Tatiana K.

George

LINGUISTIC, SOCIAL IMPLICATIONS AND

PEDAGOGICAL ASPECTS OF TRANSLANGUAGE IN FRONT OF
CODE ALTERNATION

AnaVanesa Hidalgo del Rosario

University of Wisconsin-Madison (United States)

Currently, code-switching is a common phenomenon in the soci-

bilingual data. Since the nineties, there has also been talk of translanguage
which, epistemologically, is situated beyond alternation. However, not
there is consensus on the characteristics that distinguish them. In this work, we
they establish some essential differences to unlink both concepts.
First, alternation has been relegated to the merely linguistic realm;
while translanguaging involves creativity (expansion of repertoires) and
criticality (social awareness) to break with linguistic rules and
Social. Second, alternation is a phenomenon external to the individual; while-
After translanguaging is an internal practice. Third, translanguaging presents
a more dynamic bilingualism. Fourth, translanguaging allows for the conceptual
more social actions and the very alternation, which was never part of the
curricular designs. Finally, translanguaging has made it so that, in a certain way-
But the negotiation of identity is disconnected from alternation. Words
translanguage, code-switching, bilingual, creativity and criticality.

INTRODUCTION
Nowadays, it is common to observe in bilingual societies the presence of
phenomenon of code-switching. However, until the
the seventies of the twentieth century, in the field of linguistics, research was conducted on bilingualism
güismo without including this phenomenon. When code switching began
to become visible captured the attention of a large number of researchers.
They were particularly interested in its use in oral communication, both
from an individual or identity perspective, as social or belonging to
a group (or two). However, starting from the nineties, it is also spoken of
of translanguage (translanguaging), a term coined by the educator Cen
Williams in Wales. In my opinion, and as we will see later, this last one.
phenomenon, more contemporary, is situated one step beyond the alternation of

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code from an epistemological point of view. However, really, not

There is consensus on the characteristics that distinguish these two terms.
so some authors use them interchangeably, while
others separate them into different sections.
Another issue that does not offer a consensus is the definition of the term
bilingual key. In this case, I have deemed it appropriate to define it in terms of
less than a "multilingual individual," following Wei's conception (2009).
According to this author, it is about "anyone who can communicate in more than one
language, whether actively (through oral and written production) or
passive way (through oral and written comprehension)40(Wei, 2009: 4). In
United States, a common type of multilingual individual is the 'speaker of
inheritance'. Following the definition proposed by Pascual and Cabo and Rothman, there
it is about "a bilingual who has acquired a family language (the language of heren-
hello, LH) and a majority social language naturally in the early
years of his childhood” (Pascual y Cabo & Rothman, 2012: 450). Thus, there exists
a large number of Hispanics, of second and third generation, who have grown up
in contact with Spanish at home, to a greater or lesser extent, and then has
I learned English in school. It is precisely this vital experience that has
led many speakers to experiment with the language, creating concepts
like those analyzed and, ultimately, to possess a mixed cultural identity
or double. However, the degree and the means by which these individuals
duos demonstrate their linguistic and cultural heritage varies. In my opinion, this
is mainly due to the fact that, in the United States, the policies that support the
Bilingualism is scarce, which makes the relationship between Spanish and English...
residents. In fact, the history of Spanish in this country has been one of subordination.
to English, a language that is presented as prestigious and dominant.

DIFFERENCES BETWEEN CODE ALTERNATION AND

TRANSLANGUAGE
Given that these two concepts are not the only ones that have arisen around
Regarding the use of two languages in the discourse, I would like to begin this section ex-
applying the differences between code switching, code mixing and the
Spanglish, before focusing on the differences between code-switching and
the translanguage. Establishing these distinctions is relevant as, in many
cases, it has been assumed that some are interchangeable terms, to
to not be it.
First of all, the phenomenon known as code-switching...
fine in the ELE key terms dictionary of the Virtual Cervantes Center
(CVC) as the "alternative use of two (or more) languages or dialects in a
speech". However, according to that dictionary, the fact that
the existence of several languages involved in a discourse does not imply that it is about
a code switch. From this statement, we can confirm that
this phenomenon is more complicated than it may seem at first glance.
Indeed, Gardner-Chloros (2009) asserts that it is difficult to define code-switching.
code, as occurs with the terms 'bilingual' or 'heritage speaker', since-
40 All quotes in Spanish are my own translations of the original in English.

