Jose Moya

The United States has been the single most important destination of international migrants during the last two centuries. But it has actually received less than one-fifth of the total worldwide flow. Studies of American immigration rarely examine, or even acknowledge, this context. This essay takes a broader international angle to explicate the processes of migration, development, and integration in themselves, show their interconnection and global dimensions, and situate the American experience in this global perspective. This frame of reference serves to ascertain the singularities and commonalities of the North American case showing both the validity and limits of the notion of American exceptionalism.

This introductory chapter offers a longue durée analysis of the formation and transformation of the Atlantic world from 1400 to the present. It first explains why the Iberian kingdoms dominated the first 240 years of overseas European expansion and how a type of ecological imperialism emerged in the Canary and Caribbean islands that came to typify what would latter occur in the rest of the New World and Oceania. It then examines how silver, sugar, and slaves allowed Atlantic trade to surpass that of the Indian Ocean and the related movements of free and bonded labor. The second half of the chapter shows how the 1840-1930 European migrations turned what had been the poorest colonies in the Western Hemisphere into its most developed countries, and the Euro-American Atlantic into the world’s hegemonic region, and how mobility and connections across the Atlantic have bourgeoned even as the region’s economic hegemony has waned in the past four decades.

Shows how Eastern European Jews in the international anarchist movement and how the stereotypes of Jews as radicals may have stirred antisemitism among the native-born upper and middle classes in Argentina but promoted sympathy from the leftist sectors of the immigrant working classes

Drawing on the international literature on migration and immigrant associations, this essay highlights several main questions and issues.
It discusses the definition of voluntary associations and the principal impetus for associational activities among immigrants. Using examples from specific types of organisation (secret societies, credit associations, mutual benefit societies, religious groups, hometown associations, political groups), it examines the factors that shape immigrants’ formal sociability. The paper then addresses the class and gender composition of memberships, compares the associative practices of the mostly European immigrants of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with the mostly Asian, Latin American and African arrivals of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, and discusses the issue of state involvement. The essay approaches the topic from a global and
historical perspective to show how quasi-universal processes on the one hand, and local and temporal specificities on the other, shaped ssociational practices in a way that transcended the ethno-national traditions and characteristics of particular immigrant groups and host countries

Article examines the historical connection between different forms of migration and socioeconomic development and equality/inequality in the Western Hemisphere, and how European immigration during the 19th and early twentieth century turned what had been the most marginal colonies into the richest and least unequal regions or countries,

This article examines domestic service in Europe, the Western Hemisphere, Africa, Australia, India and Japan from early modernity to the present to reveal broad trends in gendered labor, migration and ethnic strategies that are often missed by local and national approaches. It detects a feminisation of the occupation and attempts to find an
explanation for this in particular aspects of modernity. It shows that migrants predominated in the sector in almost all of the places examined. It argues that, at least for international migrants, working in domestic service reflected a combination of economic circumstances and ethnocultural preferences that is akin, in some respects, to the formation of ethnic niches.

In this article I analyse how transcontinental migrations, the various forms that these took (Paleolithic first settlement, conquest and colonialism, slavery, free mass movements, and mercantile diasporas), and the way these interacted in the receiving environments, shaped the historical formation of Latin America. The article shows how these interactions explain the key apparent contradictions of Latin America: that it is both the most racially diverse and the most culturally homogeneous region in the world; that it has the highest crime/homicide rates but also the lowest levels of civil and international wars, holocausts, and other forms of collective violence; and that it has the highest levels of social inequality in the world but also some of its historically most egalitarian areas.

Revue d'histoire du xix e siècle, n° 51, 2015/2, pp. 15-34 JOSE MOYA L'Amérique ibérique dans l'histoire globale des migrations Les migrations ont joué un rôle exceptionnellement important aux Amé-riques. Aucun continent n'a été à ce point formé par des migrants venant du reste du monde. Ses habitants indigènes sont arrivés d'Asie du nord-est, bien longtemps après que le reste du monde eut été peuplé par des homo sapiens d'Afrique. Mais la majeure partie de la population des Amériques descend de migrants transcontinentaux venus au cours des cinq derniers siècles-hors de la Mésoamérique et de la région centrale des Andes. Les migrations entre continents ont ainsi façonné l'Amérique ibérique dans sa formation historique sur la longue durée : tel est l'objet de cet article. Il débute par une analyse des migrations précolombiennes et coloniales, qui ont modelé l'environnement dans lequel les migrants postcoloniaux s'inté-grèrent par la suite. L'essentiel de l'article est cependant consacré aux arrivées en masse d'Afrique pendant la première moitié du xix e siècle, et d'Europe entre le milieu du siècle et 1930, date à laquelle la Grande Dépression a qua-siment réduit à néant les traversées transatlantiques, et enfin à la façon dont ces mouvements ont remodelé l'Amérique ibérique. Cette approche bat en brèche la tradition universitaire si profondément ancrée qui consiste à limiter l'histoire de l'Amérique ibérique à la période coloniale (soit autour des années 1500 à 1800) 1. Certes, après les années 1820, la domination politique ibérique en terre américaine fit long feu et ses liens économiques avec l'Amérique furent affaiblis. Mais des relations culturelles survécurent et les liens sociaux se resserrèrent de fait entre les années 1870 et 1930, pour connaître une intensité inégalée pendant la période coloniale. Deux fois plus de Portugais partirent vers le Brésil indé-pendant que vers l'ancienne colonie, et davantage d'Espagnols pénétrèrent dans le seul port de Buenos Aires au cours de la décennie précédant la Pre-mière Guerre mondiale qu'il n'en était entré dans toute l'Amérique espagnole pendant plus de trois siècles de domination coloniale. Limiter l'Atlantique ibérique à la période coloniale revient donc à la définir par un pouvoir poli-1.

An overview of migration to and from Cuba from pre-Columbian times to the present, including colonialism, the African slave trade,  mass European mainly Spanish inflows, labor movements from Jamaica and Haiti, and the pre- and post-revolutionary exodus