- Professor of Economic Geography and Geopolitical Theory at the School of Economics and Political Sciences, Chairman o... moreProfessor of Economic Geography and Geopolitical Theory at the School of Economics and Political Sciences, Chairman of the Faculty of Modern Turkish and Modern Asian Studies, National & Kapodistrian University of Athens.edit
This text analyzes the main points of behavior of the Super-systemic (Russia, Turkey, Israel, EU, USA) and Systemic (Armenia, Artsakh, Azerbaijan) factors of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh following the Azeri attack, which was obviously... more
This text analyzes the main points of behavior of the Super-systemic (Russia, Turkey, Israel, EU, USA) and Systemic (Armenia, Artsakh, Azerbaijan) factors of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh following the Azeri attack, which was obviously supported in various means -both diplomatic and operational in the field- by Ankara, but also assisted by Israel in terms of armaments. An analysis follows of the self-proclaimed "Republic of Artsakh’s international legal status, taking into account
both the UN General Assembly’s and Security Council's Resolutions.
Further to that, and on the basis of the above analysis, the diplomatic
and operational behavior of the Russian Federation before, during and
after the conflict is interpreted and conclusions are drawn about the current distribution of power in the South Caucasus, the winners and losers, and the future dynamics for super-systemic actors: Russia and Turkey. In the context of this analysis, the Greek geopolitical position is also considered, alongside policy proposals, which must be taken into account by Athens in order to face those important security issues marked by the redistribution of power in the Caucasus Complex.
both the UN General Assembly’s and Security Council's Resolutions.
Further to that, and on the basis of the above analysis, the diplomatic
and operational behavior of the Russian Federation before, during and
after the conflict is interpreted and conclusions are drawn about the current distribution of power in the South Caucasus, the winners and losers, and the future dynamics for super-systemic actors: Russia and Turkey. In the context of this analysis, the Greek geopolitical position is also considered, alongside policy proposals, which must be taken into account by Athens in order to face those important security issues marked by the redistribution of power in the Caucasus Complex.
Research Interests: Geopolitics and Caucasus
In the current paper we give a persistent effort to emphasize on the clear present threat posed by Turkey's Neo-Ottoman Islamic and revisionist role for the Geopolitical Complex of (Middle-East / Balkans / Caucasus).Furthermore, we try... more
In the current paper we give a persistent effort to emphasize on the clear present threat posed by Turkey's Neo-Ottoman Islamic and revisionist role for the Geopolitical Complex of (Middle-East / Balkans / Caucasus).Furthermore, we try and make it abundantly clear that any abandonment of the Greece-Cyprus dipole of Hellenism, which is staunchly protecting Western interests over and across three continents and with such interests firmly grounded on the principles of the civil, pluralistic, European Democracy and Civilization, will deliver the most significant blow to these very Western Interests. A blow, which in fact is using as its "stabbing knife" Islamist Turkey, which has submitted and succumbed to the Organization of the "Muslim Brotherhood", as well as to the fascist Turkish group of the "Grey Wolves", two groups which they are both off-springs of International Fascism, work in perfect harmony together.
Research Interests:
The current paper emphasizes on the debate referring to how historical case studies are processed in social sciences and humanities and which limitations have to be surpassed towards a clear-cut descriptive analysis. Systemic Geopolitical... more
The current paper emphasizes on the debate referring to how historical case studies are processed in social sciences and humanities and which limitations have to be surpassed towards a clear-cut descriptive analysis. Systemic Geopolitical Analysis does offer the necessary set of methodological tools contributing to a reading of causes and effects without any deontological bias. To this aim, it uses a sequence of methodological stages for the description, the standardization, the terminology definition, the synthesis and finally, the draw of conclusions named as "sample of redistributions of power". This last part is essentially followed by the geostrategic synthesis part; the descriptive and clearly scientific in which the geopolitical framework is given is followed by the subjective geostrategic one in which the challenges, dilemmas, threats and opportunities on behalf of a certain actor are presented. Based on this legacy, processing historical case studies is made with a clear distinction between objectivity and subjectivity or, in other words, between science with ontological reference and geostrategic recommendations. This paper replies to the epistemological legacy Systemic Geopolitical Analysis relying on as well as its core theoretical and methodological contribution.
Research Interests:
Greece’s Aegean policy in the post-Cold War period is absolutely indicative and very informative of its indigenous problems of lack of strategic culture. The current analysis is based on this hypothesis and the related results are about... more
Greece’s Aegean policy in the post-Cold War period is absolutely indicative and very informative of its indigenous problems of lack of strategic culture. The current analysis is based on this hypothesis and the related results are about to be underlined. Undoubtedly, the re-distribution of power on planet as well as regional level in the aftermath of the end of the Cold War gave the “opportunity window” for a different strategic behaviour for several actors. Turkey took advantage of this systemic evolution and this provoked the full disorder with regard to the balance of power in the Aegean. Therefore, on the basis of NATO’s expressed choice to internationalize-neutralize the Dardanelles-Aegean passage, Greece found itself in front of the challenge of formulating a credible deterrence strategy. Has it succeeded in its aim, especially during the 90s and the 00s, when the geopolitical complex of the Greater Middle East was in turmoil and balance of power changed dramatically?
Research Interests:
Due to ice melting, the energy reserves in the Arctic Ocean have become accessible. Therefore, with reference to the climatic changes that have been taking place in recent years, the aim of this paper is to analyze the reallocation of... more
Due to ice melting, the energy reserves in the Arctic Ocean have become accessible. Therefore, with reference to the climatic changes that have been taking place in recent years, the aim of this paper is to analyze the reallocation of power in the geopolitical complex of the Arctic Ocean, through the context of the distribution, availability and development of the energy reserves in the area. That includes the study of the energy dividends of the Arctic Ocean's coastal states as well as the strategic and political importance of the geopolitical complex of the research, in terms of energy.
Research Interests:
Όπως έχουμε ήδη δημοσιεύσει στο παρελθόν η φάση κατασκευής των ενεργειακών οδεύσεων διασύνδεσης Ισραήλ – Κύπρου – Ελλάδας αλλά και η έναρξη των σεισμικών ερευνών στην περιοχή νοτίως της Κρήτης δύναται να ορίσει χρονικώς και γεωγραφικώς... more
Όπως έχουμε ήδη δημοσιεύσει στο παρελθόν η φάση κατασκευής των ενεργειακών οδεύσεων διασύνδεσης Ισραήλ – Κύπρου – Ελλάδας αλλά και η έναρξη των σεισμικών ερευνών στην περιοχή νοτίως της Κρήτης δύναται να ορίσει χρονικώς και γεωγραφικώς μια περίοδο εντονοτέρων τριβών με την γείτονα Τουρκία. Εις επίρρωσιν των ανωτέρω, η πρόσφατη παράνομη αλλά και αδιευκρινίστου, τυπικώς, νομικής υποστάσεως «συμφωνία» μεταξύ Λιβύης – Τουρκίας, υπογράφεται και «επικυρούται» σε μία περίοδο χαρακτηριζόμενη από τα κάτωθι χρονικά στιγμιότυπα (τα κυριότερα):
Σεπτέμβριος 2019: Η διαδικασία αδειοδoτήσεως σεισμικών ερευ-
νών στην περιοχή του Ιονίου και της Κρήτης από την Ελληνική Βου-
λή ολοκληρώνεται.
