Natalie Fenton

abstract: The purpose of this article is to analyse the symbolic response of some trade unions in the UK to the ‘offshoring ’ of call centre work. The article shows how these responses have drawn extensively upon nationalist rhetoric and that this places unions in a contradictory position with respect to their internationalist objec-tives. It also shows that the unions ’ campaigns have been well received by elements of the UK national press, not usually known for their support of union causes and that this can be explained through the unions ’ adoption of nationalist rhetoric.

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This chapter offers a critique of the ways in which we approach the study of civil society, and digital technologies through the notion of public sphere theory. In it, I question whether public sphere theory is up to the job of dealing with a democratic deficit so large that it challenges the notion that liberal democracy should always be our ‘go to’ democratic frame. Classical public sphere theory begins and ends with liberal democracy as its overarching premise and ultimate political institutional arrangement. But what if we start from a different position where we acknowledge that liberal democracy has been so dismantled that it is now eviscerated and unrecognizable to many in civil society? Can a concept so undone really offer a critical perspective suggestive of democratic futures or is it rather holding us back, capturing us in the comfort zones of liberalism that threaten ultimately to erode democracy yet further?

Our media systems are in crisis. Run by unaccountable corporations and dominated by agendas and algorithms that are shrouded in mystery, these formerly trusted sources of information and entertainment have lost their way. As consumers, we have plenty of choice, but as citizens we have an abundance of misinformation and misrepresentation. In this incisive manifesto, four prominent media scholars and activists put forth a roadmap for radical reform of concentrated media power. They argue that we should put media justice, economic democracy and social equality at the heart of our scholarship and our campaigning. The Media Manifesto delivers a sharp analysis of our communications crisis and a passionate call for urgent change. It provides resources of hope for media reform movements across the globe.

Every once in a while something happens that causes such outrage and public consternation that it makes it impossible for politicians to avoid acting. Such events rarely occur in isolation but speak to a history that has been accumulating over time – rubbish that has been gathering in the streets until finally the stench is too overbearing to ignore and something has to be done to clean up the yard and made it habitable once more. The phone hacking scandal in the UK was one such event (Davies, 2014). In the summer of 2011 the national daily newspaper, News Of the World, owned by Rupert Murdoch’s News International, stood accused of illegal, unethical behaviour through the systematic phone hacking of politicians, members of the royal family, celebrities, murder victims and their families. Murdoch subsequently closed down the News of the World and several ex-editors and journalists found themselves under criminal investigation. The Prime Minister, David Cameron, publicly embarrassed b...

Each individual chapter begins with a concise definition of the concept(s) under investigation. This is followed by a 5,000 word discussion on the current state of play within research on the specific area. Chapters contain case-studies and illustrative materials from Europe, North America, Australasia and beyond. Each chapter concludes with annotated notes, which guide the student-reader in terms of future study. With a preface by Denis McQuail, contributors include Janet McCabe, John Corner, David Croteau, William Hoynes, Natalie Fenton, Jenny Kitzinger, Jeroen de Kloet, Liesbet van Zoonen, Sonia Livingstone and Greg Philo.

Indymedia was born of the anti-globalisation movement of the late 1990s and quickly spread to become a social movement in its own right. This article reflects on how prescient the claims of the anti-globalisation movement have proven to be and how 20 years ago Indymedia and the anti-globalisation movement predicted there was trouble ahead and that neoliberalism was a central part of the problem. It notes how a history of struggle and protest emanating from the days of Indymedia has developed over time building a counter-politics that is becoming ever wiser about the multiple intersectional harms of capitalism and ever more sophisticated in its political response. The challenge is what comes next.

Liberal democracy has been eviscerated, hollowed out from within and emptied of liberalisms many promises that have failed to materialise. Meanwhile inequality has increased exponentially, ecological crisis beckons and the often unaccountable power of elites (in politics, media, finance, corporations, etc.) increases dramatically. As citizens feel evermore cut adrift from the decisions that make their lives livable so global capital continues to prosper and shape politics. At the same time, the digital age gives us information abundance and unprecedented connectivity. This article considers the critical question: is public sphere theory adequate to address the political, democratic and economic crises we now face? Can a concept dependent on a liberal democratic frame that is now so undone really offer a critical perspective suggestive of democratic futures or is it rather holding us back, capturing us in the comfort zones of liberalism offering no more than fake democracy and in the process threatening to hinder critical theory’s ability to better imagine emancipatory futures?

ALLEN, DANIELLE, BAILEY, MOYA, CARPENTIER, NICO, FENTON, NATALIE, JENKINS, HENRY, LOTHIAN, ALEXIS, QUI, JACK, SCHAEFER, MIRKO TOBIAS, SRINIVASAN, RAMESH (2014) Participations: Dialogues on the Participatory Promise of Contemporary Culture and Politics. Part 3: Politics, International journal of communication, 8, Forum 1129–1151, http://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/2787/1124. Abstract: There have been long-standing discussions of “participation” in political theory and media studies, and this article organises a discussion on the “participatory turn” in contemporary culture. Questions that are raised, are: To what degree has the rise of networked computing encouraged us to reimagine the public sphere? If we can move this discussion beyond established frames, such as “Twitter revolutions” or “slactivism,” what meaningful claims can we make about the ways that expanding access to the means of media production and circulation has impacted the available political identities, tactics, and discourses? Has the expansion of communicative capacity impacted the range of political options available to groups that have historically been disenfranchised from political elites and institutionalized politics? What obstacles have blocked the full achievement of the promises of a more participatory culture?

