Alex Imrie
University of Edinburgh, School of History, Classics and Archaeology, Department Member
- Roman History, Roman Empire, Roman Egypt, Severan Age, Roman citizenship, Caracalla, and 36 moreRoman Law, Ancient Roman Numismatics, Imperial Rome, Classics, Ancient numismatics (Archaeology), Papyrology, Roman coins, Tacitus, Josephus, Roman Imperial Coins, Flavian World, Damnatio Memoriae, Septimius Severus, Vespasian, Roman Judaea, Sibling Conflict, Constitutio Antoniniana, Emperor Titus, Ancient History, Early Christianity, Late Antiquity, Roman Republic, Antiquity and Late Antiquity, History, Classical Archaeology, Numismatics, Roman Religion, Greek Epigraphy, Latin Epigraphy, Classical Reception Studies, Roman Army, Roman Historiography, Topography of Ancient Rome (Archaeology), Roman Imperial Ideology, Ancient Historiography, and Roman Archaeologyedit
- My primary research interests revolve around the emperor Caracalla and the Severan dynasty. My first book has examin... moreMy primary research interests revolve around the emperor Caracalla and the Severan dynasty. My first book has examined the famous 'Constitutio Antoniniana', investigating the rationale behind the edict. I am currently working on a biography of the emperor (under contract with Bloomsbury), and a number of smaller articles. I will also be collaborating on a monograph in 2020, examining the Severan era through lenses of masculinity, ethnicity and religiosity.
I completed my PhD in Classics at the University of Edinburgh in 2015, an institution from which I have also been fortunate enough to gain both an MA (Hons) in Ancient History and a research MSc (Distinction) in Classics. I became a Fellow of the Higher Education Academy in 2019.
I am currently employed as the Classics Outreach Co-ordinator for Scotland by The Classical Association of Scotland and Classics for All. In this position, I facilitate links between schools, universities and local authorities to reinvigorate Classics within the Scottish state school system. I also work as a Tutor in Classics at the University of Edinburgh and a Research Associate at the University of St Andrews. Through all of my academic work, I am dedicated to widening participation in Classics with students from non-traditional backgrounds.
I have recently worked as a Teaching Fellow in Greek and Roman History and Culture at the University of Edinburgh, and a Tutor at the University of St Andrews, and am interested in further work of an academic nature.edit
In 'The Antonine Constitution', Alex Imrie approaches the famous edict of AD 212 from numerous angles, offering an assessment of its rationale that is rooted in the dynamic period of the early third century. Controversial since its... more
In 'The Antonine Constitution', Alex Imrie approaches the famous edict of AD 212 from numerous angles, offering an assessment of its rationale that is rooted in the dynamic period of the early third century.
Controversial since its discovery, it is depicted here as a keystone in Caracalla’s attempt to revolutionise the public image of the Severan dynasty after murdering his brother.
There is an inherent paradox between the apparently progressive nature of the edict, and the volatile emperor responsible for it. The enigma is only heightened by a dearth of ancient evidence relating to the legislation. By combining literary and material evidence with the surviving papyrological record, Alex Imrie shows that Caracalla’s rationale is best understood in an embedded context.
Controversial since its discovery, it is depicted here as a keystone in Caracalla’s attempt to revolutionise the public image of the Severan dynasty after murdering his brother.
There is an inherent paradox between the apparently progressive nature of the edict, and the volatile emperor responsible for it. The enigma is only heightened by a dearth of ancient evidence relating to the legislation. By combining literary and material evidence with the surviving papyrological record, Alex Imrie shows that Caracalla’s rationale is best understood in an embedded context.
Research Interests:
The career of the praetorian prefect Plautianus might initially appear to form a typical literary topos in which a meteoric rise precedes an ignominious downfall. Analysis of the limited literary evidence for the praefecti during the... more
The career of the praetorian prefect Plautianus might initially appear to form a typical literary topos in which a meteoric rise precedes an ignominious downfall. Analysis of the limited literary evidence for the praefecti during the imperial period shows that they cannot be grouped so easily. It is noteworthy, then, that Dio ends his account of the life of Sejanus by claiming that he had exercised greater power as prefect than any other individual, with the solitary exception of Plautianus. While the senator implicates Caracalla as the architect of Plautianus’ downfall, the reference to Plautianus suggests that a direct comparison between the two prefects was intended. This paper will explore why Dio might have drawn such parallels, considering specifically whether this couplet should be seen as one in a larger pattern, or something unique. In addition to improving our understanding of Dio’s methodology concerning the Severan period, this will also potentially alter our perception of Sejanus’ downfall, for which, in the absence of a Tacitean account, scholars are reliant on Dio’s prose.