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since it has not been established exactly what should be included as part of the
phenomenon. What we do know, based on the CVC dictionary, is that it is seen
reflected in the lexicon and in the grammar of the languages in contact that, furthermore,
they must be used appropriately syntactically and phonetically. Therefore,
Thus, contrary to what some authors still think (Benjamin, 1996; Gort,
2006; Kenner, 2004), the level of individuals in both languages must be fluent.
They must be bilingual to be able to perform code-switching.
Separated by a thin line from the alternation are the phenomena
less known as code mixing and Spanglish. In the first
case, according to the CVC dictionary, it is a phenomenon that
It occurs unconsciously and involuntarily. In this, it is similar to the alternate-
but their motivation is different. The mix of code arises from the
need to fill linguistic gaps, especially lexical ones, while the al-
ternation responds to a function in communication. For example: to quote, to create
a word game, to include or exclude from the conversation. In the case of Spangli-
So far, it has been much more complicated to establish a differentiation.
In fact, several authors point out that, frequently, they have been
considered the same phenomenon (Montes-Alcalá 2000; Toribio 2002), or the
they actually consider it the same phenomenon as code-switching
(Fairclough 2003; Price 2010). In my opinion, they are two phenomena that challenge
each other. In the alternation, as I pointed out earlier, there is a use
correct of the languages, which remain separate, while Spanglish
it involves the adaptation of words from one language to another, through the fusion of
the languages, to the point of creating a new code. In this last point there
it could be compared with translanguage which, as we will see later, is...
it holds as a single code or repertoire. Spanglish shows, for example,
a very common strategy in the formation of verbs in Spanish from
verbs in English that consist of adding the suffix -ar, which is identified with the
verbs of the first conjugation. Thus, some examples of this Spanglish
from English to Spanish would be 'hanguear', which comes from the construction to hang
out; 'to park', coming from the verb to park; or 'to mix', which comes from the
mix up.
On the other hand, before we start talking about translanguage, I would like to
highlight the attitudes and reactions that the alternation of code has generated, both
in both bilingual and monolingual communities, to, post-
Previously, being able to understand the importance of the practice of translanguaging,
both in education and in the negotiation of individuals' identity
multilingual, such as heritage speakers. According to Toribio (2002), the use
Alternation, in some cases, helps to create a social identity
based on belonging to two cultures. Thus, it states that the phenomenon of the
alternation transcends the boundaries of the merely linguistic to go to mix-
to clarify with sociocultural elements. Following this line, it adds that many
Bilingual individuals are against the use of code-switching.
the arguments, precisely, cultural. That is to say, they do not consider alternating the
codes as something that conforms to their identities or that must be considered
characteristic of the linguistic behavior of bilinguals. Nevertheless,
this rejection that is rooted in the Hispanic community is shared

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for monolingual English-speaking Americans. In the words of Montés-Alcalá

