... more The paper presents the results of research into the crimes of Chetniks and “Nedićevci” against the Bosniak population of today’s municipalities, or parts of them, Srebrenica, Bratunac and Zvornik, committed during the Second World War. From mid-August 1941 to the beginning of May 1942, a Chetnik administration was established in that area. Shortly after forming their government, the Chetniks began individual killings and massacres of Bosniaks. The largest number was killed in the last days of December 1941 and during Orthodox Christmas on January 7, 1942. A smaller number, compared to the previous two years, were killed in 1943. By partisan taking control of Podrinje (June 1943-June 1944 and from the middle of autumn 1944 until the end of the war), Chetnik crimes against Bosniaks were significantly reduced. Just as soldiers and police officers from Serbia took part in the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the genocide against Bosniaks in Podrinje in 1992-1995, Serbian Chetniks and soldiers of the Serbian quisling Milan Nedić actively participated in the massacres and looting of the property of the Bosniaks of Podrinje in 1941-1944.
MONUMENTA SREBRENICA Research, documents, testimonials BOOK 10 SREBRENICA THROUGH PAST CENTURIES, 2021
The authors follow the development of hegemonic ideas of Serbia
and Croatia since their origins i... more The authors follow the development of hegemonic ideas of Serbia and Croatia since their origins in the 19th century and attempts of their realization to the detriment of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the end of the 20th century. In the centre of attention of the presented work is the formation of the “Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna” on November 18, 1991 and the “Republika Srpska of Bosnia and Herzegovina ” on January 9, 1992 as hegemonic projects of Croatia and Serbia in their joint and agreed attempt of destruction, demolition and mutual division of territory Bosnia and Herzegovina, the consequences of which are crimes of genocide and other forms of war crimes against Bosniaks.
MONUMENTA SREBRENICA Istraživanja, dokumenti, svjedočanstva KNJIGA 10. SREBRENICA KROZ MINULA STOLJEĆA SREBRENICA, 2021
U radu su prezentirani rezultati istraživanja zločina četnika i “Nedićevaca” nad bošnjačkim stano... more U radu su prezentirani rezultati istraživanja zločina četnika i “Nedićevaca” nad bošnjačkim stanovništvom današnjih opština, ili njihovih dijelova, Srebrenica, Bratunac i Zvornik počinjenih za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata. Od sredine augusta 1941. do početka maja 1942. godine na tom prostoru uspostavljena je četnička uprava. Ubrzo po formiranju svoje vlasti, četnici su počeli s pojedinačnim ubistvima i masovnim pokoljima Bošnjaka. Najveći broj ih je ubijen zadnjih dana decembra 1941. i za pravoslavni Božić 7. januara 1942. godine. Manji broj, u odnosu na prethodne dvije godine, ubijen je u 1943. godini. Partizanskim preuzimanjem kontrole nad Podrinjem (juni 1943-juni 1944. i od sredine jeseni 1944. godine do kraja rata) četnički zločini nad Bošnjacima znatno su umanjeni. Kao što su vojnici i policajci iz Srbije učestvovali u agresiji na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu i genocidu nad Bošnjacima Podrinja 1992-1995. godine isto su srbijanski četnici i vojnici srpskog kvislinga Milana Nedića aktivno sudjelovali u pokoljima i pljački imovine Bošnjaka Podrinja 1941-1944. godine.
MONUMENTA SREBRENICA Istraživanja, dokumenti, svjedočanstva KNJIGA 10. SREBRENICA KROZ MINULA STOLJEĆA, 2021
Autori prate razvoj velikodržavnih ideja Srbije i Hrvatske od njihovih
nastanaka u 19. stoljeću i... more Autori prate razvoj velikodržavnih ideja Srbije i Hrvatske od njihovih nastanaka u 19. stoljeću i pokušaje njihove realizacije na štetu teritorije Bosne i Hercegovine do kraja 20. stoljeća. U centru pažnje prezentiranog rada jeste formiranje “Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosna” 18. novembra 1991. i “Srpske republike Bosne i Hercegovine” 9. januara 1992. godine kao velikodržavnih projekata Hrvatske i Srbije u njihovom zajedničkom i dogovorenom pokušaju destrukcije, uništenja i međusobne podjele teritorije Bosne i Hercegovine, a čije su posljedice zločini genocida i drugi oblici ratnih zločina nad Bošnjacima. Ključne riječi: agresija, autonomija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Crna Gora, genocid, “Herceg-Bosna”, Hrvatska, podjela, rat, “Republika Srpska”, sporazum, Srbija.