Οκτώβριος 2019: Το γεωτρητικό πλοίο Yavuz ενεργεί, παρά τα τε-
χνικά προβλήματα που συνήντησε, εργασίες εντός του βυθοτεμαχίου
7, ανήκοντος στην κυπριακή ΑΟΖ.
Δεκέμβριος 2019: Η Τουρκία καταθέτει συντεταγμένες υφαλοκρη-
πίδας με τη Λιβύη στον ΟΗΕ.
Δεκέμβριος 2019: Η Ελλάδα βιαζομένη από την δυναμική των
τουρκικών προσπαθειών δημιουργίας παρανόμων τετελεσμένων προ-
χωρά σε συναντήσεις με την Αίγυπτο και την Ιταλία για τον καθορι-
σμό της ΑΟΖ αντιδρώντας στη συμφωνία Τουρκίας - Λιβύης. (Δεν έχει
εισέτι πρωτοκολληθεί, αλλά αναμένεται η πρωτοκόλλησή του, μάλλον
περί τον μήνα Μάρτιο 2020).
Ιανουάριος 2020: Η Τριμερής Ελλάδα-Κύπρος-Ισραήλ υπογράφουν το σύμφωνο συνεργασίας για την κατασκευή του αγωγού EastMed
Μάιος 2018: Η Exxon Mobil ολοκληρώνει τις προκαταρκτικές μελέτες για γεώτρηση στο βυθοτεμάχιο 10 της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας
Οκτώβριος 2018: Έναρξη σεισμικών ερευνών από το τουρκικό σεισμογραφικό πλοίο BARBAROS
Νοέμβριος 2018: Το γεωτρύπανο Stena Icemax ξεκινά γεώτρηση στο βυθοτεμάχιο 10 της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας για λογαριασμό της ΕΧΧΟΝ ΜΟΒΙL
Απρίλιος 2019: Με επίσημη επιστολή της στην Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία, η Exxon Mobil επισημοποίησε τα δεδομένα για το κοίτασμα «Γλαύκος» με την ανακάλυψη των 5 έως 8 τρισεκατομμυρίων κυβικών ποδών, ενώ επιβεβαίωσε και το γεγονός ότι θα πραγματοποιήσει επιβεβαιωτική γεώτρηση.
Από τα παραπάνω καταγεγραμμένα γεγονότα είναι προφανές ότι μέσα σε ένα διάστημα 21ός μηνών επεχειρήθη η κλιμάκωση της εντάσεως στην περιοχή της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου. Διάστημα, κατά την διάρκεια του οποίου, η Τουρκία εισέβαλε στην ζώνη 120 χλμ μεταξύ Ταλ αλ Αμπιάντ - Ρας αλ Άϊν της Συρίας, κατέλαβε συριακά εδάφη υπό την προστασία, στήριξη και ανοχή της Ρωσίας, επιχείρησε παράνομες γεωτρήσεις στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο, κατάθεσε στον ΟΗΕ μία παράνομη αλλά επικίνδυνη συμφωνία (τη λέξη «επικίνδυνη» θα την εξηγήσουμε σε επόμενο κεφάλαιο) με την κυβέρνηση της Τριπόλεως της Λιβύης, σκοπούσα στον καθορισμό της μεταξύ των υφαλοκρηπίδας, ανεμείχθη με αποστολή τούρκων αξιωματικών των μυστικών υπηρεσιών της, με αποστολή μισθοφόρων ισλαμιστών μαχητών τρομοκρατικών ομάδων από την Συρία, με αποστολή όπλων και πυρομαχικών και βαρέως οπλισμoύ στις δυνάμεις των ισλαμιστών μισθοφόρων του κου Σάρατζ, παραβαίνοντας και την συμφωνία εκεχειρίας της προσφάτου «επιλεκτικώς συνεθημένης συναντήσεως του Βερολίνου» αλλά και το εμπάργκο το ορισθέν από την 1995/2011 απόφαση του ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ με την αποστολή τακτικών στρατευμάτων στη Λιβύη για την υποστήριξη της κυβερνήσεως της Τριπόλεως.
Σεπτέμβριος 2019: Η διαδικασία αδειοδoτήσεως σεισμικών ερευ-
νών στην περιοχή του Ιονίου και της Κρήτης από την Ελληνική Βου-
λή ολοκληρώνεται.
Οκτώβριος 2019: Το γεωτρητικό πλοίο Yavuz ενεργεί, παρά τα τε-
χνικά προβλήματα που συνήντησε, εργασίες εντός του βυθοτεμαχίου
7, ανήκοντος στην κυπριακή ΑΟΖ.
Δεκέμβριος 2019: Η Τουρκία καταθέτει συντεταγμένες υφαλοκρη-
πίδας με τη Λιβύη στον ΟΗΕ.
Δεκέμβριος 2019: Η Ελλάδα βιαζομένη από την δυναμική των
τουρκικών προσπαθειών δημιουργίας παρανόμων τετελεσμένων προ-
χωρά σε συναντήσεις με την Αίγυπτο και την Ιταλία για τον καθορι-
σμό της ΑΟΖ αντιδρώντας στη συμφωνία Τουρκίας - Λιβύης. (Δεν έχει
εισέτι πρωτοκολληθεί, αλλά αναμένεται η πρωτοκόλλησή του, μάλλον
περί τον μήνα Μάρτιο 2020).
Ιανουάριος 2020: Η Τριμερής Ελλάδα-Κύπρος-Ισραήλ υπογράφουν το σύμφωνο συνεργασίας για την κατασκευή του αγωγού EastMed
Μάιος 2018: Η Exxon Mobil ολοκληρώνει τις προκαταρκτικές μελέτες για γεώτρηση στο βυθοτεμάχιο 10 της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας
Οκτώβριος 2018: Έναρξη σεισμικών ερευνών από το τουρκικό σεισμογραφικό πλοίο BARBAROS
Νοέμβριος 2018: Το γεωτρύπανο Stena Icemax ξεκινά γεώτρηση στο βυθοτεμάχιο 10 της Κυπριακής Δημοκρατίας για λογαριασμό της ΕΧΧΟΝ ΜΟΒΙL
Απρίλιος 2019: Με επίσημη επιστολή της στην Κυπριακή Δημοκρατία, η Exxon Mobil επισημοποίησε τα δεδομένα για το κοίτασμα «Γλαύκος» με την ανακάλυψη των 5 έως 8 τρισεκατομμυρίων κυβικών ποδών, ενώ επιβεβαίωσε και το γεγονός ότι θα πραγματοποιήσει επιβεβαιωτική γεώτρηση.
