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"A constellation of great converts there
Shone round him, and his heavenly glory were.
Gookin was one of them; by Thompson's pains
Christ and New England a dear Gookin gains."
The expulsion of the Boston ministers was the Indian massacre
beginning of a systematic harassing of the Puritans of 1644.
in Virginia. It was strangely affected by the
massacre perpetrated by the Indians in the spring of 1644.[146] We
seem carried back to the times of John Smith when we encounter
once more the grim figure of Opekankano alive and on the war-path.
We have no need, however, with some thoughtless writers, to call
him a hundred years old. It was only thirty-six years since Smith's
capture by the Indians, although so much history had been made
that the interval seems much longer. Though a wrinkled and grizzled
warrior, Opekankano need not have been more than sixty or seventy
when he wreaked upon the white men his second massacre, on the
eve of Good Friday, 1644. The victims numbered about 300, but the
Indians were quickly put down by Berkeley, and a new treaty
confined them to the north of York River; any Indian venturing
across that boundary, except as an envoy duly marked with a badge,
was liable to be shot at sight. Opekankano was taken captive and
carried on a litter to Jamestown, whence Berkeley intended to send
him to London as a trophy and spectacle, but before sailing time the
old chief was ignobly murdered by one of his guards. It was the end
of the Powhatan confederacy.
Some worthy people interpreted this massacre as a
judgment of Heaven upon the kingdom of Virginia Conflicting views
of theodicy.
for the sin of harbouring Puritans; rather a tardy
judgment, one would say, coming a year after the persecution of
such heretics had begun in earnest. In Governor Winthrop's opinion,
[147] on the contrary, the sin which received such grewsome
punishment was the expulsion of the Boston ministers, with other
acts of persecution that followed. Rev. Thomas Harrison, the bigoted
Berkeley's bigoted chaplain, saw the finger of God in the massacre,
repented of his own share in the work of persecution, and upbraided
the governor, who forthwith dismissed him. Then Harrison turned
Puritan and went to preaching at Nansemond, in flat defiance of
Berkeley, who ordered and threatened and swore till he was out of
breath, when suddenly business called him over to England.
It was the year of Marston Moor, an inauspicious
year for Cavaliers, but a hopeful time for that Invasion of
Maryland by
patient waiter, William Claiborne. The governor of Claiborne and
Maryland, as well as the governor of Virginia, had Ingle.
gone to England on business, and while the cats
were away the mice did play. The king ordered that any Parliament
ships that might be tarrying in Maryland waters should forthwith be
seized. When this order was received at St. Mary's, the deputy-
governor, Giles Brent, felt bound to obey it, and as there seemed to
be no ships accessible that had been commissioned by Parliament,
he seized the ship of one Richard Ingle, a tobacco trader who was
known to be a Puritan and strongly suspected of being a pirate. This
incident caused some excitement and afforded the watchful
Claiborne his opportunity of revenge. He made visits to Kent Island
and tried to dispel the doubts of the inhabitants by assuring them
that he had a commission from the king.[148] He may have meant by
this some paper given him by Charles I. before the adverse decision
of 1638 and held as still valid by some private logic of his own.
When Governor Calvert returned from England in the autumn of
1644 he learned that Claiborne was preparing to invade his
dominions, along with Ingle, who had brought upon the scene
another ship well manned and heavily armed. It was a curious
alliance, inasmuch as Claiborne had professed to be acting with a
royal commission, while Ingle now boasted of a commission from
Parliament. But this trifling flaw in point of consistency did not make
the alliance a weak one. It is not sure that the invasion was
concerted between Claiborne and Ingle, though doubtless the former
welcomed the aid of the latter in reinstating himself in what he
believed to be his right. The invasion was completely successful.
While Claiborne recovered Kent Island, Ingle captured St. Mary's,
and Leonard Calvert was fain to take refuge in Virginia. During two
years of anarchy Ingle and his men roamed about "impressing" corn
and tobacco, cattle and household furniture, stuffing ships with
plunder to be exported and turned into hard cash. The estates of
Cornwallis were especially ill-treated, the Indian mission was broken
up, and good Father White, loaded with irons, was sent to England
on a trumped-up charge of treason, of which he was promptly
acquitted. Long afterward this Claiborne-Ingle frolic was
remembered in Maryland as the "plundering time."
In 1645 Sir William Berkeley returned to Virginia,
and from him the fugitive Calvert received effective Expulsion of
Claiborne and
aid and sympathy, so that late in 1646 he was able Ingle.
to invade his own territory with a force of
Virginians and fugitive Marylanders. Claiborne and Appointment of
Ingle were soon expelled, and Leonard Calvert's William Stone as
authority was fully reëstablished. Not long governor.
afterward, in June, 1647, this able governor died.