The author discusses the impact of the Vance-Owen peace plan on
aggravating situation in central ... more The author discusses the impact of the Vance-Owen peace plan on aggravating situation in central Bosnia and Podrinje in early 1993, and explains the mutual, causal, the connection between the events in central Bosnia and the events in Podrinje and vice versa. Although in the central Bosnia the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina faced the Croatian aggressor, and in Podrinje with the Serbian aggressor, which apparently has no mutual connection, the author in his work proves on several examples how events from central Bosnia caused harmful consequences to the defense of Podrinje, i.e. how Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state was because of Podrinje forced to make concessions to the Croatian aggressor in central Bosnia.
Autor govori o utjecaju Vance-Owenovog mirovnog plana na
otežavanje situacije u srednjoj Bosni i ... more Autor govori o utjecaju Vance-Owenovog mirovnog plana na otežavanje situacije u srednjoj Bosni i Podrinju početkom 1993. godine, te objašnjava međusobnu, uzročno-posljedičnu, vezu između dešavanja u srednjoj Bosni i dešavanja u Podrinju i obrnuto. Iako se u srednjoj Bosni Republika Bosna i Hercegovina suočila s hrvatskim agresorom, a u Podrinju sa srpskim, što naoko nema međusobne veze, autor u svom radu dokazuje na nekoliko primjera kako su događaji iz srednje Bosne nanosili štetne posljedice odbrani Podrinja, odnosno kako je zbog Podrinja bosanskohercegovačka država bila primorana davati ustupke hrvatskom agresoru u srednjoj Bosni.
Uloga "hrvatskih zajednica" u Tuđmanovoj politici teritorijalne dezintegracije i podjele Republike Bosne i Hercegovine 1991-1995. godine, 2021
Hrvatski predsjednik Franjo Tuđman nastojao je, korištenjem raznih načina i svih ukazanih mogućno... more Hrvatski predsjednik Franjo Tuđman nastojao je, korištenjem raznih načina i svih ukazanih mogućnosti, oslabiti Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu kako bi došlo do urušavanja njenog državnog suvereniteta, a u cilju njene teritorijalne podjele između Hrvatske i Srbije koju bi pratilo i preseljavanje njenog stanovništva prema nacionalnom kriteriju. Dobrovoljno i prisilno iako je to nazivao „humanim“ preseljenjem podrazumjevajući da cilj opravdava sredstvo. Da bi realizirao svoju politiku – koja nije imala potpunu podršku većine hrvatske javnosti, klera Katoličke crkve, političke opozicije, akademske zajednice, kako u Hrvatskoj tako i kod bosanskohercegovačkih Hrvata – Tuđman je morao ići putem destabilizacije i unutrašnjeg razaranja Republike Bosne i Hercegovine. Tako je nastojao ubijediti protivnike svoje politike među Hrvatima, ali i na međunarodnoj diplomatskoj sceni što je bilo važnije, kako je Bosna i Hercegovina kao multietnička država ravnopravnih naroda i građana neodrživa i potencijalna opasnost da postane islamska država usred kršćanskog svijeta. Za provedbu svoje politike osmislio je takozvane „hrvatske zajednice.“ Njihova uloga bila je višestruka a započela je od opstrukcije bosanskohercegovačke vlasti i kulminirala kao sredstvo oružane agresije Republike Hrvatske na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Te „zajednice“ poslužile su i kao moneta za njegovu trgovinu bosanskohercegovačkim teritorijem i stanovništvom s velikosrpskim agresorom, ali i za etničko čišćenje dijelova Republike Bosne i Hercegovine koje su njihove oružane snage kontrolirale.