Research Interests:
In the Roman History, Cassius Dio offers two striking episodes of the Roman population reacting to civil conflict and violent regime change. In Book 41, he depicts the city’s inhabitants fleeting in terror before Caesar while, in Book 74,... more
In the Roman History, Cassius Dio offers two striking episodes of the Roman population reacting to civil conflict and violent regime change. In Book 41, he depicts the city’s inhabitants fleeting in terror before Caesar while, in Book 74, he describes the Romans’ anger and dismay at the emperor Didius Julianus. In this chapter I will attempt to examine aspects of Rome and its population during periods of civil upheaval. More than simply showing a city at war, Dio’s treatment of the imperial capital is ultimately more complex and multi-faceted than one might initially assume.
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In September 2020, the Classical Association of Scotland (in conjunction with the Classical Association Teaching Board) surveyed Scottish-based Classics teachers concerning the exams crisis prompted by the coronavirus pandemic. This... more
In September 2020, the Classical Association of Scotland (in conjunction with the Classical Association Teaching Board) surveyed Scottish-based Classics teachers concerning the exams crisis prompted by the coronavirus pandemic. This article outlines our findings.
Full article available at: https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-classics-teaching/article/coronavirus-pandemic-exams-crisis-and-classics-in-scottish-schools/4AF25DFA90DE6D5E266A8B9E6B5262BB
Full article available at: https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-classics-teaching/article/coronavirus-pandemic-exams-crisis-and-classics-in-scottish-schools/4AF25DFA90DE6D5E266A8B9E6B5262BB
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The Roman emperor Caracalla (198-217 CE) is renowned as a militaristic emperor and an admirer of Alexander the Great. In his criticism of Caracalla, Cassius Dio claims that the emperor levied a new phalangite formation modelled on the... more
The Roman emperor Caracalla (198-217 CE) is renowned as a militaristic emperor and an admirer of Alexander the Great. In his criticism of Caracalla, Cassius Dio claims that the emperor levied a new phalangite formation modelled on the army of Alexander. The veracity of this anachronistic unit has been accepted by some, owing to the existence of funerary evidence at Apamea appearing to record 'lanciarii' and a 'phalangarius'. I will demonstrate in this article, however, that the historical reality is more likely grounded in the evolution in Roman military technology of the second century CE.
This article is due for release in G&R in autumn 2021. Before that time, please email A.Imrie@ed.ac.uk for more information
This article is due for release in G&R in autumn 2021. Before that time, please email A.Imrie@ed.ac.uk for more information
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In late 2017, the Classical Association of Scotland, in association with Classics for All, hired a co-ordinator to commence a programme of outreach and public engagement activities across the country. In this article, the national... more
In late 2017, the Classical Association of Scotland, in association with Classics for All, hired a co-ordinator to commence a programme of outreach and public engagement activities across the country. In this article, the national outreach co-ordinator reflects on the progress made to date, the difficulties faced, and hopes and plans for the future.
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This article responds to a recent publication in the Journal of Black Studies regarding the emperor Caracalla, who ruled the Roman Empire between AD 211 and 217, following the murder of his younger brother, Geta. In addition to offering... more
This article responds to a recent publication in the Journal of Black Studies regarding the emperor Caracalla, who ruled the Roman Empire between AD 211 and 217, following the murder of his younger brother, Geta. In addition to offering an exploration of his career, the recent essay attempts to investigate the importance of Caracalla's African heritage to the historical portrait of him that survives into modernity, claiming that both ancient sources and modern scholars have downplayed the emperor's origin and ancestry. Unfortunately, the publication is beset by factual errors that serve to undermine its case. This article addresses these shortcomings and attempts to explain the scholarly approach to Caracalla's ethnicity, showing that there was some recognition of Caracalla's African roots, even in antiquity. Furthermore, this article considers the question of modern Africa's relationship with the emperor, noting the symbolism of the Severan family within Libya under the dictator Muammar Gaddafi.