(2000), a large part of the English-speaking community in the United States
they position themselves negatively towards the phenomenon, as they feel that the use of
alternation is a way of excluding oneself from society, just as it is a way of denying.
to learn English the right way. As can be seen, this class claims-
actions respond to a monolingual and monocultural vision of society. Without
embargo, what it does not reveal is that learning a language correctly
it does not make an individual feel part of the culture or identify with it
the language, so it could still be seen as 'the other'.
As for translanguage, as I mentioned earlier, at times it
it is comparable to code-switching. However, if we base ourselves on Canagara-
Jah (2011), Creese and Blackledge (2010) or in García and Wei (2014), we observe
it is about two concepts that receive different attention. It is worth highlighting
because the term still does not appear in the CVC dictionary, which is strange
since it has been developing for several decades.
In the case of Canagarajah, translanguaging is defined as 'the ability
of multilingual speakers moving between languages, addressing the diverse
languages that make up their repertoires as an integrated system” (2011: 401).
While describing code-switching as: 'communicative strategies-'
multilingual moves outside the classroom [...] to negotiate meanings and identities
in rural and urban contexts (e.g., De Fina, 2007; Eastman, 1992); crossing
to borrow a symbol outside the group to adopt new rela-
community actions and identities (e.g., Hill, 1999; Rampton, 2009)
garajah, 2011: 401). In my opinion, the descriptions of these concepts do not
are completely suitable. The translanguage should be presented as the
method that multilingual speakers use to negotiate their identity, in
place of the indicated alternation, since, as we will see later, the
translanguage implies much more than simply a communicative competence
general nicative as described by Canagarajah (2011).
For their part, in Creese and Blackledge (2010), it is observed that there are several
authors who use the term code-switching to talk about the transition from
from one language to another (Shin, 2005; Setati, Adler, Reed & Bapoo, 2002), without further
social or individual implications. For their part, others like Lin (2005) see
the practice as a form of struggle against socioeconomic domination that
practice English; or as a way to feel more 'secure' and connected with
a more accessible language, as is the case with Martin (2005). As it can be
observing in these last authors, the term code alternation obtains a
claiming and identity hue. Perhaps the result of this conception, which strays away
from the simple use of languages, the idea emerged in Bailey (2007) to differentiate between
the alternation and heteroglossia. For this author, this term allows to relate
the social, political, and historical elements that exist behind languages, and are manifested in
a situation of alternation, with the local and particular functions of use
the alternation. In my view, translanguaging responds, in broad lines,
minerals, to this idea of heteroglossia. For their part, the authors themselves, Creese and
Blackledge (2010) talks about translanguaging instead of code-switching and investigates
the implication of linguistic practices in the negotiation of identity
multilingual and multicultural individuals. Thus, they present this practice in their

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study as part of an attempt by speakers to represent their identity

and feel part of the community.
Regarding García and Wei (2014), they offer us the original interpretation.
of the term that, as I pointed out in the introduction, was coined by Cen Wi-
Williams in the nineties, and is defined as 'a teaching practice ba-
It is necessary to deliberately change the language of the input and the output
& Wei, 2014: 64). In this definition, we find one of the keys to the diffe-
the difference between both concepts is that, unlike alternation, the trans-
language is associated with education. In fact, García (2009) points out that it is not
should aim to teach code-switching, but rather make students
realize that it is a phenomenon that occurs naturally; while
that translanguaging in education is related to a 'critical gesture', according to
Busch (2014) points out that it means that not only does meta-reflection develop
linguistics or also social consciousness.
These two ideas could translate into the ultimate purpose of translanguage,
what it would be to develop what Li Wei (2011) calls 'creativity' and 'criticality'.
Creativity is aimed at breaking conventions, for example, at
through the use and expansion of all linguistic repertoires at hand
speakers. Meanwhile, criticality focuses on developing the capacity
to be critical in questioning the forms of knowledge. Nevertheless, these
concepts feed off each other. García and Wei note that 'translanguaging
as a socio-educational process, it allows students to build and modify
constantly fixing their sociocultural identities and values, while
respond to their historical and present conditions in a critical and creative manner
"va" (2014: 67). A practical example can be found in Blackledge and Creese.
(2008) where it describes how students in schools complement
rias, in addition to working on their creativity by practicing and extending their repertoires
linguistic, struggle against an identity (of heritage) imposed by the school,
through such repertoires or linguistic resources at their disposal, among them,
the translanguage. This creativity is reflected in the criticality, since the ex-
expansion of their repertoires, according to May (2007), can be understood as a
way to oppose and combat the inequalities that, historically,
have affected speakers of minority languages and the languages themselves,
that have been excluded from society and politics. As we observe,
in these last ideas the two purposes of translanguage become evident: the
creativity and criticality. Moreover, from Blackledge and Creese (2008) is derived
that the formation of bilingual identity is based on a process
of linguistic negotiation, to which monolingual speakers do not have to
face. Although it is true that, as Bucholtz (2009) rightly points out, we should
avoid thinking that everyone in the same group has a language and
common identity.
Therefore, translanguaging is a practice that, as we see in the si-
following quotes may "give voice to new sociopolitical realities by questioning
the linguistic inequality" (García & Wei, 2014: 66) or, in other words,
[...] the voice that has been taken away by the ideologies of standards
monolinguals (Silverstein, 1996), either of English or Spanish” (García & Wei,
2014: 105). This kind of ideas was never associated with code-switching,