For his brother Cecilius, Lord Baltimore, this was a trying time. He
was a royalist at heart, with little sympathy for Puritans, but like
many other Catholics he thought it wise to keep on good terms with
Parliament, in the hope of securing more toleration than heretofore.
Such a course between Charybdis and Scylla was attended with
perils. In 1648 Cecilius appointed to his governorship William Stone,
a liberal-minded Protestant and supporter of Parliament. Soon after
the king's beheading, the young Charles II., a fugitive in the island
of Jersey, hearing of Stone's appointment, interpreted it as an act of
disloyalty on Baltimore's part, and so in a fit of spite made out a
grant handing over the palatinate of Maryland to Sir William
Davenant, that poet-laureate who was said to resemble Shakespeare
until ravening vanity made him pretend to be Shakespeare's
illegitimate son. Sir William actually set sail for America, but was
overhauled in the Channel by a Parliament cruiser and carried off to
the Tower, where amid sore distress he found a generous protector
in John Milton. It was not very long before Charles II. came to
realize his mistake about Lord Baltimore.
In Maryland the great event of the year 1649,
which witnessed the death of Charles I., was the The Toleration Act
of 1649.
passage on April 21 of the Act concerning Religion.
This famous statute, commonly known as the "Toleration Act, was
drawn up by Cecilius himself, and passed the assembly exactly as it
came from him, without amendment. With regard to Cecilius,
therefore, it may be held to show, if not the ideas which he actually
entertained, at least those which he deemed it prudent to embody in
legislation. It is not likely to have surpassed his ideals, but it may
easily have fallen somewhat short of them. The statute is so
important that the pertinent sections of it deserve to be quoted at
length:[149]—
"That whatsoever person or persons within this Province and the
Islands thereunto belonging, shall from henceforth blaspheme God,
that is curse him, or deny our Saviour Jesus Christ to bee the sonne
of God, or shall deny the holy Trinity, the ffather sonne and holy
Ghost, or the God head of any of the said three persons of the
Trinity, or the unity of the Godhead, or shall use or utter any
reproachfull speeches, words or language concerning the said Holy
Trinity, or any of the said three persons thereof, shall be punished
with death, and confiscation or forfeiture of all his or her lands and
goods to the Lord Proprietary and his heires.
"That whatsoever person or persons shall from henceforth use or
utter any reproachfull words, or speeches, concerning the blessed
Virgin Mary, the mother of our Saviour, or the holy apostles, or
Evangelists, or any of them, shall in such case for the first offence
forfeit to the said Lord Proprietary and his heires the sume of ffive
pound sterling."—
"That whatsoever person shall henceforth upon any occasion,
declare, call, or denominate any person or persons whatsoever
inhabiting, residing, traffiqueing, trading or commerceing within this
Province, or within any of the Ports, Harbors, Creeks or Havens to
the same belonging, an heretick, Scismatick, Idolator, Puritan,
Independent, Prespiterian, popish priest, Iesuit, Iesuited papist,
Lutheran, Calvenist, Anabaptist, Brownist, Antinomian, Barronist,
Roundhead, Sep'atist, or any other name or term in a reproachfull
manner relating to matter of Religion, shall for every such offence
forfeit the sume of tenne shillings sterling.—
"Whereas the inforcing of the conscience in matters of Religion hath
frequently fallen out to be of dangerous consequence in those
commonwealths where it hath been practised, and for the more
quiet and peaceble government of this Province, and the better to
preserve mutuall Love and amity amongst the Inhabitants thereof;
Be it therefore also by the Lord Proprietary with the advice and
consent of this Assembly, ordered and enacted (except as in this
present act is before declared and sett forth,) that noe person or
persons whatsoever within this Province, or the Islands: Ports,
Harbors, Creeks or havens thereunto belonging, professing to
believe in Jesus Christ, shall from henceforth bee any waies
troubled, molested or discountenanced for or in respect to his or her
religion."
A statute which threatens Unitarians with death leaves something to
be desired in the way of toleration, even though it fines a man ten
shillings for calling his neighbour a Calvinist in a reproachful manner.
Nevertheless, for the age when it was enacted this statute was
eminently liberal, and it certainly reflects great credit upon Lord
Baltimore. To be ruler over a country wherein no person professing
to believe in Jesus Christ should be molested in the name of religion
was a worthy ambition, and one from which Baltimore's
contemporaries in Massachusetts and elsewhere might have learned
valuable lessons. Such a policy as was announced in this memorable
Toleration Act was not easy to realize in the seventeenth century.