From the autumn of 1991 until the beginning of the Greater
Serbia armed aggression against the in... more From the autumn of 1991 until the beginning of the Greater Serbia armed aggression against the internationally recognized state, the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in April 1992, the Yugoslav People's Army occupied most of the territory without struggle in Serbian intellectual, political, military and ecclesiastical circles the future Serbian state in the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was planned for that Serbian state that the Serbian population has an absolute majority in relation to other nations. Given the large number of Bosniaks and Croats living in the territory it was to occupy, in addition to Serbs - and in many cities there was a majority population - the Serb majority had to be established by force. The creation and maintenance of such a Serbian state on the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, later called the Republic of the Serb People in Bosnia and Herzegovina, ie the Republika Srpska, could not be achieved without genocide and other forms of war crimes against Bosniaks and Croats. From October 1991 to April 1992, the Yugoslav People's Army occupied most of the desired territory, and the Serbian separatist authorities in that territory remained obliged to defend it militarily and "ethnically cleanse" it of Bosniaks and Croats, which they did during the 1992-1995 aggression. In addition to occupying most of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the future Serbian state, the Yugoslav People's Army left it with the weapons it needed to form its own army, defend the already occupied territory and occupy what the federal army failed for political reasons. By mid-May 1992, the Yugoslav People's Army had been transformed into the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which was renamed the Army of the Republika Srpska in August 1992. Serbian nationalist and, unlike the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, separatist policy was led by the Serbian Democratic Party, which was directly supported by Serbia, Montenegro, the Yugoslav People's Army and the Serbian Orthodox Church. After successfully destroying the administrative structure and state institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina throughout 1991, the Serbian Democratic Party declared a parastatal union called the Republic of the Serb People in Bosnia and Herzegovina on January 9, 1992, and its secession from Bosnia and Herzegovina. The municipality of Kotor Varoš was part of it. The demographic composition of the municipality was such that none of the three most numerous peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina had an absolute majority of the population. There were only 38.14% Serbs, which meant that about 60% of the Bosniak and Croat population had to be removed from the municipality. That population did not want to leave their homeland. The Yugoslav People's Army seized the weapons of the Kotor Territorial Defense in 1990 and took them to its barracks in Banja Luka. Less than two years later, it was returned to the Serbian separatists in Kotor Varoš. The international embargo on the import of weapons to all the republics of the former Yugoslavia made it impossible for the legal authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to adequately prepare the Bosniaks and Croats of Kotor to protect themselves and survive in their homeland. The geographical position of Kotor Varoš for the defense of Bosniaks and Croats was very difficult. The municipality is located deep in the territory provided for the Serbian state by the Yugoslav People's Army before the aggression. Until June 11, 1992, Anto Mandić from the Croatian Democratic Union was the head of the local Kotor government. The cadres of that party held some other important institutions of the municipal administration. The Serbian Democratic Union, with the help of the Serbian army, local police officers of Serbian nationality, members of the Serbian Territorial Defense and the special purpose unit of the Banja Luka Security Service Center, forcibly took power in the early morning of June 11. She immediately started realizing her task of "ethnic cleansing" Kotor Varoš of Bosniaks and Croats. "Ethnic cleansing" was not possible without crimes against those peoples, and on the same day, Serbian military and police forces began individual and mass executions of Bosniaks and Croats. Fearing total extermination, a significant proportion of them opted for armed resistance to the aggressor and criminals. They concentrated in several of their villages, organized and defended themselves militarily until early November 1992.
MONUMENTA SREBRENICA Research, documents, testimonials BOOK 10 SREBRENICA THROUGH PAST CENTURIES, 2021
The paper presents the results of research into the crimes of Chetniks
and “Nedićevci” against th... more The paper presents the results of research into the crimes of Chetniks and “Nedićevci” against the Bosniak population of today’s municipalities, or parts of them, Srebrenica, Bratunac and Zvornik, committed during the Second World War. From mid-August 1941 to the beginning of May 1942, a Chetnik administration was established in that area. Shortly after forming their government, the Chetniks began individual killings and massacres of Bosniaks. The largest number was killed in the last days of December 1941 and during Orthodox Christmas on January 7, 1942. A smaller number, compared to the previous two years, were killed in 1943. By partisan taking control of Podrinje (June 1943-June 1944 and from the middle of autumn 1944 until the end of the war), Chetnik crimes against Bosniaks were significantly reduced. Just as soldiers and police officers from Serbia took part in the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the genocide against Bosniaks in Podrinje in 1992-1995, Serbian Chetniks and soldiers of the Serbian quisling Milan Nedić actively participated in the massacres and looting of the property of the Bosniaks of Podrinje in 1941-1944.
MONUMENTA SREBRENICA Research, documents, testimonials BOOK 10 SREBRENICA THROUGH PAST CENTURIES, 2021
The authors follow the development of hegemonic ideas of Serbia
and Croatia since their origins i... more The authors follow the development of hegemonic ideas of Serbia and Croatia since their origins in the 19th century and attempts of their realization to the detriment of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the end of the 20th century. In the centre of attention of the presented work is the formation of the “Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna” on November 18, 1991 and the “Republika Srpska of Bosnia and Herzegovina ” on January 9, 1992 as hegemonic projects of Croatia and Serbia in their joint and agreed attempt of destruction, demolition and mutual division of territory Bosnia and Herzegovina, the consequences of which are crimes of genocide and other forms of war crimes against Bosniaks.