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In AD 205, the praetorian prefect Plautianus was murdered in the imperial palace. The ancient sources, Dio and Herodian, tell of a plot, though they offer different versions as to who was behind it and who the target. This article will... more
In AD 205, the praetorian prefect Plautianus was murdered in the imperial palace. The ancient sources, Dio and Herodian, tell of a plot, though they offer different versions as to who was behind it and who the target. This article will consider both accounts as well as numismatic and epigraphic evidence in an attempt to provide a new interpretation for this event.
Research Interests: Roman History, Political Assassinations, Roman Epigraphy, Cassius Dio, Roman Empire, and 16 moreAncient Roman Numismatics, Caracalla, The Praetorian Guard, Septimius Severus, Treason, Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Severan Age, Later Roman Empire, Herodian, Praetorians, Roman history, Severan dynasty, Plautianus, Geta, Historia Augusta, Septimius Geta, and Severans
The reverse figures on two coin types of Julia Domna (RIC 380 and 381) have been identified as either the empress herself or a personification of Pax. This article offers a third possibility. By examining numismatic evidence pertaining to... more
The reverse figures on two coin types of Julia Domna (RIC 380 and 381) have been identified as either the empress herself or a personification of Pax. This article offers a third possibility. By examining numismatic evidence pertaining to the empress in the context of the fraught period of Caracalla and Geta’s joint rule of the empire, I will argue that the most likely identity of the personification depicted on RIC 380 and 381 is that of Concordia. This identification fits more comfortably with the rest of the numismatic corpus for the period, and also makes greater sense when considered in the midst of the intense rivalry observed between the young Augusti in months preceding Geta’s eventual murder.
Research Interests: Ancient History, Roman History, Numismatics, Ancient numismatics (Archaeology), Ancient Roman Numismatics, and 17 moreRoman imperial history, Roman coins, Caracalla, Septimius Severus, Severan Age, Ancient roman empresses, Roman Imperial Coins, Roman Imperial Women, Roman coinage, Julia Domna, Roman Propaganda, Geta, Severan Women, Severans, Roman Empresses, Concordia, and RIC
Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander Augustus (208-235 CE) was the final emperor of the Severan dynasty (193-235). He was raised to the purple as a teenager, following the assassination of Elagabalus. Contrary to his short-lived... more
Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander Augustus (208-235 CE) was the final emperor of the Severan dynasty (193-235). He was raised to the purple as a teenager, following the assassination of Elagabalus. Contrary to his short-lived predecessors, Severus Alexander’s thirteen-year reign was, for the most part, a period of stability. Contemporary and later writers, however, focus largely on the influence exerted by his mother, and on the military crises he faced at the end of his life.
For EAH, see: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/book/10.1002/9781444338386
For EAH, see: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/book/10.1002/9781444338386
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Publius Helvius Pertinax (126-193 CE) was Roman emperor in the early months of 193, following the murder of Commodus. While feted by the senatorial order, he struggled to win the loyalty of other political constituencies within the Roman... more
Publius Helvius Pertinax (126-193 CE) was Roman emperor in the early months of 193, following the murder of Commodus. While feted by the senatorial order, he struggled to win the loyalty of other political constituencies within the Roman state. After a reign of only eighty-seven days, he was assassinated in the imperial palace by soldiers of the praetorian guard.
For EAH, see: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/book/10.1002/9781444338386
For EAH, see: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/book/10.1002/9781444338386
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Full review found here: https://www.plekos.uni-muenchen.de/2022/r-scott.pdf
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In his recent work on Cassius Dio’s presentation of Alexander the Great, Jesper Carlsen has argued that the author’s picture of the Macedonian is a remarkably heterogeneous one, used flexibly as a comparator with numerous Roman emperors... more
In his recent work on Cassius Dio’s presentation of Alexander the Great, Jesper Carlsen has argued that the author’s picture of the Macedonian is a remarkably heterogeneous one, used flexibly as a comparator with numerous Roman emperors as well as functioning as an intermediary between Greek and Roman cultures. This deployment of Alexander is understandable, given Dio’s own dual identity as a provincial senator, not to mention the context of the Second Sophistic. The fact remains, though, that Alexander the Great represented an important fulcrum between literature and politics in the High Empire.