The very year in which it was enacted saw the grim wolf of
intolerance thrusting his paw in at the door.
As had happened before, the woes of the Virginia
Leah brought woe upon the Maryland Rachel. Migration of
Puritans from
When Governor Berkeley returned from England, Virginia to
Maryland.
he did more than swear at the defiant chaplain
Harrison and the other preachers of Puritanism south of James River.
He banished the pastors and made life unendurable for the flocks. In
1648 two of the Nansemond elders, Richard Bennett and William
Durand, fleeing to Maryland, were kindly received by Governor
Stone, who extended a most hospitable invitation to their people to
leave Virginia and settle in the Baltimore palatinate. Cecilius had
complained that settlers did not come fast enough and his colony
was still too weak, whereupon Stone had promised to do his best to
bring in 500 new people. His opportunity had now come; early in
1649 an advance body of 300 Puritans came from Nansemond. The
rest of their brethren hesitated, fearing lest Catholics might be no
pleasanter neighbours than the king's men, but the course of events
soon decided them. The news of the execution of Charles I. was
generally greeted in Virginia with indignation and horror, feelings
which were greatly intensified by the arrival of the Cavaliers who in
that year began to flock to Virginia. One ship in September brought
330 Cavaliers, and probably more than 1,000 came in the course of
the year. In October the assembly declared that the beheading of
the king was an act of treason which nobody in Virginia must dare to
speak in defence of under penalty of death. It also spoke of the
fugitive Charles II. as "his Majesty that now is," and made it treason
to call his authority in question. These were the last straws upon the
back of the Puritan camel, and in the course of the next few months
the emigration from Nansemond went on till as many as 1,000
persons had gone over to Maryland. They settled upon land
belonging to the Susquehannocks, near the mouth of a stream upon
which they bestowed the name of the glorious English river that falls
into the sea between Glamorgan and the Mendip Hills, and the
county through which this new-found Severn flowed they called
Providence from feelings like those which had led Roger Williams to
give that comforting name to his settlement on Narragansett Bay.
Presently this new Providence became a county bearing Lady
Baltimore's name, Anne Arundel, and the city which afterwards grew
up in it was called Annapolis. This country had not been cleared for
agriculture by the Indians, like the region about St. Mary's, and
there was some arduous pioneer work for the Puritan colony.
In changing the settlement or plantation of
Providence into the county of Anne Arundel, Designs of the
Puritans.
something more than a question of naming was
involved. The affair was full of political significance. Puritans at first
entertained an idea that they might be allowed to form an imperium
in imperio, maintaining a kind of Greek autonomy on the banks of
their Severn, instead of becoming an integral portion of Baltimore's
palatinate. At first they refused to elect representatives to the
assembly at St. Mary's; when presently they yielded to Governor
Stone's urgency and sent two representatives in 1650, one of them
was straightway chosen speaker of the House; nevertheless, in the
next year the Puritans again held aloof. They believed that the
Puritan government in England would revoke Lord Baltimore's
charter, and they wished to remain separated from his fortunes.
Their willingness to settle within his territory was coupled with the
belief that it would not much longer be his.
This belief was not wholly without reason. The
war-ships of the Commonwealth were about to Submission of
Virginia to
appear in Chesapeake Bay. Such audacious Cromwell.
proceedings as those of the Virginia Assembly
could not be allowed to go unnoticed by Parliament, and early in
1652 four commissioners were sent to receive the submission of
Berkeley and his colony. One of these commissioners was Richard
Bennett, the Puritan elder who had been driven from Nansemond.
Another was the irrepressible Claiborne, whom Berkeley had helped
drive out of Maryland. The Virginians at first intended to defy the
commissioners and resist the fleet, but after some parley leading to
negotiations, they changed their minds. It was not prudent to try to
stand up against Oliver Cromwell, and he, for his part, was no
fanatic. Virginia must submit, but she might call it a voluntary
submission. She might keep her assembly, by which alone could she
be taxed, all prohibitions upon her trade should be repealed, and her
people might toast the late king in private as much as they pleased;
only no public stand against the Commonwealth would be tolerated.
On these terms Virginia submitted. Sir William Berkeley resigned the
governorship, sold his brick house in Jamestown, and went out to his
noble plantation at Green Spring near by, there to bide his time. For
the next eight years things moved along peaceably under three
successive Roundhead governors, all chosen by the House of
Burgesses. The first was Richard Bennett, who was succeeded in
March, 1655, by Edward Digges; and after a year Digges was
followed by that gallant Samuel Mathews who had once given such a
bear's hug to the arrogant Sir John Harvey. As for Claiborne, he was
restored to his old office of secretary of state.