Από τα παραπάνω καταγεγραμμένα γεγονότα είναι προφανές ότι μέσα σε ένα διάστημα 21ός μηνών επεχειρήθη η κλιμάκωση της εντάσεως στην περιοχή της Ανατολικής Μεσογείου. Διάστημα, κατά την διάρκεια του οποίου, η Τουρκία εισέβαλε στην ζώνη 120 χλμ μεταξύ Ταλ αλ Αμπιάντ - Ρας αλ Άϊν της Συρίας, κατέλαβε συριακά εδάφη υπό την προστασία, στήριξη και ανοχή της Ρωσίας, επιχείρησε παράνομες γεωτρήσεις στην Ανατολική Μεσόγειο, κατάθεσε στον ΟΗΕ μία παράνομη αλλά επικίνδυνη συμφωνία (τη λέξη «επικίνδυνη» θα την εξηγήσουμε σε επόμενο κεφάλαιο) με την κυβέρνηση της Τριπόλεως της Λιβύης, σκοπούσα στον καθορισμό της μεταξύ των υφαλοκρηπίδας, ανεμείχθη με αποστολή τούρκων αξιωματικών των μυστικών υπηρεσιών της, με αποστολή μισθοφόρων ισλαμιστών μαχητών τρομοκρατικών ομάδων από την Συρία, με αποστολή όπλων και πυρομαχικών και βαρέως οπλισμoύ στις δυνάμεις των ισλαμιστών μισθοφόρων του κου Σάρατζ, παραβαίνοντας και την συμφωνία εκεχειρίας της προσφάτου «επιλεκτικώς συνεθημένης συναντήσεως του Βερολίνου» αλλά και το εμπάργκο το ορισθέν από την 1995/2011 απόφαση του ΣΑ του ΟΗΕ με την αποστολή τακτικών στρατευμάτων στη Λιβύη για την υποστήριξη της κυβερνήσεως της Τριπόλεως.
Research Interests:
The core aim of the current paper is to summarize the basic argumentation of the Waltzian program and reexamine it in comparison with the legacy of systemic geopolitics. Which is Waltz's contribution, what is added by Mearsheimer and what... more
The core aim of the current paper is to summarize the basic argumentation of the Waltzian program and reexamine it in comparison with the legacy of systemic geopolitics. Which is Waltz's contribution, what is added by Mearsheimer and what does systemic geopolitical analysis offer in the margins of the relevant debate? Both of them focus on Great Powers, since these are considered without any doubt rational actors shaping international system. On this line of thought, their specific legacy is comparatively analyzed with systemic geopolitics and it is developed on the common basis of "system". Systemic analysis is their common starting point towards analysis of international affairs and interstate distribution of power. Beyond their contradiction with reference to conclusions and epistemological issues, systemic analysis offers a common framework of understanding and conceptualizing systemic geopolitical analysis and structural realism. For this reason, system-level parameters are considered critical representing an epistemological and methodological prioritization far from blinkered analyses cited by other theoretical and philosophical traditions.
Research Interests:
Περίληψη: Στο ανά χείρας κείμενο, κατατίθεται μια συγκροτημένη πρόταση Ολοκληρωμένης Μεθοδολογίας Κατασκευής Σύνθετων Δεικτών με σκοπό την χρήση τους κατά την εφαρμογή της μεθοδολογίας της Σύγχρονης Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής Αναλύσεως, όπως... more
Περίληψη: Στο ανά χείρας κείμενο, κατατίθεται μια συγκροτημένη πρόταση Ολοκληρωμένης Μεθοδολογίας Κατασκευής Σύνθετων Δεικτών με σκοπό την χρήση τους κατά την εφαρμογή της μεθοδολογίας της Σύγχρονης Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής Αναλύσεως, όπως αυτή προτάθηκε από τον Ι. Θ. Μάζη. Κατατίθενται συστηματικά τα Στάδια Κατασκευής Σύνθετών δεικτών, τα ζητήματα αναπτύξεως του αντιστοίχου θεωρητικού πλαισίου για την επιλογή τους, τα θέματα κανονικοποιήσεως των Δεικτών με τρείς διαφορετικούς τρόπους, όπως και ζητήματα μεθόδων Σταθμίσεως και Συνθέσεως αυτών με τέσσερις διαφορετικές προσεγγίσεις. Επίσης αξιολογείται εν συντομία το ζήτημα της οπτικοποιήσεως των αποτελεσμάτων. Λέξεις-κλειδιά: Συστημική Γεωπολιτική Ανάλυση, Ιωάννης Θ. Μάζης, Σύνθετοι Δείκτες, Στάθμιση και Σύνθεση των Δεικτών Σημείωση: Το παρόν κείμενο αποτελεί προδημοσίευση στο πλαίσιο της διδακτορικής διατρι-βής του δεύτερου συγγραφέως με τίτλο: «Μαθηματική προτυποποίηση της θεωρητικής προ-σεγγίσεως της Σύγχρονης Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής Αναλύσεως κατά τον Ι.Θ. Μάζη» Εισαγωγή Ορισμός: Δείκτης είναι ένα ποσοτικό ή ποιοτικό μέτρο που προέρχεται από μια σειρά παρατηρούμενων γεγονότων, για ένα συγκεκριμένο μέγεθος. Πιο συγκεκριμένα στην Συστημική Γεωπολιτική Ανάλυση (κατά τον Ι. Θ. Μάζη), οι δείκτες αποτελούν εκείνο το αριθμητικό στοιχείο που δείχνει την ανακατανομή ισχύος στο γεωπολιτικό σύστημα/σύμπλοκο. Όταν αξιολογείται σε τακτά χρονικά διαστήματα, ένας δείκτης μπορεί να επισημάνει την κατεύθυνση αλλαγής μεταξύ διαφορετικών μονάδων, με το χρόνο.
Which are the modern roots of the theories of Systemic Geopolitical Analysis and Structural Realism? Which are the epistemological and methodological bases that a conflict is profound? Being descriptive theories, both Systemic... more
Which are the modern roots of the theories of Systemic Geopolitical Analysis and Structural Realism? Which are the epistemological and methodological bases that a conflict is profound? Being descriptive theories, both Systemic Geopolitical Analysis and Structural Realism have been constructed on the basis of axial hypotheses tested through historical practical case studies. They represent complementary approaches, based on the common Thucydidean legacy of description and analysis emphasizing ontology. In the modern framework of scientific debate, there are also common roots, while the commonalities are more between them in comparison with other theoretical approaches even included in the same scientific field. Under this lens, the current paper endeavours to decode all those reasons making the two theoretical approaches two-even not identical-twins of Thucydides.