This paper examines the relationship between media and civil society in the UK and Ireland in relation to news content and ownership. We suggest a number of ways in which civil society associations can play a role in ensuring a healthy diversity of viewpoints and arenas for dissent in the media. We propose a form of tax incentive in the case of local mergers, or joint operations, that increase relations with civil society in order to facilitate and maintain levels of news coverage in the public interest. Reliance solely on fully commercial enterprises for the delivery of news and current affairs journalism – that purports to be for the public good and in the public interest – has not proved satisfactory.

... example, Coyer looks at the emergence and role of Indymedia in the anti-globalization movement, Gaber ... and to keep a watchful eye on the predominant context of global, multi-media conglomerates. We must also be wary of sustaining a myth of alternative media to replace the ...

Rather, 'And-prefaced' questions enable the medium or psychic to work progressively through a sequence of apparently related topics all potentially linked, and relevant to the sitter. A personal favourite, the 'Keep that' strategy can be used when informa-tion produced by the ...

A Doctoral Thesis. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy of Loughborough University. The relationship between the media and social/political mobilisation is a specifically modem phenomenon, contemporaneous with and responding to dominant capitalist communications. Today the trend towards concentration marches forth, policies of privatisation and deregulation of the media reveal a world-wide trend towards the commodification of information, culture and hence, of democracy. We are witnessing the privatisation of access to information and culture with the shrinking of public space in communications. My research begins from the standpoint that we can not ignore that we still live in deeply unequal capitalist societies, driven by profit and competition operating on a global scale. It is also undeniable that we live in a media dominated world with many different ideas and identities in circulation at any one time. We need to understand ...

This paper begins from the basic premise that in considering digital media and its multifarious relations with forms of protest and political mobilization, we are interested in social change. Yet, too often, the key ingredient of protest and political mobilization – the radical politics itself – is left out of our analyses. How can we begin to tackle the challenges posed to democratic politics if we do not talk about actual politics as part of our research? This problem is both conceptual and practical. A politics requires a practice. We cannot understand the nature of the practice without understanding its politics; we cannot understand the politics without appreciating its processes and organization. Yet, so many studies do just this. This paper argues that a fugitive politics limits our abilities to take progressive thought and action forward. By ignoring the actual politics, we end up depoliticizing counter politics because we offer precious few suggestions as to how we can do democratic politics better. Without an understanding of the conditions under which a Left progressive politics could develop then the politics itself threatens to remain ill defined. What might it mean then to put the development of a counter politics at the heart of our analyses? What are the conditions required (including the communicative conditions) for radical political organizations/collectives to endure, build capacity and effect social change?

ABSTRACT
This paper begins from the basic premise that in considering digital
media and its multifarious relations with forms of protest and
political mobilization, we are interested in social change. Yet, too often, the key ingredient of protest and political mobilization – the radical politics itself – is left out of our analyses. How can we begin to tackle the challenges posed to democratic politics if we do not talk about actual politics as part of our research? This problem is both conceptual and practical. A politics requires a practice. We cannot understand the nature of the practice without understanding its politics; we cannot understand the politics without appreciating its processes and organization. Yet, so many
studies do just this. This paper argues that a fugitive politics limits
our abilities to take progressive thought and action forward. By ignoring the actual politics, we end up depoliticizing counter politics because we offer precious few suggestions as to how we can do democratic politics better. Without an understanding of the conditions under which a Left progressive politics could develop then the politics itself threatens to remain ill defined. What might it mean then to put the development of a counter politics at the heart of our analyses? What are the conditions required (including the communicative conditions) for radical political organizations/collectives to endure, build capacity and effect social change?

http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/1369118X.2015.1109698

ABSTRACT The purpose of this article is to analyse the symbolic response of some trade unions in the UK to the `offshoring' of call centre work. The article shows how these responses have drawn extensively upon nationalist rhetoric and that this places unions in a contradictory position with respect to their internationalist objectives. It also shows that the unions' campaigns have been well received by elements of the UK national press, not usually known for their support of union causes and that this can be explained through the unions' adoption of nationalist rhetoric.

In an attempt to reimagine the concept of resistance in media studies this article argues for a reconsideration of the concept of political hope in non-mainstream mediated political mobilization that will take us beyond a focus on resistance to one of political project(s). The critical first ...

Let's assume that media education is already embedded in the learning environment in a ubiquitous way. In the past, media educators sought consensus by isolating the theories, pedagogies, key concepts and skill sets. We debated discipline boundaries, integration strategies and the aims and purposes for media education. We worked for universal, networked access. We saw the integration of media education language into standards-based education models and policy documents as a victory for its acceptance and ...

According to the Confederation of British Industry (2009) Future Fit: Preparing Graduates for the World of Work report,“when asked in a CBI survey what universities should prioritize, 82% of employers chose 'improving students' employability skills', suggesting this should be a key focus for universities”. The emphasis on 'employability'has been made clear in a number of recent government reports, and the Browne Review (2010) further cemented the prominence of employability in the core activities of Higher Education Institutions. In ...

... London, New Cross, London SE14 6NW. (The Spaces of News Research team comprises: Professor James Curran, Professor Natalie Fenton, Dr. Des Freedman, Dr. Aeron Davis, Angela Phillips, Peter Lee-Wright, Joanna Redden and Justin Schlosberg). ...