In Maryland there was more trouble. As soon as
Claiborne had disposed of the elder sister, Leah, he Claiborne and
Bennett in
went to settle accounts with the youthful Rachel, Maryland.
who had so many wooers. There was Episcopal
Virginia, whose pretensions to the fair damsel were based on its old
charter; there was the Catholic lord proprietor, to whom Charles I.
had solemnly betrothed her; there were the Congregational brethren
of Providence on the Severn, whose new pretensions made light of
these earlier vows; but the master of the situation was Claiborne,
with his commission from Parliament and his heavily armed frigate.
Mighty little cared he, says a contemporary writer, for religion or for
punctilios; what he was after was that sweet and rich country.
Claiborne's conduct, however, did not quite merit such a slur. In this
his hour of triumph he behaved without violence, nor do we find him
again laying hands upon Kent Island. On arriving with Bennett at St.
Mary's, they demanded that Governor Stone and his council should
sign a covenant "to be true and faithful to the Commonwealth of
England as it is now established without King or House of Lords." To
this demand no objection was made, but the further demand, that
all writs and warrants should run no longer in Baltimore's name, but
in the name of the Keepers of the Liberty of England, was
obstinately refused. For this refusal Stone was removed from office,
a provisional government was established, and the commissioners
sailed away. This was in April, 1652. After two months of meditation
Stone sent word to Jamestown that he was willing to yield in the
matter of the writs, whereupon Claiborne and Bennett promptly
returned to St. Mary's and restored him to office.
But those were shifting times. Within a year, in
April, 1653, Cromwell turned out of doors the Renewal of the
troubles.
Rump Parliament, otherwise called Keepers of the
Liberty of England; and accordingly, as writs could no longer run in
their name, Stone announced that he should issue them, as
formerly, in the name of Lord Baltimore. He did this by order of
Cecilius himself. Trouble arose at the same time between Stone and
the Puritans of Providence, and the result of all this was the
reappearance of Bennett and Claiborne at St. Mary's, in July, 1654.
Again they deposed Stone and placed the government in the hands
of a council, with William Fuller as its president. Then they issued
writs for the election of an assembly, and once more departed for
Jamestown. According to the tenor of these writs, no Roman
Catholic could either be elected as a burgess or vote at the election;
in this way a house was obtained that was almost unanimously
Puritan, and in October this novel assembly so far forgot its sense of
the ludicrous as to pass a new "Toleration Act" securing to all
persons freedom of conscience, provided such liberty were not
extended to "popery, prelacy, or licentiousness of opinion." In short,
these liberal Puritans were ready to tolerate everybody except
Catholics, Episcopalians, and anybody else who disagreed with them!
When Lord Baltimore heard how Stone had
surrendered the government, he wrote a letter Battle of the
Severn.
chiding him for it. The legal authority of the
commissioners, Bennett and Claiborne, had expired with the Rump
Parliament. Cromwell was now Lord Protector, and according to his
own theory the Protectorate was virtually the assignee of the Crown
and successor to all its rights and obligations. Baltimore's charter
was therefore as sound under the Protectorate as it had ever been.
Knowing that Cromwell favoured this view, Cecilius wrote to Stone to
resume the government and withstand the Puritans. This led at once
to civil war. Governor Stone gathered a force of 130 men and
marched against the settlement at Providence, flying Baltimore's
beautiful flag of black and gold. Captain Fuller, with 175 men, was
ready for him, and the two little armies met on the bank of the
Severn, March 25, 1655. Besides his superiority in numbers, Fuller
was helped by two armed merchant ships, the one British, the other
from New England, which kept up a sharp fire from the river. Stone's
men were put to flight, leaving one third of their number in killed
and wounded. One old Puritan writer tells us with keen enjoyment
that the field whence they fled was strewn with their "Papist beads."
Among the prisoners taken was Stone himself, who was badly
wounded. Fuller at once held a court-martial at which Stone and
nine other leading men were sentenced to death. Four were
executed, but on the intercession of some kind-hearted women
Stone and the others were pardoned.
The supremacy of the Puritans in Maryland thus
seemed to be established, but it was of short Lord Baltimore
sustained by
duration. Some of the leading Puritans in Virginia, Cromwell.
such as Bennett and Mathews, visited London and
tried to get Baltimore's charter annulled. But their efforts soon
revealed the fact that Cromwell was not on their side of the
question, and so they gave up in despair, and the quarrel of nearly
thirty years' standing was at last settled by a compromise in 1657.