Research Interests:
As a geographical method of analyzing power redistribution, Systemic Geopolitical Analysis (according to Ioannis Th. Mazis theoretical basis) proposes a multi-dimensional, interdisciplinary research pattern, which embraces economic,... more
As a geographical method of analyzing power redistribution, Systemic Geopolitical Analysis (according to Ioannis Th. Mazis theoretical basis) proposes a multi-dimensional, interdisciplinary research pattern, which embraces economic, cultural, political and defensive facts. The amount of data produced combining these attributes is extremely large and complex. One of the solutions to explore and analyze this data is clustering it. In this work, two clustering algorithms were used, namely DBSCAN and the k-means techniques which both of them cluster data according to its characteristics. While DBSCAN groups data based on the minimum size of participating objects per cluster and the minimum required distance between them, k-means clusters the data objects according the pre-desired number of groups. Thus, since the two methods use different roads to group the data objects, they form different clusters but each one has its importance depending on the characteristics of the applied method. As a result, in this work a comparative study is presented.
Research Interests:
The current paper aims to offer an analytical description of the legacy and the challenges that modern theory is inclined to face vis-à-vis systemic geopolitical approach and neo-positivism. 3 Having different intellectual bases (i.e.... more
The current paper aims to offer an analytical description of the legacy and the challenges that modern theory is inclined to face vis-à-vis systemic geopolitical approach and neo-positivism. 3 Having different intellectual bases (i.e. geography and political science), systemic geopolitical analysis and structural realism follow parallel routes and struggle to manage common challenges in the light of the upmost epistemological aim; describing and analysing the international system without blinkers and any kind of ideological bias. What is the crux of the matter when analysing international politics? Has geography answered to the questions posed by political science considering the inclusion of human behaviour into the analysis of international system? Without any doubt, systemic geopolitical analysis and structural realism represent complementary theoretical proposals for decoding the causes and the effects of antagonism, balance of power, hegemonism, Great Powers" strategic behaviour, interdependence, the role of international institutions and cooperation. Therefore, they can co-exist for the sake of description and even prediction of certain trends of behaviour and correlation of power.
Research Interests:
Περίληψη Η Συριακή κρίση έχει λάβει σηµαντικές διαστάσεις και έχει απασχολήσει εκτεταµένα τόσο την κοινή γνώµη όσο και την επιστηµονική κοινότητα. Όπως και σε αντίστοιχες περιπτώσεις συγκρούσεων, είναι δύσκολο να βρεθούν δεδοµένα που να... more
Περίληψη Η Συριακή κρίση έχει λάβει σηµαντικές διαστάσεις και έχει απασχολήσει εκτεταµένα τόσο την κοινή γνώµη όσο και την επιστηµονική κοινότητα. Όπως και σε αντίστοιχες περιπτώσεις συγκρούσεων, είναι δύσκολο να βρεθούν δεδοµένα που να περιγράφουν τις χωρο-χρονικές διαστάσεις της κρίσης. Κατά συνέπεια, γίνεται προσπάθεια να µελετηθεί η Συριακή κρίση µε βάση δορυφορικές εικόνες που είναι διαθέσιµες ως ανοικτά δεδοµένα για την εν λόγω περίοδο. Συγκεκριµένα, χρησιµοποιούνται δορυφορικές εικόνες νύκτας που καταγράφουν µε αρκετή ακρίβεια τις κοινωνικό-οικονοµικές επιπτώσεις στον χώρο. Από την ανάλυση των δορυφορικών εικόνων προκύπτουν οι επιπτώσεις της κρίσης διαχρονικά και χωρικά µε αρκετά συγκεκριµένο τρόπο. Κάτι που δύσκολα µπορεί να επιτευχθεί βάσει οποιασδήποτε άλλης πηγής πληροφοριών για τη συγκεκριµένη ή για παρόµοιες πολεµικές συρράξεις. Abstract The Syrian crisis has gained significant attention both in the scientific community and in the general public. As in similar conflict cases, data that capture the spatio-temporal dimensions of the crisis are hard to find. Consequently, we attempt to study the Syrian conflict using satellite images, available as open domain data, for the relevant time period. In specific, night-light images that record sufficiently accurately the socioeconomic impacts, with a distinctive geographic dimension, are used. The impacts of the crisis are relieved in time and space quite specifically, based on the analysis of the imagery. This result is hard to be achieved based on any other information source in this particular or other similar war zones. Λέξεις κλειδιά: Φώτα νυκτός, Συριακή κρίση, Γεωπολιτική. 1. Η γεωγραφία της Συρίας Διαχρονικά το όνοµα Συρία περιέγραφε µια έκταση γης που περιβάλλεται από τα βουνά του Ταύρου από Βορρά, τη Μεσόγειο προς τα δυτικά, τη χερσόνησο του Σινά νότια και την έρηµο στα ανατολικά. Οι πλούσιες, εύφορες περιοχές που διασχίζουν τη Μικρά Ασία γύρω από τη Θάλασσα του Μαρµαρά προς τα βόρεια, η κοιλάδα του ποταµού Νείλου προς τα νότια και η περιοχή ανάµεσα στους ποταµούς Τίγρη και Ευφράτη ανατολικά, δηµιουργούν µεγαλύτερους και πιο συνεκτικούς πληθυσµούς. Δηλαδή είτε από την ανατολή είτε τη δύση, το βορρά ή το νότο, η Συρία περιβάλλονταν πάντα από πολύ ισχυρότερες δυνάµεις. Η Συρία δεν είναι πριµοδοτηµένη µε ένα ισχυρό, φυσικό στοιχείο σύνδεσης για να µπορεί να ισορροπεί τις κοινωνικοπολιτικές της ανισοκατανοµές. Θα χρειάζονταν µια µακρά ακτογραµµή για να µπορεί να συµµετέχει αποτελεσµατικά στο θαλάσσιο εµπόριο και να προστατεύεται από την θάλασσα αλλά και µια συνεκτική ενδοχώρα για να έχει πόρους διατροφικούς και ασφάλεια. Η τραχιά-πετρώδης φυσική της γεωγραφία και το µείγµα πολλών µειονοτικών θρησκευτικών οµάδων αποτελούν δυνητικά σηµαντικό εµπόδιο. Η Συρία συχνά ήταν διαιρεµένη ή υποκείµενη στους γείτονές της, πολύ αδύναµη, εσωτερικά κατακερµατισµένη και γεωγραφικά ευάλωτη.
Research Interests:
The article consists an application of the methodology of Systemic Geopolitical Analysis in the primary national-statist Complex of Syria, a country torn by crisis. Indicators are chosen from the four pillars of power according to... more
The article consists an application of the methodology of Systemic Geopolitical Analysis in the primary national-statist Complex of Syria, a country torn by crisis. Indicators are chosen from the four pillars of power according to Systemic Geopolitical Analysis with the aid of simple mathematical tools. The text aims not only to advance the application of the theoretical approach of Systemic Geopolitical Analysis but also to facilitate its perception from laureates of theoretical sciences, both humanistic and social sciences
Research Interests:
A Summary as introduction 1. The absence of an epistemologically founded geopolitical analysis method that has been internationally observed was the motivation for writing the following contribution. The paper is divided into two parts:... more
A Summary as introduction 1. The absence of an epistemologically founded geopolitical analysis method that has been internationally observed was the motivation for writing the following contribution. The paper is divided into two parts: i) Definitions and Example analysis and ii) Determination of the Lakatosian Structure of the Systemic Geopolitical Analysis.
