Final Essay

By Maya Vaillancourt

Student ID: 40272729

For CLAS 264

Instructor: Dr. D. Matthew Buell

Date: April 5, 2024

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Many aspects of Ancient Egyptian society are only now being researched in depth due to

current sociological and anthropological challenges. Elements previously brushed off as simply

following Western norms are looked back on again and dissected with a new perspective. A

subject that is part of this contemporary relearning wave is gender identity in Ancient Egypt. It

has always been studied, but it has the opportunity to be revisited with its separate norms for men

and women and the effect status has on gender presentation. With a mention of a third gender,

the fickle nature of this element is clear in mythology and the funerary processes. Sexuality and

gender do not necessarily need to be observed simultaneously. Still, distinctions made between

acts carried out by a man or a woman give additional context to a difference in approach backed

by gender disparity. It is an ever-growing aspect of Ancient Egyptian Society that is worth the

time and effort to properly analyze it from new angles.

The Egyptians seek balance to relieve chaos in most spheres of their culture. The gender

binary is not an exception. There are indeed some mentions of a third gender, but its existence is

in and of itself a significance that the universe could lose its balance. This is not to say that there

are explicitly negative views surrounding this unclear gender, but the norm of binary between

men and women was present in Ancient Egypt.1 Although this concept is popular in the current

Western World, the separation of the genders into a binary would not follow the same parameters

as the period of Egypt discussed. There were distinctly male and female elements, but they could

be mixed while still retaining their respective places in the binary. Some figures show gendered

features from both sides with no question of their actual presenting gender identity. The Egyptian

language is also one to follow this convention of separating and mixing conventional binary

figures. The mixing of male and female iconography in texts was most common with divine

1
Mahmud 2021, 163.
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beings who often encompassed qualities from each side, but it was not presented as a special

case. There are no signs that this ambiguity was upsetting to the Ancient Egyptians; it simply

was a more correct depiction of the abilities of the being described with dual gender

iconography, divine or not.2

As a number of ancient societies tended to do, there were main life functions that men

and women were expected to fill. Some of them were regularly shared, while others stayed

stricter within the confines of gendered duty. Men were seen as the heads of the household, but

the management, including economics, was left to the women. Even if it was an incredibly male-

lead profession, there are instances of female scribes. The ladies could take part in business and

trade, as verified by looking at numerous private tombs from Old to New Kingdom dates, like

the tomb of Apy in Deir el-Medinah. No matter the gender or status, Egyptians were expected to

marry. Gain of property was at the forefront of marriage and the input of both parties was final

despite the involvement of the parents in the match. If the marriage was not satisfactory to a

spouse, divorce was common practice and not particularly frowned upon. It was also a chance

for women to attain the most honourable position: a mother.3 This role was so important that

there were instances of adoption in case a child could not be born. They enjoyed a much more

equal standing than what was seen in Greece, but the military was still a strictly male institution,

and social repercussions were harsher on women.4

This difference in standing in the social hierarchy between a husband and a wife, despite

the rather equalitarian nature of the Egyptian marriage, transpired into the arts. When looking at

statues of a married couple, the woman appears significantly smaller than the man, not only in

2
Dawson 2013, 3.
3
Wilfong 2010, 166.
4
Matic 2016 A, 174-175.
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stature but in proportions. Like in the statue of Memi and his wife Sabu, he seems to have been

portrayed bigger purposefully (Fig. 1). A similar technique was utilized to differentiate kings and

officials, parents and children, the one in a position of authority always visibly larger. The

common pose of the female figure embracing the male figure would also be an indication of the

support given to the most important being in the group presented, showing intimacy but

submission as well in one movement.5 In coloured art, men and women are differentiated by the

colour of their skin, with the former depicted as brownish-red and the latter as yellowish-brown.

This is not a visual expression of a disparity between the genders, simply a way to categorize by

the binary.6 The coloured wood on the wooden model of an Egyptian kitchen easily distinguishes

male and female characters (Fig. 2). The active depiction of the men and the passive pose of the

woman is also indicative of their genders and of an overall tradition of showing passivity in

women.7

Since the conventionality of the Ancient Egyptian binary spread through their art, it held

a certain power when it came to imagery. An interesting royal figure of the Early 18th Dynasty is

Hatshepsut, daughter of Thutmose I, wife and half-sister of Thutmose II, and stepmother to

Thutmose III. Her father had no male heir, and so the crown passed to a son from a secondary

wife, allowing a match between the half-siblings. Thutmose II only reigned for about three years

before he died, leaving Thutmose III much too young at his ascension and in need of a regent.