The figure and mythos of Alexander was a particularly important element in the competing narratives and propaganda of the Severan emperors and their rivals. The pretender Pescennius Niger apparently revelled in being dubbed a new Alexander, while Septimius Severus chose to lock the Macedonian’s tomb, lest others make claim to his legacy. Chief among these figures, however, is Caracalla, whose adulation of Alexander provoked scorn and derision from Dio. Questions remain, however, regarding how unusual Caracalla’s hero-worship actually was, and what prompted such an apparently pathological obsession.
This paper will consider Caracalla’s behaviour against a wider historical backdrop, in an attempt to discern the sources from which the emperor’s concept of the Macedonian was derived. By setting Dio’s critiques against the literary Alexander found in the work of Plutarch, I will attempt to show that Caracalla’s Alexander-mania can in fact be seen as his response to the literary context into which he was raised.
The figure and mythos of Alexander was a particularly important element in the competing narratives and propaganda of the Severan emperors and their rivals. The pretender Pescennius Niger apparently revelled in being dubbed a new Alexander, while Septimius Severus chose to lock the Macedonian’s tomb, lest others make claim to his legacy. Chief among these figures, however, is Caracalla, whose adulation of Alexander provoked scorn and derision from Dio. Questions remain, however, regarding how unusual Caracalla’s hero-worship actually was, and what prompted such an apparently pathological obsession.
This paper will consider Caracalla’s behaviour against a wider historical backdrop, in an attempt to discern the sources from which the emperor’s concept of the Macedonian was derived. By setting Dio’s critiques against the literary Alexander found in the work of Plutarch, I will attempt to show that Caracalla’s Alexander-mania can in fact be seen as his response to the literary context into which he was raised.
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Cassius Dio presents us with an invaluable eyewitness account to events in Rome during the chaotic reign of Didius Julianus, the opening episode in a period of civil conflict that was to last for a further four years. One of the most... more
Cassius Dio presents us with an invaluable eyewitness account to events in Rome during the chaotic reign of Didius Julianus, the opening episode in a period of civil conflict that was to last for a further four years. One of the most intriguing aspects of Dio’s testimony is that, reading between the lines, there is a sense of daily life continuing in the city, despite the tension and uncertainty of the brewing conflict. In describing the emperor’s attempted charm offensive, Dio alludes to the continuation of theatrical and artistic activity in Rome (74.14.1-2). Furthermore, even when the urban populace famously called for their liberation by Pescennius Niger, they did so by occupying the open circus: there is no indication in Dio’s work that the popular structure was closed. In short, life in the capital seems to have continued normally, to some degree, during the political upheaval.
This paper considers Dio’s presentation of Rome in the context of civil war, in an attempt to identify how far the author provides readers with a Roman perspective on civil conflict, or rather employs the city as a potent, but ultimately conventional, literary device. The city of Rome is always prominent in the author’s narrative when describing periods of civil war. This is understandable, to some degree, as the capital represented the ultimate prize to be taken or defended by the various protagonists in each case. Nevertheless, Dio offers us a number of small insights during civil conflicts from Caesar onwards, describing the mood of the populace and the state of the city. In addition, even when Rome is not directly affected by military action, it appears to represent a canvas upon which the author can project omens and prodigies to advance his overall narrative. This paper will examine the purpose behind Dio’s presentation.
This paper considers Dio’s presentation of Rome in the context of civil war, in an attempt to identify how far the author provides readers with a Roman perspective on civil conflict, or rather employs the city as a potent, but ultimately conventional, literary device. The city of Rome is always prominent in the author’s narrative when describing periods of civil war. This is understandable, to some degree, as the capital represented the ultimate prize to be taken or defended by the various protagonists in each case. Nevertheless, Dio offers us a number of small insights during civil conflicts from Caesar onwards, describing the mood of the populace and the state of the city. In addition, even when Rome is not directly affected by military action, it appears to represent a canvas upon which the author can project omens and prodigies to advance his overall narrative. This paper will examine the purpose behind Dio’s presentation.