During the current historical coincidence, the geostrategic conjunction of Greece-Cyprus-Israel is a reality, in order for the three states to cope in the best possible manner with the contemporary and future challenges in the arena of... more
During the current historical coincidence, the geostrategic conjunction of Greece-Cyprus-Israel is a reality, in order for the three states to cope in the best possible manner with the contemporary and future challenges in the arena of international and regional relations. Having a common strategic perception of the geopolitical subsystem of the southeastern Mediterranean, Athens, Nicosia and Jerusalem strengthen day by day their political, diplomatic, economic and military relations, aiming at the preservation of stability in the area, against any revisionist factor. For the aforementioned strategic alliance, the discovery, extraction and exploitation of the hydrocarbon neo-reserves within the Greek, Cypriot and Israeli consecutive Exclusive Economic Zones, (EEZs), is the dynamic catalyst that reinforces even further the allied cooperation and effectiveness. Amidst the geopolitical transformation of the wider region of North Africa, Middle and Near East, the construction of the East Mediterranean Pipeline, (East-Med), is a common pursuit of the outmost significance, for the strategic alliance. Indeed, if the East-Med
In the present paper I argue that, since Cyprus came under the Brit-ish rule and for at least seven decades, Britain did not consider Cyprus a " territory of major strategic importance for the Crown ". I also argue that the policy makers... more
In the present paper I argue that, since Cyprus came under the Brit-ish rule and for at least seven decades, Britain did not consider Cyprus a " territory of major strategic importance for the Crown ". I also argue that the policy makers of colonial Britain probably considered this island one of the " poor colonies " , since it did not have raw material deposits or any kind of industrial infrastructure. Thus, I suggest that Greek researchers should examine how Great Britain was perceiving the strategic importance of Cyprus until the end of World War II and, therefore, should not insist on blaming the Greek side that, supposedly, did not take into account Britain's sensitivity and " unwisely sought the Union (Enosis) of Cyprus with Greece, which annoyed Britain and led to the well-known traumatic events " .
We give two general mathematical models predicting geo-political events into a geopolitical system according to Mazis' lakato-sian formulation methodology for a Systemic Geopolitical Analysis. To this end, we consider weighted... more
We give two general mathematical models predicting geo-political events into a geopolitical system according to Mazis' lakato-sian formulation methodology for a Systemic Geopolitical Analysis. To this end, we consider weighted geopolitical indices and their measurements. When the weighted geopolitical indices, as well as the related geopolitical measurements take values in different times and different geographical points, then they form two sets in the four-dimensional Euclidean space. The distance between these sets can be considered as a measure for assessing the occurrence or not of a geopolitical event. To this direction, we give general frameworks of two algorithms for determining the time moments and geographical points at which is expected the appearance of peculiar geopolitical events.
1. L'orientation de la puissance mondiale vers le Pacifique: la haute stratégie Russe et le " fin de siècle " du Monde Bipo-laire Depuis l'année de départ de la crise, en 2008 jusqu'à ce jour, s'est révélé aux yeux des intéressés, la... more
1. L'orientation de la puissance mondiale vers le Pacifique: la haute stratégie Russe et le " fin de siècle " du Monde Bipo-laire Depuis l'année de départ de la crise, en 2008 jusqu'à ce jour, s'est révélé aux yeux des intéressés, la tendance des fonds occidentaux et des investisseurs vers la zone pacifique, où deux faits s'imposent : 1) le coût du travail moyen se situe autour de 5% et 2) le pourcentage de plus-value au niveau international est immense et du niveau 500-600%, après déduction de tout coût de capital (impôts, coûts opéra-tionnels, etc.). Ce phénomène n'a pas laissé la Russie non plus indifférente. Par ailleurs, le rythme de fonte des glaces en Arctique change la donne stra-tégique et offre pour le futur des perspectives de navigations pour la Russie vers le Pacifique, via le détroit de Béring (Voir Figs 1 et 2).
Je soutiens ici que les Britanniques, pour une période d'au moins 70 ans, ne considéraient pas Chypre comme une «colonie d'importance stratégique pour la Couronne». Je soutiens aussi que l'île était probablement placée, par les... more
Je soutiens ici que les Britanniques, pour une période d'au moins 70 ans, ne considéraient pas Chypre comme une «colonie d'importance stratégique pour la Couronne». Je soutiens aussi que l'île était probablement placée, par les responsables de la Politique coloniale Britannique, dans la catégorie des «colonies pauvres», étant privée de matières premières ainsi que de toute infrastructure industrielle. Je propose alors aux chercheurs d'examiner comment la «Vieille Albion» concevait l'importance stratégique de Chypre jusqu'à la fin de la 2eme guerre mondiale et par conséquent, qu'ils cessent de toujours blâmer la partie grecque qui, soi-disant, n'a pas considéré cette «sensibilité» britannique et a cherché l'Union, «sans réfléchir, énervant ainsi les An-glais, avec les résultats désagréables qu'on sait». Mots-clés: géopolitique de Chypre, colonialisme britannique, Chypre-Souez, crise du canal de Suez, facteurs psychologiques en géo-politique.
Definition of Modern Systemic Geopolitics [I. Th. Mazis] The Geopolitical analysis of a geographical System characterised by an uneven distribution of power is " the geographical method that studies, describes and predicts the attitudes... more
Definition of Modern Systemic Geopolitics [I. Th. Mazis] The Geopolitical analysis of a geographical System characterised by an uneven distribution of power is " the geographical method that studies, describes and predicts the attitudes and the consequences ensuing from relations between the opposing and distinct political practices for the redistribution of power as well as their ideological metaphysics, within the framework of the geographical complexes where these practices apply ". Designing a methodological proposal (1st Stage) Decoding the title of the topic: The title of the topic of a study of geopolitical analysis (should) define(s) the facts and the objectives of our problem. In particular it defines: 1) The boundaries of the Geographical Complex which constitutes the geographical area to be analyzed. 2) The (internal or external) space of the Complex under study as a field of distribution or redistribution of power due to the activity of a specific geopolitical factor.