MONUMENTA SREBRENICA Istraživanja, dokumenti, svjedočanstva KNJIGA 10. SREBRENICA KROZ MINULA STOLJEĆA SREBRENICA, 2021
U radu su prezentirani rezultati istraživanja zločina četnika i “Nedićevaca” nad bošnjačkim stano... more U radu su prezentirani rezultati istraživanja zločina četnika i “Nedićevaca” nad bošnjačkim stanovništvom današnjih opština, ili njihovih dijelova, Srebrenica, Bratunac i Zvornik počinjenih za vrijeme Drugog svjetskog rata. Od sredine augusta 1941. do početka maja 1942. godine na tom prostoru uspostavljena je četnička uprava. Ubrzo po formiranju svoje vlasti, četnici su počeli s pojedinačnim ubistvima i masovnim pokoljima Bošnjaka. Najveći broj ih je ubijen zadnjih dana decembra 1941. i za pravoslavni Božić 7. januara 1942. godine. Manji broj, u odnosu na prethodne dvije godine, ubijen je u 1943. godini. Partizanskim preuzimanjem kontrole nad Podrinjem (juni 1943-juni 1944. i od sredine jeseni 1944. godine do kraja rata) četnički zločini nad Bošnjacima znatno su umanjeni. Kao što su vojnici i policajci iz Srbije učestvovali u agresiji na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu i genocidu nad Bošnjacima Podrinja 1992-1995. godine isto su srbijanski četnici i vojnici srpskog kvislinga Milana Nedića aktivno sudjelovali u pokoljima i pljački imovine Bošnjaka Podrinja 1941-1944. godine.
MONUMENTA SREBRENICA Istraživanja, dokumenti, svjedočanstva KNJIGA 10. SREBRENICA KROZ MINULA STOLJEĆA, 2021
Autori prate razvoj velikodržavnih ideja Srbije i Hrvatske od njihovih
nastanaka u 19. stoljeću i... more Autori prate razvoj velikodržavnih ideja Srbije i Hrvatske od njihovih nastanaka u 19. stoljeću i pokušaje njihove realizacije na štetu teritorije Bosne i Hercegovine do kraja 20. stoljeća. U centru pažnje prezentiranog rada jeste formiranje “Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosna” 18. novembra 1991. i “Srpske republike Bosne i Hercegovine” 9. januara 1992. godine kao velikodržavnih projekata Hrvatske i Srbije u njihovom zajedničkom i dogovorenom pokušaju destrukcije, uništenja i međusobne podjele teritorije Bosne i Hercegovine, a čije su posljedice zločini genocida i drugi oblici ratnih zločina nad Bošnjacima. Ključne riječi: agresija, autonomija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Crna Gora, genocid, “Herceg-Bosna”, Hrvatska, podjela, rat, “Republika Srpska”, sporazum, Srbija.
The author discusses the impact of the Vance-Owen peace plan on
aggravating situation in central ... more The author discusses the impact of the Vance-Owen peace plan on aggravating situation in central Bosnia and Podrinje in early 1993, and explains the mutual, causal, the connection between the events in central Bosnia and the events in Podrinje and vice versa. Although in the central Bosnia the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina faced the Croatian aggressor, and in Podrinje with the Serbian aggressor, which apparently has no mutual connection, the author in his work proves on several examples how events from central Bosnia caused harmful consequences to the defense of Podrinje, i.e. how Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state was because of Podrinje forced to make concessions to the Croatian aggressor in central Bosnia.
Autor govori o utjecaju Vance-Owenovog mirovnog plana na
otežavanje situacije u srednjoj Bosni i ... more Autor govori o utjecaju Vance-Owenovog mirovnog plana na otežavanje situacije u srednjoj Bosni i Podrinju početkom 1993. godine, te objašnjava međusobnu, uzročno-posljedičnu, vezu između dešavanja u srednjoj Bosni i dešavanja u Podrinju i obrnuto. Iako se u srednjoj Bosni Republika Bosna i Hercegovina suočila s hrvatskim agresorom, a u Podrinju sa srpskim, što naoko nema međusobne veze, autor u svom radu dokazuje na nekoliko primjera kako su događaji iz srednje Bosne nanosili štetne posljedice odbrani Podrinja, odnosno kako je zbog Podrinja bosanskohercegovačka država bila primorana davati ustupke hrvatskom agresoru u srednjoj Bosni.