Lord Baltimore promised complete amnesty for all offences against
his government from the very beginning, and he gave his word
never to consent to the repeal of his Toleration Act of 1649. Upon
these terms Virginia withdrew her opposition to his charter, and
indemnified Claiborne by extensive land grants for the loss of Kent
Island. Baltimore appointed Captain Josias Fendall to be governor of
Maryland and sent out his brother Philip Calvert to be secretary. The
men of Providence were fain to accept toleration at the hands of
those to whom they had refused to grant it, and in March, 1658,
Governor Fendall's authority was acknowledged throughout the
palatinate. Peace reigned on the shores of Chesapeake Bay, the
claims of Leah and Rachel were adjusted, and the fair sisters
quarrelled no more.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] E. E. Hale, in Proc. Amer. Antiq. Soc. N. S. viii. 190-212.
[2] Grimm et Diderot, Correspondance littéraire, tom. xv. p. 325.
[3] Genty, L'influence de la découverte de l'Amérique, etc., 2^e
éd., Orleans, 1789, tom. ii. pp. 148-150.
[4] Id. p. 192 ff.
[5] Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. iii. 19.
[6] Froude, History of England, viii. 439.
[7] Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. iii. 61.
[8] See my Discovery of America, i. 209.
[9] Froude, History of England, x. 59.
[10] Brown's Genesis of the United States, i. 9.
[11] Originally the Pelican; see Barrow's Life of Drake, pp. 113,
166, 171.
[12] Barrow's Life of Drake, p. 167.
[13] See below, p. 61; and compare my Discovery of America, ii.
525.
[14] Stebbing's Sir Walter Ralegh, p. 43.
[15] Brown's Genesis, p. 10.
[16] Froude, History of England, xii. 392.
[17] Brown's Genesis, i. 20.
[18] Stebbing's Ralegh, p. 129.
[19] The fate of White's colony has been a subject for speculation
even to the present day; and attempts have been made to detect
its half-breed descendants among the existing population of North
Carolina. The evidence, however, is too frail to support the
conclusions.
[20] Doyle, Virginia, etc. p. 106.
[21] Hakluyt's Discourse of Western Planting (in Maine Hist. Soc.
Coll.), Cambridge, 1877, p. x.
[22] The case is put vigorously by Sir Thomas More in 1516:
"Your sheep, that were wont to be so meek and tame, are now
become so great devourers and so wild that they eat up and
swallow down the very men themselves. They consume, destroy,
and devour whole fields, houses, and cities; for look in what part
of the realm doth grow the finest, and therefore dearest wool,
there noblemen and gentlemen, yea, and certain abbots, holy
men, God wot! not contenting themselves with the yearly
revenues and profits that were wont to grow to their forefathers
and predecessors of their lands, nor being content that they live
in rest and pleasure—nothing profiting, yea, much annoying the
weal publick—leave no ground for tillage; they enclose all into
pastures, they throw down houses, they pluck down towns, and
leave nothing standing but only the church to be made a sheep-
house. And, as though you lost no small quantity of ground by
forests, chases, lands, and parks, those good holy men turn all
dwelling places and all glebe lands into desolation and wilderness,
enclosing many thousands acres of ground together within one
pale or hedge," while those who formerly lived on the land, "poor,
silly, wretched souls, men, women, husbands, wives, fatherless
children, widows, and woeful mothers with young babes, were
starving and homeless. And where many labourers had existed by
field labour, only a single shepherd or herdsman was occupied."—
Utopia, book i.
[23] Doyle, Virginia, etc. p. 103.
[24] In many cases the monasteries by injudicious relief had
increased the number of paupers and beggars. The subject of this
paragraph is admirably expounded in Ashley's Introduction to
English Economic History, ii. 190-376.
[25] See my Discovery of America, i. 409.
[26] Payne, European Colonies, p. 55.
[27] Circumstances not wholly creditable to him; see Stebbing's
Ralegh, pp. 89-94.
[28] Stith's Virginia, Sabin's reprint, New York, 1865, p. 30.
[29] The Ancient British Drama, London, 1810, vol. ii.
[30] Brown's Genesis, i. 46.
[31] See my Civil Government in the United States, chap. iv.
[32] He is commonly but incorrectly called the brother of the
Chief Justice.
[33] The original is in the MS. Minutes of the London Company, in
the Library of Congress, 2 vols. folio.
[34] Brown's Genesis, i. 91.
[35] Drayton's Works, London, 1620. Drayton was afterwards
poet laureate.