There are other instances of female kings, but none quite like Hatshepsut. She took the leading

role as regent immediately, although it is thought she was already running the state when her

husband was pharaoh. She did not present herself as a temporarily positioned regent but truly

5
Mahmud 2021, 166.
6
Wilfong 2010, 165.
7
Matic 2016 A, 174.
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established her reign and spiritual leadership expected of a pharaoh, mostly through the arts.

Kingship was a male institution in Ancient Egypt despite numerous female regents in the past.8

There were no overt rejections of the female leader, but the iconography of the pharaoh was

deeply masculine, in accordance with the Egyptian binary. Hatshepsut was crowned king and

gained a female royal name, Maatkare. In early depictions of her reign, she retains all her

feminine features, from the anatomy to the regalia. As time went on, however, she gained more

and more masculine elements in her imagery. In statues as well as relief, she is sporting the red

skin associated with men and regalia that was only ever worn by the king. In some depictions,

she is wearing the false beard of the king, and her anatomy even becomes fully male in some

cases.9 Looking at the granite statue of Hatshepsut kneeling, some of these elements are visible

(Fig. 3). She is wearing the nemes headdress and the false beard normally worn by male rulers.

Her facial features are masculine, and her bare chest is biologically male. Even her action serves

to solidify her claim to the title of pharaoh as she is offering maat to Amun and, therefore,

fulfilling her role as keeper of law and justice.10 Despite the regular genderbending in artistic

depictions of her, Hatshepsut was not thought to be a man or even dress like one on a daily basis.

She was always addressed with the feminine in the texts accompanying her male likeness,

separating the masculine kingly image from the woman adorning it. She was already well-known

at court before her regency because of her ancestry, so there would be no doubt as to her

biological gender for the officials.11 We have no account of whether she still dressed as a man on

a regular basis or if it was only in religious depictions, or when she is shown to fulfill the duties

of the pharaoh. This does not assert her as a biological woman who transitioned into a man but

8
Matic 2016 B, 814.
9
Matic 2016 B, 815.
10
Hilliard and Wurtzel 2009, 27.
11
Matic 2016 B, 816.
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rather reflects the iron grip of the binary on Ancient Egyptian customs. The position of the

pharaoh was one that was viewed as inherently masculine, no matter who was titled. It did not

matter that Hatshepsut was a woman; she wanted to be pharaoh, and so she had to adopt the

male-oriented imagery that came with the position. Gender-associated status was deeply rooted

in Ancient Egypt, transcending biological gender.

The binary defined mortals, but in mythology, the lines were blurred for the divinities.

Still, elements of it were kept. For example, even if the birth is divine, with Atum and Nun, there

is a necessity for both male and female stimulation. Atum, the male entity, masturbates using his

hand, which is viewed as the female entity.12 This is a recurring theme as men were viewed as

agents of creation, whereas women were associated with assistance and protection. Men could

rebirth while women could give birth. This duality of power of creation could be recognized in

some aspects, such as the Egyptian language. The name for fertile bull held both thoughts of

birth and rebirth, therefore giving it an androgynous quality due to its combination of both

genders (Fig. 4). Now, stepping out of the binary, this animal was to be sacrificed to Osiris,

where he would consummate its flesh. With this act, the god would absorb the androgynous

spiritual quality of the fertile bull and bend the binary.13 The divine nature of the gods ensured

they would almost constantly combine elements of femininity and masculinity within themselves

simply by their nature. The gendered provenance of these elements was kept clear, but there were

no qualms about mixing them within a single being.

Although Osiris could present as androgynous in some aspects, he was a god of rebirth,

and his primary gender was male. Being reborn was a privilege associated with masculine

sexuality and a goal to be achieved by Ancient Egyptians when they died. The successful process

12
Dawson 2013, 1.
13
Dawson 2013, 5.
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would entail transforming into manifestations of either Osiris, Re, or Atum, all male gods of

creation. This was naturally achievable for biological men, the Ancient Egyptians believing they

held this power in their sex. To allow women to reincarnate as well, despite their lack of affinity

with this process, many solutions were employed, again using masculine imagery symbolically.