Uloga "hrvatskih zajednica" u Tuđmanovoj politici teritorijalne dezintegracije i podjele Republike Bosne i Hercegovine 1991-1995. godine, 2021
Hrvatski predsjednik Franjo Tuđman nastojao je, korištenjem raznih načina i svih ukazanih mogućno... more Hrvatski predsjednik Franjo Tuđman nastojao je, korištenjem raznih načina i svih ukazanih mogućnosti, oslabiti Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu kako bi došlo do urušavanja njenog državnog suvereniteta, a u cilju njene teritorijalne podjele između Hrvatske i Srbije koju bi pratilo i preseljavanje njenog stanovništva prema nacionalnom kriteriju. Dobrovoljno i prisilno iako je to nazivao „humanim“ preseljenjem podrazumjevajući da cilj opravdava sredstvo. Da bi realizirao svoju politiku – koja nije imala potpunu podršku većine hrvatske javnosti, klera Katoličke crkve, političke opozicije, akademske zajednice, kako u Hrvatskoj tako i kod bosanskohercegovačkih Hrvata – Tuđman je morao ići putem destabilizacije i unutrašnjeg razaranja Republike Bosne i Hercegovine. Tako je nastojao ubijediti protivnike svoje politike među Hrvatima, ali i na međunarodnoj diplomatskoj sceni što je bilo važnije, kako je Bosna i Hercegovina kao multietnička država ravnopravnih naroda i građana neodrživa i potencijalna opasnost da postane islamska država usred kršćanskog svijeta. Za provedbu svoje politike osmislio je takozvane „hrvatske zajednice.“ Njihova uloga bila je višestruka a započela je od opstrukcije bosanskohercegovačke vlasti i kulminirala kao sredstvo oružane agresije Republike Hrvatske na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu. Te „zajednice“ poslužile su i kao moneta za njegovu trgovinu bosanskohercegovačkim teritorijem i stanovništvom s velikosrpskim agresorom, ali i za etničko čišćenje dijelova Republike Bosne i Hercegovine koje su njihove oružane snage kontrolirale.
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Serbia armed aggression against the internationally recognized state, the
Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in April 1992, the Yugoslav People's
Army occupied most of the territory without struggle in Serbian intellectual,
political, military and ecclesiastical circles the future Serbian state in the state
of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was planned for that Serbian state that the
Serbian population has an absolute majority in relation to other nations. Given
the large number of Bosniaks and Croats living in the territory it was to
occupy, in addition to Serbs - and in many cities there was a majority
population - the Serb majority had to be established by force. The creation and
maintenance of such a Serbian state on the territory of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, later called the Republic of the Serb People in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, ie the Republika Srpska, could not be achieved without genocide
and other forms of war crimes against Bosniaks and Croats. From October
1991 to April 1992, the Yugoslav People's Army occupied most of the desired
territory, and the Serbian separatist authorities in that territory remained
obliged to defend it militarily and "ethnically cleanse" it of Bosniaks and
Croats, which they did during the 1992-1995 aggression. In addition to
occupying most of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the future Serbian state, the
Yugoslav People's Army left it with the weapons it needed to form its own army,
defend the already occupied territory and occupy what the federal army failed
for political reasons. By mid-May 1992, the Yugoslav People's Army had been
transformed into the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
which was renamed the Army of the Republika Srpska in August 1992. Serbian
nationalist and, unlike the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, separatist policy
was led by the Serbian Democratic Party, which was directly supported by
Serbia, Montenegro, the Yugoslav People's Army and the Serbian Orthodox
Church. After successfully destroying the administrative structure and state
institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina throughout 1991, the Serbian
Democratic Party declared a parastatal union called the Republic of the Serb
People in Bosnia and Herzegovina on January 9, 1992, and its secession from
Bosnia and Herzegovina. The municipality of Kotor Varoš was part of it. The
demographic composition of the municipality was such that none of the three
most numerous peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina had an absolute majority of
the population. There were only 38.14% Serbs, which meant that about 60% of
the Bosniak and Croat population had to be removed from the municipality.