[36] Some skepticism was manifested by one of Smith's
contemporaries, Thomas Fuller, who says, in his Worthies of
England, "It soundeth much to the diminution of his deeds that
he alone is the herald to publish and proclaim them." The good
Fuller was mistaken, however. Some of Smith's most striking
deeds, as we shall see, were first proclaimed by others.
[37] Campbell's Lives of the Chief Justices, i. 210.
[38] This sketch of Smith's early life is based upon his True
Travels, etc., in his Works, edited by Edward Arber, Birmingham,
1884, pp. 821-880.
[39] For a good sketch of Sigismund and his relations to the
Empire and to the Turks, see Schlosser's Weltgeschichte, vol. xiii.
pp. 325-344.
[40] Smith's Works, ed. Arber, pp. xxii., 842.
[41] Purchas, His Pilgrimes, ii. 1363.
[42] So many long missing historical documents have turned up
of late years that it is never safe to assert that one is "lost." That
great scholar, Don Pascual de Gayangos, seems to have seen a
printed Spanish translation of Farnese's book, but I do not know
where it is.
[43] It would be just like Smith, I think, not to make much
account of his exploit. Hence he neglected to make any record of
his grant of arms until the appearance of Purchas's book in 1625,
and resulting talks among friends, probably impressed upon him
the desirableness of making such a record.
[44] Thomas Carlton's verses, in Smith's Works, ed. Arber, p. 692.
[45] See my Discovery of America, ii. 105.
[46] It seems likely that the point at the upper end of the Roads
received its name of Newport News from the gallant captain. On
several old maps I have found it spelled Newport Ness, which is
equivalent to Point Newport.
[47] See above, p. 75.
[48] It was not far from this spot that Ayllon had made his
unsuccessful attempt to found a Spanish colony in 1526. See my
Discovery of America, ii. 490.
[49] The Englishmen were bewildered by barbaric usages utterly
foreign to their experience. Kinship among these Indians, as so
generally among barbarians and savages, was reckoned through
females only, and when the English visitors were told that The
Powhatan's office would descend to his maternal brothers, even
though he had sons living, the information was evidently correct,
but they found it hard to understand or believe. So when one of
the chiefs on the James River insisted upon giving back some
powder and balls which one of his men had stolen, it was
regarded as a proof of strict honesty and friendliness, whereas
the more probable explanation is that a prudent Indian, at that
early time, would consider it bad medicine to handle the thunder-
and-lightning stuff or keep it about one. See my Beginnings of
New England, p. 85.
[50] See above, p. 75.
[51] Smith's Works, ed. Arber, p. 95.
[52] Smith's Works, p. lxxii.
[53] Neil's Virginia Company, p. 19.
[54] Smith's Works, p. lxxxiv.
[55] It is true, this letter of 1616 was first made public in the
"General History" in 1624 (see Smith's Works, p. 530); so that
Smith's detractors may urge that the letter is trumped up and was
never sent to Queen Anne. If so, the question recurs, Why did
not some enemy or hostile critic of Smith in 1624 call attention to
so flagrant a fraud?
[56] Brown's Genesis, ii. 964; Neill's Virginia Vetusta, pp. v-x.
[57] See above, p. 76.
[58] Even in The Powhatan's wigwam, it was only after "having
feasted him [Smith] after their best barbarous manner they
could," that the Indians brought the stones and prepared to kill
him. Smith's Works, p. 400.
[59] It is true that in 1608 the Powhatans were still unfamiliar
with white men and inclined to dread them as more or less
supernatural; but they had thoroughly learned that fair skins and
long beards were no safeguard against disease and death. If they
did not know that the Jamestown colony had dwindled to eight-
and-thirty men, they knew that their own warriors had slain all
Smith's party and taken him captive.
[60] Smith's Works, p. 400.
[61] Id. p. 26. Of course the cases of rescue and adoption were
endlessly various in circumstances; see the case of Couture, in
Parkman's Jesuits, p. 223; on another occasion "Brigeac was
tortured to death with the customary atrocities. Cuillérier, who
was present, ... expected the same fate, but an old squaw happily
adopted him, and thus saved his life." Parkman's Old Régime in
Canada, revised ed. p. 108. For adoption in general see Morgan,
Ancient Society, p. 80; League of the Iroquois, p. 342; Colden's
History of the Five Nations, London, 1755, i. 9.
[62] Of the really critical attacks upon the story of Pocahontas,
the most important are those of Charles Deane, in his Notes on
Wingfield's Discourse of Virginia, Boston, 1859, and Henry
Adams, in the North American Review, vol. civ. Their arguments
have been ably answered by W. W. Henry, in Proceedings of
Virginia Historical Society, 1882, and Charles Poindexter, in his
Captain John Smith and his Critics, Richmond, 1893. There are
two writers of valuable books who seldom allude to Smith without
sneers and words of abuse,—Alexander Brown, of Virginia, and
Edward Duffield Neill, of Minnesota; they seem to resent, as a
personal grievance, the fact that the gallant captain ever existed.