Research Interests:
The career of the praetorian prefect Plautianus might initially appear to form a typical literary topos in which a meteoric rise to power precedes an ignominious downfall. Analysis of the limited literary evidence for the praefecti during... more
The career of the praetorian prefect Plautianus might initially appear to form a typical literary topos in which a meteoric rise to power precedes an ignominious downfall. Analysis of the limited literary evidence for the praefecti during the imperial period shows that they cannot be grouped so easily, however, and that this description is atypical.
It is noteworthy, then, that Dio ends his account of the life of Sejanus by claiming that he had exercised greater power as prefect than any other individual, with the solitary exception of Plautianus. While the senator implicates Caracalla as the architect of Plautianus’ downfall, his dislike for the emperor being well-known, the reference to Plautianus at the end of the earlier episode suggests that a direct comparison between the two prefects was intended.
If Dio’s accounts of Plautianus and Sejanus are compared, clear similarities between the two narratives emerge. Both men experience incredible influence with the emperor in the aftermath of assuming sole command of the praetorians, both are given a multitude of honours, and both suffer catastrophic downfalls, following a range of bad omens and prodigies. This paper will explore why Dio might have drawn such parallels, considering specifically whether this couplet should be seen as one in a larger pattern, or something truly unique. In addition to improving our understanding of Dio’s methodology when writing about the Severan period, this will also potentially alter our perception of Sejanus’ downfall, for which, in the absence of a Tacitean account, scholars are reliant on Dio’s prose.
It is noteworthy, then, that Dio ends his account of the life of Sejanus by claiming that he had exercised greater power as prefect than any other individual, with the solitary exception of Plautianus. While the senator implicates Caracalla as the architect of Plautianus’ downfall, his dislike for the emperor being well-known, the reference to Plautianus at the end of the earlier episode suggests that a direct comparison between the two prefects was intended.
If Dio’s accounts of Plautianus and Sejanus are compared, clear similarities between the two narratives emerge. Both men experience incredible influence with the emperor in the aftermath of assuming sole command of the praetorians, both are given a multitude of honours, and both suffer catastrophic downfalls, following a range of bad omens and prodigies. This paper will explore why Dio might have drawn such parallels, considering specifically whether this couplet should be seen as one in a larger pattern, or something truly unique. In addition to improving our understanding of Dio’s methodology when writing about the Severan period, this will also potentially alter our perception of Sejanus’ downfall, for which, in the absence of a Tacitean account, scholars are reliant on Dio’s prose.
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The emperor Caracalla emerges from our sources as an archetypal ‘bad’ emperor. Our primary sources for the period construct an image of a volatile despot: militaristic, anti-senatorial, financially profligate and prone to fantasy. However... more
The emperor Caracalla emerges from our sources as an archetypal ‘bad’ emperor. Our primary sources for the period construct an image of a volatile despot: militaristic, anti-senatorial, financially profligate and prone to fantasy. However entertaining this image is, though, it remains an obstacle to any objective assessment of Caracalla’s reign. Indeed, many have allowed the emperor’s actions to be viewed as those of an unhinged tyrant, rather than a ruler attuned to the Realpolitik of his contemporary context.
Despite an increasing number of publications advocating a more balanced view of his reign, continued acceptance of Caracallan inadequacy can be observed in connection with his introduction of the constitutio Antoniniana: ‘a decision that has never been plausibly explained on practical grounds, but Caracalla was a shocking megalomaniac and the sheer grandiosity of the gesture may be explanation enough’. This paper offers a more considered assessment of Caracalla and his edict. Rather than an exercise in vanity, the Antonine Constitution should be viewed as a legislative response to a crisis in which the emperor’s position was vulnerable, his legitimacy debatable.
That emperors would seek mass popularity to bolster their position is undeniable. This paper argues, however, that we must look beyond the bread and circuses mentality: Caracalla’s constitutio represents, in one respect, an attempt by the emperor to forge a lasting and personal connection between himself and his populace via a de facto patron-client relationship. The final section of this paper will consider the implications of this initiative for subsequent emperors. Against this backdrop, the figure of Julian stands out as an emperor who followed a Caracallan precedent, in his case using religious reform, rather than constitutional, to consolidate his reign at the point when it might have seemed in most doubt.