[Published first in: Géographies, Géopolitiques et Géostratégies Régio-nales 1:1 (12/2013), 13-19] Résumé: Cet article, basé sur les sources des textes sacrés du Coran ainsi que sur des textes de kanunistes importants de l'Islam, soutient... more
[Published first in: Géographies, Géopolitiques et Géostratégies Régio-nales 1:1 (12/2013), 13-19] Résumé: Cet article, basé sur les sources des textes sacrés du Coran ainsi que sur des textes de kanunistes importants de l'Islam, soutient le point de vue que le seul qui a le pouvoir absolu de déclarer le Djihad (en arabe égyptien: Gehad) c'est le Calife de l'Oumma qui a été choisi selon la Loi Sacrée (Shari'a). Cependant, puisque dans les circonstances actuelles l'Oumma des croyants (des musulmans) n'a pas la structure califale et donc n'a pas du calife, personne ne peut déclarer le Gehad selon les dispositions de la Loi Sacrée (Shari'a). Ainsi, «la Réouverture des Portes de l'Idjtihad (en arabe égyptien: Edgehad)» que les islamistes tentent et leur indifférence pour l'idjma'a (en arabe égyptien: egma'a) des kanunistes ne permet pas le support, du point de vue juridique, de la «déclaration du Gehad» par les dirigeants des divers secteurs des mouvements islamistes. Selon l'enseignement islamique, le texte sacré du Coran est la parole de Dieu elle-même. 1 Le terme employé pour dénoter cette particu-larité du texte sacré est rendu en arabe par les mots «yer makhlouq», 2
This paper presents a systemic analysis of the Greater Middle East Geo-complex, in the light of the geopolitical factor of the Islamist movement –both Shiite and Sunnite. We consider that the geo-strategy practiced by the Anglo-Saxon... more
This paper presents a systemic analysis of the Greater Middle East Geo-complex, in the light of the geopolitical factor of the Islamist movement –both Shiite and Sunnite. We consider that the geo-strategy practiced by the Anglo-Saxon actors of the Super-system of this specific geocomplex aims at the containment strategy of the Rus-sian and Chinese actors from the Mediterranean Subsystem , along with their ally states of Qatar, Turkey, Saudi Arabia and some of the UAE (e.g. Abu Dhabi). Furthermore, with the rise to power of the Sun-nite Islamist governments in the region, a " remote " threat is tried to be exerted against both of the aforementioned actors in order to increase the negotiating benefits of the dipole of the London-Washington Special Relationship, in view of the provoked redrawing of the borders of the former nation-state regime. Moreover, the US appear willing to create strong and permanent territorial strategic bases in the Middle East, in order to guarantee, both for Israel and the US, the strategic depth that is desirable for their security. We are making reference to the gradually developing strategic plan for the creation of an Independent Kurdistan, that would be able to serve Western security interests, as well as the energy-related interests of the Anglo-Saxon, and European oil consortia, but also Washington's power projection to the Russian Near Abroad and the Chinese Northwest region of Xinjiang, increasing the power gap once again, in favor of the US, at the centre of the Rimland.
This paper presents a systemic analysis of the Iran-Syria-Lebanon geopolitical subsystem within the frame of the Wider Middle East geo-complex and in light of the geopolitical factor of the Shiite Islamist movement. We consider that the... more
This paper presents a systemic analysis of the Iran-Syria-Lebanon geopolitical subsystem within the frame of the Wider Middle East geo-complex and in light of the geopolitical factor of the Shiite Islamist movement. We consider that the Shiite Islamist movement, which is represented by Hezbollah in Lebanon and by proxy Shiite organizations in Iraq (Kataeb Hezbollah and Asa'ib Ahl al Haq), has been transformed, under Tehran's management and direction, into an important power redistribution factor in the region. Turkey's foreign policy is evaluated as unsuccessful and dangerous for the security of the state of Israel and the stability of the Middle Eastern geopolitical system, particularly in relation to Ankara's support of radical Islamist groups operating inside Syria. Ankara's policy is also considered as a trigger mechanism for the acceleration of secessionist and state-formation ambitions, such as in the case of the gradual autonomy of an ethnically Kurdish zone in the northeastern Syrian territory. In addition, the US-Russian initiative for the destruction of the chemical arsenal of the Assad regime is evaluated as beneficial for the regional stability. Equally, we evaluate the US-Iranian negotiation process as a strategically agile diplomatic maneuver from Washington's part.
Methane Hydrates are a new energy resource in the global energy market which has received extreme attention from a technological and geopolitical point of view. The reserve estimates exceed by far the overall estimates of all the other... more
Methane Hydrates are a new energy resource in the global energy market which has received extreme attention from a technological and geopolitical point of view. The reserve estimates exceed by far the overall estimates of all the other conventional energy reserves. With the existing technological know-how the exploitation of methane hydrates is expected to dominate the international energy market within the next 10-15 years. Methane hydrates have been mapped within the Hellenic Submarine Space and especially in the region of Kastellorizo, with whatever consequences it may have of geo-strategic nature for the political decisions of Greece and its relations with the neighboring countries and the delimitation of its EEZ.
The geophysical and geological indications (pockmarks, gas chimneys, salt domes, etc.
Europe's " energy hunger " in the years to come will be such, as to oblige it to seek alternative fuel sources, far beyond the ones currently in use. A solution that presents itself as ideal is the supply of the continent with natural gas... more
Europe's " energy hunger " in the years to come will be such, as to oblige it to seek alternative fuel sources, far beyond the ones currently in use. A solution that presents itself as ideal is the supply of the continent with natural gas from the new reserves of Eastern Medi-terranean. Turkey, a country outside this political game, reacts to such a perspective. However, the era does not seem to be favoring it.
This text is a brief presentation of the course, in theory and in practice, of Ahmet Davutoğlu's views, as presented in his work Stratejik Derinlik: Türkiye'nin Uluslararası Konumu, Küre Yayınları, İstanbul 2001/2004 (18th edition) and in... more
This text is a brief presentation of the course, in theory and in practice, of Ahmet Davutoğlu's views, as presented in his work Stratejik Derinlik: Türkiye'nin Uluslararası Konumu, Küre Yayınları, İstanbul 2001/2004 (18th edition) and in the corresponding partial translations of these texts by my colleague, K. Gogos (PhD in Geopoli-tics), as well as in the Greek published translation (Athens, Pοiotita editions, 2010). We shall present the ideological, Islamic and neo–Ot-toman, background of this work, together with its main political proponents , on the level of Turkey's political power. Moreover, we shall present the main points of the scholar's geopolitical approach that lie in the sphere of the classic geostrategists and geopoliticians of the German and the Anglo–Saxon school. Davutoğlu is a typical example of a researcher of international affairs, characterised by significant epistemo-logical and methodological deficits. He, too, fails to distinguish between Geopolitical Analysis, on the one hand, and Geostrategic Synthesis and suggestions, on the other. It is a fact, evident in the scholar's reference to ethical and scientific dilemmas of social scientists. His stance is a serious blow to his overall geopolitical analysis and integrates prima facie his methodology, together with the particular work of the Turk scholar, into the geostrategic epistemological sphere of political propositions (which are undoubtedly systematic and thorough). This paper concludes with a presentation of the points, on the Subsystem level, of
XLV. Quelles priorités face aux transformations politiques et aux enjeux socio-économiques au sud de la Méditerranée [Published first in: Rapport, 8e SIEM-Comité 1] Quelles priorités face aux transformations politiques et aux enjeux... more
XLV. Quelles priorités face aux transformations politiques et aux enjeux socio-économiques au sud de la Méditerranée [Published first in: Rapport, 8e SIEM-Comité 1] Quelles priorités face aux transformations politiques et aux enjeux socio-économiques au sud de la Méditerranée
Beitrags zur geographischen analytischen Methode der Geopolitik vom Geographen Friedrich Ratzel [& A. Stogiannos] [Published first in: Zeitschrift für die Regionale Wissenschaft III:1 (12/2012), 11-18] Zusammenfassung: Friedrich Ratzel's... more
Beitrags zur geographischen analytischen Methode der Geopolitik vom Geographen Friedrich Ratzel [& A. Stogiannos] [Published first in: Zeitschrift für die Regionale Wissenschaft III:1 (12/2012), 11-18] Zusammenfassung: Friedrich Ratzel's interdisziplinäre politisch-geographische Analyse widerspiegelt sich in den nachfolgenden Sy-stemen von R. Kjellen, N. Spykman und I. Mazis. An diese Tradition knüpfend erforscht die griechische Systematische Geopolitische Analyse die Ausarbeitung einer haltbaren theoretischen Grundlage, welche die Kooperation aller sich mit den internationalen Entwicklungen beschäf-tigender wissenschaftlicher Felder ermöglicht und zur Entwicklung wissenschaftlicher Interdisziplinärer Analytischer Modelle (Interdisci-plinary Analysis Models) führen kann.