On the other hand, no one loves him better than the learned
editor of his books, who has studied them with microscopic
thoroughness, Edward Arber. My own defence of Smith, when set
forth in a lecture at University College, London, 1879, was warmly
approved by my friend, the late Henry Stevens.
[63] The word "raccoon" is a thorn in poor Smith's flesh, and his
attempts to represent the sound of it from guttural Indian mouths
are droll: "There is a beast they call Aroughcun, much like a
badger, but useth to live on trees as squirrels do."—"He sent me
presents of bread and Raugroughcuns."—" Covered with a great
covering of Rahoughcums."—"A robe made of Rarowcun skins,"
etc., etc.
[64] Doyle's Virginia, p. 124.
[65] Smith's Works, p. 122.
[66] Smith's Works, p. 439.
[67] Id. p. 108.
[68] See above, p. 58.
[69] Smith here means the village of that name, on the James
River, near the site of Richmond. See above, p. 94.
[70] Smith's Works, pp. 442-445.
[71] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 28.
[72] Smith's Works, pp. 448-465.
[73] Wampum is undoubtedly meant.
[74] Brown's Genesis, i. 228.
[75] Doyle's Virginia, p. 128.
[76] Plain Description of the Bermudas, p. 10; apud Force, vol. iii.
[77] See my Discovery of America, ii. 59.
[78] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 32.
[79] See Spelman's account of the affair, in Smith's Works, pp.
cii.-cv.
[80] See my Discovery of America, i. 27, 28, and passim. For a
national floral emblem, however, the columbine (aquilegia) has
probably more points in its favour than any other.
[81] Smith's Works, p. 486.
[82] Brown's Genesis, i. 407.
[83] Smith's Works, p. 487.
[84] Smith's Works, p. 508.
[85] Another interesting person sailed with Argall to Jamestown.
A lad, Henry Spelman, son of the famous antiquary. Sir Henry
Spelman, was at the Pamunkey village when Ratcliffe and his
party were massacred by The Powhatan (see above, p. 153). The
young man's life was saved by Pocahontas, and he was probably
adopted. Argall found him with Pocahontas among the Potomacs,
and bought him at the cost of a small further outlay in copper.
Spelman afterward became a person of some importance in the
colony. His "Relation of Virginia," containing an interesting
account of the Ratcliffe massacre and other matters, was first
published under the learned editorship of Henry Stevens in 1872,
and has since been reprinted in Arber's invaluable edition of
Smith's Works, pp. ci.-cxiv.
[86] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 98.
[87] Smith's Works, p. 533.
[88] See Meade's Old Churches and Families of Virginia, ii. 79; a
most useful and delightful hook, in about a thousand pages
without an index!
[89] There is a play upon words here. The first "top" is apparently
equivalent to "drink up," as in the following: "Its no hainous
offence (beleeve me) for a young man ... to toppe of a canne
roundly," Terence in English, 1614. The second "top" seems
equivalent to "put the finishing touch on."—"Silenus quaffs the
barrel, but Tobacco perfects the brain."
[90] Sweet.
[91] Nichols, Progresses of King James, ii. 739.
[92] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 66.
[93] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 67.
[94] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 71.
[95] Brown's Genesis, ii. 1014.
[96] Doyle's Virginia, p. 157.
[97] Neill's Virginia Company, pp. 179, 181.
[98] Gardiner, History of England, ii. 251.
[99] Stebbing's Ralegh, p. 121; cf. Bates, Central and South
America, p. 436.
[100] Some lines in sweet Saxon English, written by Raleigh on
the fly-leaf of his Bible, shortly before his death, are worth
remembering:—
"Even such is Time, that takes on trust
Our youth, our joys, and all we have,
And pays us but with age and dust;
Who in the dark and silent grave,
When we have wandered all our ways,
Shuts up the record of our days.
Yet from this earth, this grave, this dust,
The Lord shall raise me up, I trust."
[101] Stebbing's Ralegh, p. 386.
[102] Gardiner, History of England, iii. 161.
[103] Brown's Genesis, ii. 1016.
[104] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 413.
[105] Bright, History of England, ii. 604.
[106] Neill's Virginia Company, pp. 395-401.
[107] Carter's Ferrar, p. 71.
[108] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 411.
[109] Ingle, "Local Institutions of Virginia," J. H. U. Studies, iii.