That population did not want to leave their homeland. The Yugoslav People's
Army seized the weapons of the Kotor Territorial Defense in 1990 and took
them to its barracks in Banja Luka. Less than two years later, it was returned
to the Serbian separatists in Kotor Varoš. The international embargo on the
import of weapons to all the republics of the former Yugoslavia made it
impossible for the legal authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to adequately
prepare the Bosniaks and Croats of Kotor to protect themselves and survive in
their homeland. The geographical position of Kotor Varoš for the defense of
Bosniaks and Croats was very difficult. The municipality is located deep in the
territory provided for the Serbian state by the Yugoslav People's Army before
the aggression. Until June 11, 1992, Anto Mandić from the Croatian
Democratic Union was the head of the local Kotor government. The cadres of
that party held some other important institutions of the municipal
administration. The Serbian Democratic Union, with the help of the Serbian army, local police officers of Serbian nationality, members of the Serbian
Territorial Defense and the special purpose unit of the Banja Luka Security
Service Center, forcibly took power in the early morning of June 11. She
immediately started realizing her task of "ethnic cleansing" Kotor Varoš of
Bosniaks and Croats. "Ethnic cleansing" was not possible without crimes
against those peoples, and on the same day, Serbian military and police forces
began individual and mass executions of Bosniaks and Croats. Fearing total
extermination, a significant proportion of them opted for armed resistance to
the aggressor and criminals. They concentrated in several of their villages,
organized and defended themselves militarily until early November 1992.
and “Nedićevci” against the Bosniak population of today’s municipalities,
or parts of them, Srebrenica, Bratunac and Zvornik, committed during the
Second World War. From mid-August 1941 to the beginning of May 1942, a Chetnik administration was established in that area. Shortly after forming their government, the Chetniks began individual killings and massacres of Bosniaks. The largest number was killed in the last days of December 1941 and during Orthodox Christmas on January 7, 1942. A smaller number, compared to the previous two years, were killed in 1943. By partisan taking control of Podrinje (June 1943-June 1944 and from the middle of autumn 1944 until the end of the war), Chetnik crimes against Bosniaks were significantly reduced. Just as soldiers and police officers from Serbia took part in the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the genocide against Bosniaks in Podrinje in 1992-1995, Serbian Chetniks and soldiers of the Serbian quisling
Milan Nedić actively participated in the massacres and looting of the property of the Bosniaks of Podrinje in 1941-1944.
and Croatia since their origins in the 19th century and attempts of their
realization to the detriment of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the end of the 20th century. In the centre of attention of the presented work is the formation of the “Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna” on November 18, 1991 and the “Republika Srpska of Bosnia and Herzegovina ” on January 9, 1992 as hegemonic projects of Croatia and Serbia in their joint and agreed attempt of destruction, demolition and mutual division of territory Bosnia and Herzegovina, the consequences of which are crimes of genocide and other forms of war crimes against Bosniaks.
Najveći broj ih je ubijen zadnjih dana decembra 1941. i za pravoslavni Božić 7. januara 1942. godine. Manji broj, u odnosu na prethodne dvije godine, ubijen je u 1943. godini. Partizanskim preuzimanjem kontrole nad Podrinjem (juni 1943-juni 1944. i od sredine jeseni 1944. godine do kraja rata) četnički zločini nad Bošnjacima znatno su umanjeni. Kao što su vojnici i policajci iz Srbije učestvovali u agresiji na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu i genocidu nad Bošnjacima Podrinja 1992-1995. godine isto su srbijanski četnici i vojnici srpskog kvislinga Milana Nedića aktivno sudjelovali u pokoljima i pljački imovine Bošnjaka Podrinja 1941-1944. godine.
nastanaka u 19. stoljeću i pokušaje njihove realizacije na štetu teritorije
Bosne i Hercegovine do kraja 20. stoljeća. U centru pažnje prezentiranog
rada jeste formiranje “Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosna” 18. novembra
1991. i “Srpske republike Bosne i Hercegovine” 9. januara 1992. godine
kao velikodržavnih projekata Hrvatske i Srbije u njihovom zajedničkom i
dogovorenom pokušaju destrukcije, uništenja i međusobne podjele teritorije
Bosne i Hercegovine, a čije su posljedice zločini genocida i drugi oblici ratnih
zločina nad Bošnjacima.