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phenomenon that has not helped much to change the educational approaches
captive. Thus, it seems that translanguage focuses more on the use of
the languages, in the practices of bilingual speakers and in the strategies that
they use to construct meanings and give voice to their multilingualism and multiculturalism
reality. In the words of García and Wei:
Translanguage differs from the notion of code-switching in that it does not
it refers not only to an alternation or change between two languages, but to the construction
and use by speakers of original, complex discursive practices,
interrelated that cannot be easily assigned to one definition or another.
language dictionary, but they constitute the complete linguistic repertoire of the
speakers. (García & Wei 2014: 22).
However, translanguaging is not only based on pedagogical practices
issues related to language, but also encompasses a claim
social and identity. For this reason, the implementation becomes so important.
of translanguage as pedagogy, as it presents the ability to promote
a change in the speakers, in the classroom, and in society to leave behind politics
monolingual cases and linguistic conceptions, as the practice of one language at a
time. This language teaching method consists of imposing the use of a
language during part of the school day and the use of another language during
another period of the day, discarding the use of both languages in the same one
class. However, translanguaging allows multilingual individuals
can express themselves using all the resources at their disposal and, in this way,
to be able to experiment with one's identity. Thus, in this area, the importance
the essence of this practice lies in that "through the use of language, individuals and
groups can deliberately claim or repudiate an assigned identity,
or assign or deny an identity in relation to another person" (Bucholtz, 2009:
24). Therefore, speakers accept or reject (negotiate) certain practices.
and linguistic norms established through bilingualism and this, in turn,
conforms their identities both individual and social and, in most cases
of the cases, culturally mixed. In fact, in Creese and Blackledge (2010),
it is stated that a speaker who makes use of their bilingualism is also with
Hello making use of their identities. We can say that when an individual
multilingual chooses one language positions itself against the other language and
its culture, that is, of the identity that is ascribed to that other language. For the
so, in addition to the linguistic reasons why a speaker alternates between
code (to indicate a change of topic or activity, to make a comment-
marginal tariff, due to the impossibility of translating certain expressions...), there are
social reasons for practicing translanguaging.
all these reasons, I find the following statement so significant: 'A
education that excludes students' mother tongues violates their rights
to education” (Freeman & Freeman, 2011: 143).
Thus, another of the keys that can be inferred from the previous paragraph, and that
García (2009) mentions that translanguaging promotes a 'bilingualism.
more dynamic" (García, 2009: 301) than code switching. Taking in
García and Wei (2014) report that this dynamism can be understood in terms of
of the construction of meaning, or of the view of languages as a unique
with the linguistic repertoire that must be nurtured and used in all contexts.