Despite an increasing number of publications advocating a more balanced view of his reign, continued acceptance of Caracallan inadequacy can be observed in connection with his introduction of the constitutio Antoniniana: ‘a decision that has never been plausibly explained on practical grounds, but Caracalla was a shocking megalomaniac and the sheer grandiosity of the gesture may be explanation enough’. This paper offers a more considered assessment of Caracalla and his edict. Rather than an exercise in vanity, the Antonine Constitution should be viewed as a legislative response to a crisis in which the emperor’s position was vulnerable, his legitimacy debatable.
That emperors would seek mass popularity to bolster their position is undeniable. This paper argues, however, that we must look beyond the bread and circuses mentality: Caracalla’s constitutio represents, in one respect, an attempt by the emperor to forge a lasting and personal connection between himself and his populace via a de facto patron-client relationship. The final section of this paper will consider the implications of this initiative for subsequent emperors. Against this backdrop, the figure of Julian stands out as an emperor who followed a Caracallan precedent, in his case using religious reform, rather than constitutional, to consolidate his reign at the point when it might have seemed in most doubt.
Research Interests:
" The practice of evoking the memory of Alexander the Great became a powerful tool of kingship almost immediately after the monarch’s death in 323 BC. From the diadochoi onwards, rulers sought to associate themselves with Alexander or... more
" The practice of evoking the memory of Alexander the Great became a powerful tool of kingship almost immediately after the monarch’s death in 323 BC. From the diadochoi onwards, rulers sought to associate themselves with Alexander or even to assume his identity.
The potency of Alexander’s legacy was no less significant during the Roman imperial period, with emperors from Nero to Julian seeking to forge parallels between themselves and the king. Caracalla is renowned as one of the most obsessive exponents of this image. Cassius Dio, Herodian and the author of the Historia Augusta accuse the emperor of a variety of increasingly peculiar attempts to depict himself as a new Alexander, from dressing like his idol to claiming that his body had become a conduit for the king’s soul, so that Alexander might live once again through him.
Of the many accusations directed at Caracalla regarding his obsession with Alexander, his levying of a phalangite formation inspired by the king’s army remains one of the most intriguing. Whilst it is tempting to dismiss the account of this regiment as hyperbole or fiction on the part of our authors, little thought has been given to the potentially tactical impetus behind its creation.
This paper will discuss details of Caracalla’s ‘Alexander-mania’ before examining the phalanx within the broader context of the emperor’s sole reign and preparations for the Parthian war. It will argue that the ‘Macedonian Phalanx’ might, in fact, be symptomatic of an evolution in the Roman military that had been underway since before the Antonine period. Rather than an exercise in vanity, we might instead view this initiative as an attempt by Caracalla to gain a tactical advantage over his eastern enemies prior to his eventual invasion.
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The potency of Alexander’s legacy was no less significant during the Roman imperial period, with emperors from Nero to Julian seeking to forge parallels between themselves and the king. Caracalla is renowned as one of the most obsessive exponents of this image. Cassius Dio, Herodian and the author of the Historia Augusta accuse the emperor of a variety of increasingly peculiar attempts to depict himself as a new Alexander, from dressing like his idol to claiming that his body had become a conduit for the king’s soul, so that Alexander might live once again through him.
Of the many accusations directed at Caracalla regarding his obsession with Alexander, his levying of a phalangite formation inspired by the king’s army remains one of the most intriguing. Whilst it is tempting to dismiss the account of this regiment as hyperbole or fiction on the part of our authors, little thought has been given to the potentially tactical impetus behind its creation.
This paper will discuss details of Caracalla’s ‘Alexander-mania’ before examining the phalanx within the broader context of the emperor’s sole reign and preparations for the Parthian war. It will argue that the ‘Macedonian Phalanx’ might, in fact, be symptomatic of an evolution in the Roman military that had been underway since before the Antonine period. Rather than an exercise in vanity, we might instead view this initiative as an attempt by Caracalla to gain a tactical advantage over his eastern enemies prior to his eventual invasion.