This paper identifies and analyses the geopolitical impact that the Syrian crisis has on Lebanon. This impact is manifested in two forms: a subsystemic one (within the Syria-Lebanon subsystem) and a systemic one (exerted from the system... more
This paper identifies and analyses the geopolitical impact that the Syrian crisis has on Lebanon. This impact is manifested in two forms: a subsystemic one (within the Syria-Lebanon subsystem) and a systemic one (exerted from the system of the wider Middle East). The first refers to the direct repercussions that the increasing instability of the Syrian part has on the Lebanese part of the subsystem. More specifically , the impact that have some factors of the Syrian crisis –namely, increasing sectarianism and Islamic radicalism-on the internal political and religious power relations of Lebanon. The second form of impact refers to the indirect yet critical repercussions that the instability at the centre of the Middle Eastern system has on Lebanon. As a state of proxy actors through which the regional powers project power and as an integral part of the Syria-Lebanon subsystem , Lebanon is the primary point on which the systemic pressure is applied. As a result of this systemic impact, the internal politico-religious power relations of Lebanon become a micro-level representation of the regional power relations of the wider Middle Eastern system.
This paper presents a systemic geopolitical and geostra-tegic analysis of the current enlarged region of the Middle East with respect to the Syrian effect, developing on the basis of the action of the Islamist movement and the... more
This paper presents a systemic geopolitical and geostra-tegic analysis of the current enlarged region of the Middle East with respect to the Syrian effect, developing on the basis of the action of the Islamist movement and the redistribution of power which it entails. Résumé: Cet article est une analyse systémique géopolitique et géos-tratégique concernant la région élargie actuelle du Moyen-Orient, en ce qui concerne l'effet syrien, et est effectuée sur la base de l'action du mouvement islamiste et la redistribution du pouvoir qu'elle engendre. PREMIÈRE PARTIE: Analyse systémique géopolitique et
Methane Hydrates are a new energy resource in the global energy market which has received extreme attention from a technological and geopolitical point of view. The reserve estimates exceed by far the overall estimates of all the other... more
Methane Hydrates are a new energy resource in the global energy market which has received extreme attention from a technological and geopolitical point of view. The reserve estimates exceed by far the overall estimates of all the other conventional energy reserves. With the existing technological know-how the exploitation of methane hy-drates is expected to dominate the international energy market within the next 10-15 years. Methane hydrates have been mapped within the Hellenic Submarine Space and especially in the region of Kastellorizo, with whatever consequences it may have of geostrategic nature for the political decisions of Greece and its relations with the neighbouring countries and the delimitation of its EEZ.
Zusammenfassung: Dieser Artikel zielt darauf, Friedrich Ratzels politisch-geographische Wahrnehmung des Staates hinzuweisen. Zu-nächst wird gezeigt, dass Ratzels Sichtpunkt frei von organistischen oder metaphysischen Elementen ist.... more
Zusammenfassung: Dieser Artikel zielt darauf, Friedrich Ratzels politisch-geographische Wahrnehmung des Staates hinzuweisen. Zu-nächst wird gezeigt, dass Ratzels Sichtpunkt frei von organistischen oder metaphysischen Elementen ist. Endlich wird es untersucht werden, wie Ratzel den Staat als Ausdruck des neuen gesellschaftlichen Lebens (new social life) wahrnimmt.
[Published first in: Zeitschrift für die Regionale Wissenschaft I:1 (2011), 11-20] Zusammenfassung: The paper aims to point out some of the relations between land and state in Friedrich Ratzel political-geographic analysis. First, it will... more
[Published first in: Zeitschrift für die Regionale Wissenschaft I:1 (2011), 11-20] Zusammenfassung: The paper aims to point out some of the relations between land and state in Friedrich Ratzel political-geographic analysis. First, it will be demonstrated how the perception of the land correlates with the culture situation of the observer. Second, it will be shown how political space is situated in Ratzel's analytical system of power. At last it will be examined how far Ratzel estimates both, geographical and human factors, in his political system and decision making process. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird der Versuch unternommen, die Bo-den – Staat Relation als elementaren Bestandteil der politisch-geogra-phischen Analytik von Friedrich Ratzel zu durchleuchten. Ziel ist es, einer oft behaupteten, zugleich aber auch fragwürdigen Interpretation nachzugehen, die Ratzels Weltanschauung im Bann eines naturalistisch
The geophysical and geological submarine features (pock-marks, gas chimneys, salt domes, etc.),identified by multi-beam echo sounders and sidescan sonars ,seismic surveys in the region South, Southwest and Southeast of Cyprus, as well as... more
The geophysical and geological submarine features (pock-marks, gas chimneys, salt domes, etc.),identified by multi-beam echo sounders and sidescan sonars ,seismic surveys in the region South, Southwest and Southeast of Cyprus, as well as the corresponding international interest of investors, especially in the marine region of the Levantine Basin, lead to the conclusion that, from a geopolitical standpoint, Greece must be urged to accelerate the consolidation of its sovereign rights and understand anew and in practical terms, that " Cy-prus is not far away, not at all actually ". With respect to Kastellorizo and the submarine area of its EEZ, we note that detailed geophysi-cal and bathymetric surveys have confirmed the fact that the region of the submarine Anaximander Mountains presents active mud volcanoes that are linked to the presence of gas hydrates. Samples of gas hydrates were collected by means of indicative samplings in mud volcanoes thoroughly mapped in sub-seabed layers that do not exceed 1.5 m. These " ice-crystal " like features will probably have a significant socioeconomic impact in the near feature as an energy resource. New mud volcanoes were also discovered (" Athens " and " Thessaloniki "). Gas hydrates were found in samplings conducted in the " Thessaloniki " M.V. According to preliminary assessments, the total capacity of the mud volcanoes of the Anaximander mountains complex is estimated between 2.56-6.40 c. km.