Ključne riječi: agresija, autonomija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Crna
Gora, genocid, “Herceg-Bosna”, Hrvatska, podjela, rat, “Republika Srpska”,
sporazum, Srbija.
aggravating situation in central Bosnia and Podrinje in early 1993,
and explains the mutual, causal, the connection between the events
in central Bosnia and the events in Podrinje and vice versa. Although
in the central Bosnia the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina faced
the Croatian aggressor, and in Podrinje with the Serbian aggressor,
which apparently has no mutual connection, the author in his work
proves on several examples how events from central Bosnia caused
harmful consequences to the defense of Podrinje, i.e. how Bosnia
and Herzegovina as a state was because of Podrinje forced to make
concessions to the Croatian aggressor in central Bosnia.
otežavanje situacije u srednjoj Bosni i Podrinju početkom 1993. godine, te objašnjava međusobnu, uzročno-posljedičnu, vezu između dešavanja u srednjoj Bosni i dešavanja u Podrinju i obrnuto. Iako se u srednjoj Bosni Republika Bosna i Hercegovina suočila s hrvatskim agresorom, a u Podrinju sa srpskim, što naoko nema međusobne veze, autor u svom radu dokazuje na nekoliko primjera kako su događaji iz srednje Bosne nanosili štetne posljedice odbrani Podrinja, odnosno kako je zbog Podrinja bosanskohercegovačka država bila primorana davati ustupke hrvatskom agresoru u srednjoj Bosni.
Books
Serbia armed aggression against the internationally recognized state, the
Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, in April 1992, the Yugoslav People's
Army occupied most of the territory without struggle in Serbian intellectual,
political, military and ecclesiastical circles the future Serbian state in the state
of Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was planned for that Serbian state that the
Serbian population has an absolute majority in relation to other nations. Given
the large number of Bosniaks and Croats living in the territory it was to
occupy, in addition to Serbs - and in many cities there was a majority
population - the Serb majority had to be established by force. The creation and
maintenance of such a Serbian state on the territory of Bosnia and
Herzegovina, later called the Republic of the Serb People in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, ie the Republika Srpska, could not be achieved without genocide
and other forms of war crimes against Bosniaks and Croats. From October
1991 to April 1992, the Yugoslav People's Army occupied most of the desired
territory, and the Serbian separatist authorities in that territory remained
obliged to defend it militarily and "ethnically cleanse" it of Bosniaks and
Croats, which they did during the 1992-1995 aggression. In addition to
occupying most of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the future Serbian state, the
Yugoslav People's Army left it with the weapons it needed to form its own army,
defend the already occupied territory and occupy what the federal army failed
for political reasons. By mid-May 1992, the Yugoslav People's Army had been
transformed into the Army of the Serb Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina,
which was renamed the Army of the Republika Srpska in August 1992. Serbian
nationalist and, unlike the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, separatist policy
was led by the Serbian Democratic Party, which was directly supported by
Serbia, Montenegro, the Yugoslav People's Army and the Serbian Orthodox
Church. After successfully destroying the administrative structure and state
institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina throughout 1991, the Serbian
Democratic Party declared a parastatal union called the Republic of the Serb
People in Bosnia and Herzegovina on January 9, 1992, and its secession from
Bosnia and Herzegovina. The municipality of Kotor Varoš was part of it. The
demographic composition of the municipality was such that none of the three
most numerous peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina had an absolute majority of
the population. There were only 38.14% Serbs, which meant that about 60% of
the Bosniak and Croat population had to be removed from the municipality.
That population did not want to leave their homeland. The Yugoslav People's
Army seized the weapons of the Kotor Territorial Defense in 1990 and took
them to its barracks in Banja Luka. Less than two years later, it was returned
to the Serbian separatists in Kotor Varoš. The international embargo on the
import of weapons to all the republics of the former Yugoslavia made it
impossible for the legal authorities of Bosnia and Herzegovina to adequately
prepare the Bosniaks and Croats of Kotor to protect themselves and survive in
their homeland. The geographical position of Kotor Varoš for the defense of
Bosniaks and Croats was very difficult. The municipality is located deep in the
territory provided for the Serbian state by the Yugoslav People's Army before
the aggression. Until June 11, 1992, Anto Mandić from the Croatian
Democratic Union was the head of the local Kotor government. The cadres of
that party held some other important institutions of the municipal
administration. The Serbian Democratic Union, with the help of the Serbian army, local police officers of Serbian nationality, members of the Serbian
Territorial Defense and the special purpose unit of the Banja Luka Security
Service Center, forcibly took power in the early morning of June 11. She
immediately started realizing her task of "ethnic cleansing" Kotor Varoš of
Bosniaks and Croats. "Ethnic cleansing" was not possible without crimes
against those peoples, and on the same day, Serbian military and police forces
began individual and mass executions of Bosniaks and Croats. Fearing total
extermination, a significant proportion of them opted for armed resistance to
the aggressor and criminals. They concentrated in several of their villages,
organized and defended themselves militarily until early November 1992.
