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This paper examines the timing of language introductions and transitions in the Philippine basic education system, in light of legal obligations and research findings. In the Philippines, a variety of native languages are being used in... more
This paper examines the timing of language introductions and transitions in the Philippine basic education system, in light of legal obligations and research findings.

In the Philippines, a variety of native languages are being used in schools as part of the Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTBMLE) framework. These languages, or mother tongues, are being implemented as mediums of instruction for the majority of subjects until Grade 3, while English and Filipino (based on Tagalog) are introduced as individual subjects as early as Grade 1. From Grade 4 onwards, English and Filipino are used as the main mediums of instruction.

The essential questions that this paper explores are:

1. Is Grade 4 the ideal time to switch to English and Filipino as mediums of instruction?
2. Is Grade 1 the ideal time to introduce English and Filipino as subjects?
3. Will fixing the timing of language introductions and transitions ensure improvements in educational outcomes?

In light of current knowledge about cognitive development and language acquisition of children, and empirical evidence from the implementation of multilingual education in various countries (including the Philippines), there is a strong case for extending the use of first languages (i.e. mother tongues) to higher grades, with a more gradual introduction of and transition to other languages. Considering the divergent ideologies of language in the country, however, the scientifically advisable path is not always the most politically viable. Furthermore, the great diversity of learner contexts practically guarantees that one prescribed language-in-education model will fail to meet the needs of the majority of the population. Hence, this paper suggests the adoption of a multi-modal language policy in Philippine education, whereby regions, divisions, or schools could select from several multilingual education models to suit their respective contexts. These models could vary in the number, phasing, and relative proportion of languages in the curriculum.
Evaluating the vitality of Philippine languages according to the 9 factors of the UNESCO Language Endangerment Assessment reveals that many Philippine languages are unsafe and dwindling. This is worrisome in light of the value of... more
Evaluating the vitality of Philippine languages according to the 9 factors of the UNESCO Language Endangerment Assessment reveals that many Philippine languages are unsafe and dwindling. This is worrisome in light of the value of multilingualism, offering benefits to both individuals and societies. The author presents an array of possible reasons for the decreasing vitality of Philippine languages, including commercial, household, and school practices, strongly influenced by assimilationist government policies. These policies are compared with the more multilingual-friendly policies of other countries, which could serve as examples of how the Philippine government could better safeguard the Philippines'  significant linguistic diversity.