This paper presents some of the most important known evidence up to this day, proving the defining British interference in the case of the Pogrom in Istanbul-Constantinople (Events of September 1955) and how these tragic events completely... more
This paper presents some of the most important known evidence up to this day, proving the defining British interference in the case of the Pogrom in Istanbul-Constantinople (Events of September 1955) and how these tragic events completely destroyed Hellenism of Constan-tinople are connected to the British colonial interests in Middle East. The theoretical methodological is based on the geopolitical analysis and, in particular, on the model proposed by the Anglo-Saxon Geographers-Geopoliticians Sir Halford Mackinder (1861-1947, School of Geography -London School of Economics) and especially in its elaborated form presented in 1944 by the American Professor of Yale, Nicolas Spykman (1893-1943, Yale Institute for International Studies, Yale University-USA). Therefore, this paper supports the theoretical hypothesis of the desire to preserve Rimland on the part of Britain and explains, based on the same theoretical model, the final approach of the USA towards the British stances. Naturally, the aforementioned model explains the role of Turkey. The presence of the secret paramilitary networks " Stay Behind " , known as Gladio also validates and fully supports the writer's hypothesis.
The remarks presented in this article focus on the importance of Afghan-Pakistani Islam with the Salafist, Takfirist and inter-nationalist holy war tendencies and linkages within the context of the Iraq-Lebanon axis. The subversive... more
The remarks presented in this article focus on the importance of Afghan-Pakistani Islam with the Salafist, Takfirist and inter-nationalist holy war tendencies and linkages within the context of the Iraq-Lebanon axis. The subversive potential of the Islamist movement, combined with the export of Shiite Islamist extremism through Tehran, emerge as significant factors of instability in the region. Also, the tolerance exhibited by Washington, with regard to the formation and activity of extremist Salafist movements, to counterbalance Iran's export of Islamist subversive practices to the countries of the region (Lebanon, Iraq, Hamas-Gaza), is considered dangerous and requiring revision. Finally , a general strategy plan is proposed for establishing peace in the region, by removing the ideological footholds of the cores of the nationalist and internationalist Islamist movement.
This text analyzes the main points of behavior of the Super-systemic (Russia, Turkey, Israel, EU, USA) and Systemic (Armenia, Artsakh, Azerbaijan) factors of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh following the Azeri attack, which was obviously... more
This text analyzes the main points of behavior of the Super-systemic
(Russia, Turkey, Israel, EU, USA) and Systemic (Armenia, Artsakh, Azerbaijan) factors of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh following the Azeri attack, which was obviously supported in various means -both diplomatic and operational in the field- by Ankara, but also assisted by Israel in terms of armaments. An analysis follows of the self-proclaimed
"Republic of Artsakh’s international legal status, taking into account
both the UN General Assembly’s and Security Council's Resolutions.
Further to that, and on the basis of the above analysis, the diplomatic
and operational behavior of the Russian Federation before, during and
after the conflict is interpreted and conclusions are drawn about the current distribution of power in the South Caucasus, the winners and losers, and the future dynamics for super-systemic actors: Russia and Turkey. In the context of this analysis, the Greek geopolitical position is also considered, alongside policy proposals, which must be taken into account by Athens in order to face those important security issues marked by the redistribution of power in the Caucasus Complex.
(Russia, Turkey, Israel, EU, USA) and Systemic (Armenia, Artsakh, Azerbaijan) factors of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh following the Azeri attack, which was obviously supported in various means -both diplomatic and operational in the field- by Ankara, but also assisted by Israel in terms of armaments. An analysis follows of the self-proclaimed
"Republic of Artsakh’s international legal status, taking into account
both the UN General Assembly’s and Security Council's Resolutions.
Further to that, and on the basis of the above analysis, the diplomatic
and operational behavior of the Russian Federation before, during and
after the conflict is interpreted and conclusions are drawn about the current distribution of power in the South Caucasus, the winners and losers, and the future dynamics for super-systemic actors: Russia and Turkey. In the context of this analysis, the Greek geopolitical position is also considered, alongside policy proposals, which must be taken into account by Athens in order to face those important security issues marked by the redistribution of power in the Caucasus Complex.
Research Interests:
Στο παρόν κείμενο εφαρμόζεται η μεθοδολογία της Σύγχρονης Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής Αναλύσεως στο στοιχειώδες εθνοκρατικό Σύμπλοκο της, υπό κρίσιν, Συρίας. Γίνεται υποδειγματική επιλογή δεικτών από τους τέσσερεις πυλώνες της Συστημικής... more
Στο παρόν κείμενο εφαρμόζεται η μεθοδολογία της Σύγχρονης Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής Αναλύσεως στο στοιχειώδες εθνοκρατικό Σύμπλοκο της, υπό κρίσιν, Συρίας. Γίνεται υποδειγματική επιλογή δεικτών από τους τέσσερεις πυλώνες της Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής αναλύσεως της Ισχύος και χρησιμοποιούνται θεμελιώδη, όσο και απλά, μαθηματικά εργαλεία για την επεξεργασία των. Σκοπός
του κειμένου, πέραν της επιστημολογικώς επιβαλλομένης εφαρμογής της θεωρητικής προσεγγίσεως της Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής, είναι και η ευχερέστερη κατανόηση της Μεθόδου από πτυχιούχους θεωρητικών, Ανθρωπιστικών και Κοινωνικών Επιστημών.
του κειμένου, πέραν της επιστημολογικώς επιβαλλομένης εφαρμογής της θεωρητικής προσεγγίσεως της Συστημικής Γεωπολιτικής, είναι και η ευχερέστερη κατανόηση της Μεθόδου από πτυχιούχους θεωρητικών, Ανθρωπιστικών και Κοινωνικών Επιστημών.
Research Interests:
The study presents the absence of a thorough geopolitical analysis in Greece and Cyprus concerning national strategic planning in the Cyprus issue. The study shall focus initially on the general geopolitical rebalancing including i) the... more
The study presents the absence of a thorough geopolitical analysis in Greece and Cyprus concerning national strategic planning in the Cyprus issue. The study shall focus initially on the general geopolitical rebalancing including i) the rise of Russian geopolitical dynamics in the Arctic Zone due to climate change, ii) power redistribution in the Greater Middle East in favor of Russia and China and against Turkey. Emphasis shall be also laid on the international crimes committed by Turkey. These crimes have not been properly put to light by Helladic and Cypriot side; nor were sanctions on Turkey by the international community raised as an issue, especially after the start of the talks between the President of the Cyprus Republic and the representative of the Turkish-Cypriot side. These acts and omissions of the Greek side deprive it from powerful advantages and equalize the victim of the aggression with the perpetrator. Under these circumstances talks between the Cyprus Republic and the ‘representatives’ of the occupied northern part of Cyprus lack any legitimization and lead to shrinking of Greek presence on the island. Demographic change caused by exogenous factors, such as the massive presence of settlers, can lead to the eradication of Greek presence. The aforementioned omission in coordinated strategic planning can be solved by the creation of a National Foundation of Geographical and Geopolitical Studies for the Mediterranean, as well as a Faculty of Geography and Geopolitics in a University of the Cyprus Republic supervised by the Cypriot Ministry of Education.