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"The murder of the praetorian prefect Plautianus in AD 205 remains one of the more intriguing episodes found during the reign of Septimius Severus. The question of how the prefect had fallen from his powerful position in the Severan court... more
"The murder of the praetorian prefect Plautianus in AD 205 remains one of the more intriguing episodes found during the reign of Septimius Severus. The question of how the prefect had fallen from his powerful position in the Severan court to attempting an apparent coup d’état was debated even in the ancient sources. Herodian, often criticised for parroting a sanitised version of events offered by the imperial regime, described the plot as the brainchild of a power-hungry praetorian. Cassius Dio, on the other hand, argued that Plautianus was in reality entrapped by a scheme devised by Caracalla, stemming from the increasing animosity observed between the two men from the marriage of the young Augustus to the prefect’s daughter in 202. In all of this unfolding drama, however, one figure remains conspicuously absent: the Caesar, Geta.
This paper aims to offer a third reading of the conspiracy that led to the death of Plautianus. In addition to comparing the accounts of Dio and Herodian, focusing on the appearance of a mysterious letter detailing the plot in both versions, epigraphic and numismatic evidence will be employed to suggest that the conspiracy might have been far wider than Plautianus himself, and better interpreted as an initial attack in the fraternal rivalry between Caracalla and Geta that was to characterise the latter half of Severus’ reign."
This paper aims to offer a third reading of the conspiracy that led to the death of Plautianus. In addition to comparing the accounts of Dio and Herodian, focusing on the appearance of a mysterious letter detailing the plot in both versions, epigraphic and numismatic evidence will be employed to suggest that the conspiracy might have been far wider than Plautianus himself, and better interpreted as an initial attack in the fraternal rivalry between Caracalla and Geta that was to characterise the latter half of Severus’ reign."
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It is often assumed that within the Severan imperial household there was a thinly veiled factionalism in which Julia Domna tried to promote the interests of her younger son, Geta, against Caracalla. Some have argued that she pressured... more
It is often assumed that within the Severan imperial household there was a thinly veiled factionalism in which Julia Domna tried to promote the interests of her younger son, Geta, against Caracalla. Some have argued that she pressured Septimius Severus into elevating Geta to the rank of Augustus in AD 209. Sharing the principate was an uneasy arrangement that both Carcalla and Geta found impossible to bear after their father’s death. It ultimately resulted in Geta’s murder at Caracalla’s order in late AD 211.
This paper will challenge the historically accepted view of Julia. In addition to exploring the possible reasons that Septimius Severus may have had for promoting Geta himself, it will question the notion that Julia would have attempted to promote her younger son to imperial power when Caracalla had been established as the heir apparent for over a decade. I will argue that the image of Julia as a manipulator is based upon little primary evidence and a problematic analysis of that which does survive – namely the erroneous and often contradictory account of the Historia Augusta.
This paper will challenge the historically accepted view of Julia. In addition to exploring the possible reasons that Septimius Severus may have had for promoting Geta himself, it will question the notion that Julia would have attempted to promote her younger son to imperial power when Caracalla had been established as the heir apparent for over a decade. I will argue that the image of Julia as a manipulator is based upon little primary evidence and a problematic analysis of that which does survive – namely the erroneous and often contradictory account of the Historia Augusta.
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Research Interests: Roman History, Ancient numismatics (Archaeology), Flavian World, Josephus, Tacitus, and 15 moreRoman coins, Roman Imperial Coins, Qumran, Masada, Vespasian, Coins, Gamla, Roman Judaea, Emperor Titus, Jewish War 66 73. AD, The Dead Sea Scrolls, The Revolution of Shimon Bar Kokhba 132 135, Ancient Judea, Sectarian Literature of Ancient Judah, and The Fourth School of Philosophy Zealots
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Adam M. Kemezis. Greek Narratives of the Roman Empire under the SeveransAdam M. Kemezis. Greek Narratives of the Roman Empire under the Severans: Cassius Dio, Philostratus and Herodian (Greek Culture in the Roman World). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014. Pp. xii + 340. CDN$115.95. ISBN...more