148.
[110] Hening's Statutes at Large, i. 176, 193.
[111] Hutchinson, Hist. Mass. Bay, i. 37.
[112] Skottowe, Short History of Parliament, p. 19; Taswell-
Langmead, English Constitutional History, p. 262.
[113] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 140.
[114] Cooke's Virginia, p. 149.
[115] Hening's Statutes at Large, i. 156.
[116] Hening, i. 158, 183.
[117] Hening, i. 194, 219, 261, 263, 300, 319, 350.
[118] Hening, i 194.
[119] Neill's Virginia Company, p. 221.
[120] Neill's Virginia Carolorum, p. 79.
[121] Brodhead's History of New York, i. 254.
[122] Joyce, Irish Names of Places, Dublin, 1869, p. 322.
[123] From the so-called isle of Avalon, in Somerset, reputed to
be the place where Christianity was first preached in Britain; the
site of the glorious minster of Glastonbury, where rest the ashes
of Edgar the Peaceful and Edmund Ironside.
[124] Browne's Calverts, p. 17.
[125] Browne's Calverts, p. 25.
[126] Browne's Calverts, p. 29.
[127] Gardiner, History of England, viii. 179.
[128] Neill's Virginia Carolorum, p. 99.
[129] White's Relatio Itineris, publ. by Maryland Hist. Soc.
[130] Winsor, Narr. and Crit. Hist. iii. 526.
[131] There is an excellent summary of the institutions of
Durham in Bassett's "Constitutional Beginnings of North Carolina,"
Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. xii. For fuller accounts see
Surtees, History of the County Palatine of Durham; also Surtees
Society Publications, vols. xxxii., lxxxii., lxxxiv.
[132] For an account of the Maryland constitution, see Sparks,
[133] "Causes of the Maryland Revolution of 1689," Johns
Hopkins University Studies, vol. xiv.
[134] See Latané, "Early Relations between Maryland and
Virginia," Johns Hopkins University Studies, vol. xiii.
[135] See above, p. 145.
[136] Hammond, Leah and Rachel, or, The Two Fruitfull Sisters,
Virginia and Maryland, 1656.
[137] Neill, Virginia Carolorum, p. 126.
[138] Maryland Archives—Council Proceedings, i. 29.
[139] Hening's Statutes at Large, i. 223.
[140] "Memories of Yorktown," address by Lyon Gardiner Tyler,
President of William and Mary College, Richmond Times, Nov. 25,
1894. The original letter of Captain Mathews and the declaration
of Sir John Harvey concerning the "mutiny of 1635" are printed in
the Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, i. 416-430. In my
brief account I have tried to reconcile some apparent
inconsistencies in the various statements with regard to time.
Some accounts seem to extend over three or four days the events
which more probably occurred on the 27th and 28th. The point is
of no importance.
[141] The interval was from April 28, 1635, to January 18, 1637.
[142] Neill, Virginia Carolorum, p. 143.
[143] In the famous picture of the baptism of Pocahontas, in the
rotunda of the Capitol at Washington, Whitaker, as an Episcopal
clergyman, is depicted as clothed in a surplice. A letter of
Whitaker's, of June, 1614, tells us that no surplices were used in
Virginia; see Purchas His Pilgrimes, iv. 1771. Surplices began to
be used there about 1724 (see Hugh Jones, Present State of
Virginia, 1724, p. 69), and did not come into general use till the
nineteenth century (Latané, Early Relations, etc. p. 64).
[144] Randall, "A Puritan Colony in Maryland," Johns Hopkins
University Studies, iv.
[145] Hening's Statutes at Large, i. 277.
[146] Hildreth (Hist. of the U. S. i. 340) says that the Indians
"were encouraged by signs of discord among the English, having
seen a fight in James River between a London ship for the
Parliament and a Bristol ship for the king."
[147] Winthrop's Journal, ii. 164.
[148] Browne's Maryland, p. 60.
[149] Proceedings and Acts of the General Assembly of Maryland,
1637-1664, pp. 244-246.
Transcriber's Notes
--A larger version of some images is obtained by clicking on them. This will not work for
most e-readers.
--Footnotes have all been moved to the end of the text.
--Sidenotes have been moved to the begining of the relevent paragraph.
--Silently corrected palpable typos.
--Variations in hyphenation have been maintained.
--Assumed printer's errors have been corrected:
------Footnote 133 was not anchored by the printer. Placement is by the transcribers
estimate.
------In the table of contents "The mystery about White's colony 28,39" has been
corrected to "...38,39"."
------"How a part of Virginia was granted to him and received the name of Maryland 235"
to "......265"
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