and “Nedićevci” against the Bosniak population of today’s municipalities,
or parts of them, Srebrenica, Bratunac and Zvornik, committed during the
Second World War. From mid-August 1941 to the beginning of May 1942, a Chetnik administration was established in that area. Shortly after forming their government, the Chetniks began individual killings and massacres of Bosniaks. The largest number was killed in the last days of December 1941 and during Orthodox Christmas on January 7, 1942. A smaller number, compared to the previous two years, were killed in 1943. By partisan taking control of Podrinje (June 1943-June 1944 and from the middle of autumn 1944 until the end of the war), Chetnik crimes against Bosniaks were significantly reduced. Just as soldiers and police officers from Serbia took part in the aggression against the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina and the genocide against Bosniaks in Podrinje in 1992-1995, Serbian Chetniks and soldiers of the Serbian quisling
Milan Nedić actively participated in the massacres and looting of the property of the Bosniaks of Podrinje in 1941-1944.
and Croatia since their origins in the 19th century and attempts of their
realization to the detriment of the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina by the end of the 20th century. In the centre of attention of the presented work is the formation of the “Croatian Community of Herceg-Bosna” on November 18, 1991 and the “Republika Srpska of Bosnia and Herzegovina ” on January 9, 1992 as hegemonic projects of Croatia and Serbia in their joint and agreed attempt of destruction, demolition and mutual division of territory Bosnia and Herzegovina, the consequences of which are crimes of genocide and other forms of war crimes against Bosniaks.
Najveći broj ih je ubijen zadnjih dana decembra 1941. i za pravoslavni Božić 7. januara 1942. godine. Manji broj, u odnosu na prethodne dvije godine, ubijen je u 1943. godini. Partizanskim preuzimanjem kontrole nad Podrinjem (juni 1943-juni 1944. i od sredine jeseni 1944. godine do kraja rata) četnički zločini nad Bošnjacima znatno su umanjeni. Kao što su vojnici i policajci iz Srbije učestvovali u agresiji na Republiku Bosnu i Hercegovinu i genocidu nad Bošnjacima Podrinja 1992-1995. godine isto su srbijanski četnici i vojnici srpskog kvislinga Milana Nedića aktivno sudjelovali u pokoljima i pljački imovine Bošnjaka Podrinja 1941-1944. godine.
nastanaka u 19. stoljeću i pokušaje njihove realizacije na štetu teritorije
Bosne i Hercegovine do kraja 20. stoljeća. U centru pažnje prezentiranog
rada jeste formiranje “Hrvatske zajednice Herceg-Bosna” 18. novembra
1991. i “Srpske republike Bosne i Hercegovine” 9. januara 1992. godine
kao velikodržavnih projekata Hrvatske i Srbije u njihovom zajedničkom i
dogovorenom pokušaju destrukcije, uništenja i međusobne podjele teritorije
Bosne i Hercegovine, a čije su posljedice zločini genocida i drugi oblici ratnih
zločina nad Bošnjacima.
Ključne riječi: agresija, autonomija, Bosna i Hercegovina, Crna
Gora, genocid, “Herceg-Bosna”, Hrvatska, podjela, rat, “Republika Srpska”,
sporazum, Srbija.
aggravating situation in central Bosnia and Podrinje in early 1993,
and explains the mutual, causal, the connection between the events
in central Bosnia and the events in Podrinje and vice versa. Although
in the central Bosnia the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina faced
the Croatian aggressor, and in Podrinje with the Serbian aggressor,
which apparently has no mutual connection, the author in his work
proves on several examples how events from central Bosnia caused
harmful consequences to the defense of Podrinje, i.e. how Bosnia
and Herzegovina as a state was because of Podrinje forced to make
concessions to the Croatian aggressor in central Bosnia.
otežavanje situacije u srednjoj Bosni i Podrinju početkom 1993. godine, te objašnjava međusobnu, uzročno-posljedičnu, vezu između dešavanja u srednjoj Bosni i dešavanja u Podrinju i obrnuto. Iako se u srednjoj Bosni Republika Bosna i Hercegovina suočila s hrvatskim agresorom, a u Podrinju sa srpskim, što naoko nema međusobne veze, autor u svom radu dokazuje na nekoliko primjera kako su događaji iz srednje Bosne nanosili štetne posljedice odbrani Podrinja, odnosno kako je zbog Podrinja bosanskohercegovačka država bila primorana davati ustupke hrvatskom agresoru u srednjoj Bosni.