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It can also be understood as the development of a critical consciousness that,

on one hand, reflect on language policies and the inequalities that
they carry and, on the other hand, help to forge identity and change the vision of
otherness represented by minority languages. Additionally, according to García and Wei
(2014) is an extremely useful tool for promoting learning
of bilinguals, not only in language classes, but also in content classes
Good. In fact, these authors state: 'translanguage, says García (2011a,
147), goes beyond code-switching and translation in education
because it refers to the process by which bilingual students act
bilingual manner in a myriad of multimodal ways in class’ [...]” (García
& Wei, 2014: 65).
On the other hand, another issue that seems key to me is that, according to García
(2015), epistemologically, alternation is an external construct, that it
relates to the way institutions view the practice of changing from
a language to another, while translanguage is defined internally as
the individual practices of bilinguals and their linguistic repertoires
Thus, García asserts: "Baker (2001) clarifies that translanguaging does not
it is about code-switching, but rather about a framework that normalizes the bilin-
güismo without a functional separation" (García, 2009: 302). Therefore, it could be
to shape as if, in the alternation, the speaker has two compartments
separated with their two languages, while in the translanguage both languages
are available in the same compartment, which includes all of its
linguistic repertoire. This also aligns with Grosjean's idea (1989)
which states that "the bilingual is not two monolinguals in one person."

CONCLUSION
In conclusion, we can affirm that there is no consensus on what characterizes
Characteristics distinguish the concepts of code alternation and translanguage. Without
embargo, based on the provided bibliography, I have been able to establish some differences
references that seem essential to unlink one concept from another. Before
summarize them in the following paragraph, it is worth noting that, despite the ambiguity
of the concepts, what seems to be clear is that, unfortunately, in the
in the field of education, these practices are understood broadly, but
practiced in a limited manner" (Park, 2013: 51).
First of all, in my opinion, code switching has been relegated.
to the merely linguistic terrain; while translanguage, phenomenon
more contemporary, involves creativity (through the expansion of re-
portraits), and criticality (through social awareness) to break with
the linguistic and social rules. According to Creese and Blackledge (2010), the
translanguage connects the social, cultural, community, and linguistic aspects in life of
multilingual individuals. Secondly, code-switching can be seen as
an external phenomenon to the individual, which simply alternates between its two len-
huas as separate entities; while translanguage is a practice in-
tern, which is directly related to the complete and personal repertoire
of each multilingual speaker, which is just one and encompasses everything. Thirdly,
translanguage also presents bilingualism in a more dynamic way than
the alternation, which can be understood from various perspectives, for example, that

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it is a phenomenon that focuses more on the practices and strategies of the speakers
this and how they assign meaning to the world around them. Fourthly,
translanguage is used to accommodate more social conceptions and to
own alternation, which never had a place in the curricular designs in the
land of education. The pedagogies of translanguage advocate for practices
of teaching that allows for the development of the linguistic and social scope of the
multilingual. That is to say, their creativity and criticality.
Finally, it is worth noting that, in its origins, the alternation is interpreted
but as a practice related to the speaker's identity. However,
the emergence of the concept of translanguaging has caused this idea to become disconnected
in a certain way of alternation. Thus, both concepts would be involved
created in the development of a multilingual individual's identity, but it would be,
only through the translanguage that multilinguals negotiate their identities
data. For example, a multilingual speaker who engages in code-switching
code will be demonstrating its belonging to two cultures. However, if this
practice will lead you to ask yourself why, or if through it you will try to accept or
reject linguistic impositions or negotiate their identity consciously
In that case, I think the concept of alternation would no longer be applicable.
and that should be talked about translanguage. However, as I have been...
conditioning, other authors do not share this view. A final example would be
Escamilla, Hopewell, Butvilofsky, Sparrow,Soltero-González, Ruiz-Figueroa
and Escamilla (2014), who do not speak of translanguage, but rather of alternation of
code, but they maintain the relationship of this practice with identity. Thus,
code switching, which they define as an alternation of languages in a
determined linguistic context, is presented through the prism of what we have
known as translanguage, as it is a practice in which 'the es-
Students not only transfer their skills and strategies, but also to them.
themselves, their people, their social realities and their knowledge of the world
(Escamilla et al., 2014: 77).

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