The act of masculinizing themselves was done through their funerary accessories, the principal

one being their coffin. The powers attributed to the coffin would allow the woman’s body to

change its essence for the moment of the transformation into a divinity of creation. To reach this,

the coffin was inscribed with religious texts, ones where the deceased individual was ascribed to

a male god of rebirth.14 When anthropoid coffins appeared during the New Kingdom, they were

supposed to be fashioned in the likeness of the person they contained. Since this would halt the

rebirth process for women, artisans would design them to have a more androgynous nature. They

would overall pass them off as male, but they would decorate them with specific elements to

signify the femininity of the deceased. For example, looking at the coffin set of Henut-mehyt, the

general depiction of the person inspiring this coffin does not overtly lean toward any side of the

binary (Fig. 5). The headdress is neutral, and the chest does not show breasts but does not have

defined pectorals either. The facial features are kept simple and not too refined in a way that

would make the figure look too feminine. Another tactic was to depict an ambiguous individual

on the exterior of the coffin, while the true identity of the deceased was shown on the inside, just

as the coffin set of ly-neferty (Fig. 6). On the inside of the coffin, her clothes are different and

her facial features are clearer, making it easier to identify her femininity.15 Despite the effort to

incorporate elements from their gender, the male imagery was still kept in the hope of rebirth.

14
Cooney 2010, 224-226.
15
Cooney 2010, 229-230.
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This masculinization also serves to ease the parallel between the female deceased and Osiris,

therefore facilitating her shift to complete the rebirth.16

The gender binary and sexuality were tightly linked in Ancient Egypt. The male sexuality

was synonymous with creation and viewed as a sort of blessing while still needing the

stimulation of a female presence. When a man and a woman had sex, they had to either be

married to one another or neither of them married to anyone. Adultery was incredibly frowned

upon in Ancient Egypt, although women seemed to face harsher social repercussions than men in

case of impropriety. Despite this strong devotion to the marital bed, unlike in Greek society,

extramarital intercourse was not condemned, no matter the gender. As long as both parties were

not married at the time of passion, no upset would be caused.17 Regardless of this openness, there

is not a lot of art or literature depicting the sex life of Ancient Egyptians. The topic was not one

commonly used, and when it was, the result would be a parody, an attempt to amuse. The erotic

situations stay unrealistic, and our knowledge of the actual sex life of Ancient Egyptians is

limited.18 When it comes to same-sex relations, finding evidence becomes even more tricky.

There are no clear accounts of homosexuality, only the hypotheses of historians and

archaeologists. However, the story of the Contendings of Horus and Seth gives us an idea of a

generalized belief. To defeat the other, both of them attempt to plant their seed in the other.

Horus succeeds by having Seth eat it, but Seth intends to anally penetrate Horus to win. He fails,

but the implication that Horus is almost in a passive position disgusts the other gods. This upset

seems to come not from the act being between two men, but because of the passivity taken by

one. The one who almost penetrates is not degraded because of this sexual act on another man,

16
Cooney 2010, 228.
17
Mahmud 2021, 171.
18
Goelet 1993, 28-29.
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but the one who would have been penetrated is shamed.19 The binary of passive and active is

directly related to the binary of woman and man. Women were associated with passivity, and the

abandonment of masculinity for femininity seems to hold far more taboo than the acceptance of

masculinity over femininity does.

In conclusion, gender identity in Ancient Egypt was kept distinct, with elements kept

within the binary of male and female. There were numerous instances of crossovers where a

woman would adopt masculinity in her favour, like with coffins and Hatshepsut, or where

androgyny was commonplace, as with the gods. However, despite the equality Egyptian women

seemed to enjoy, social hierarchies still placed masculinity above and showing passivity, the

ultimate feminine act, was viewed as a transgression.

19
Matic 2016 A, 180.
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Figures

1. Statue of Memi and wife Sabu (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York)

2. Wooden model of an Egyptian kitchen (Egyptian Museum, Berlin)

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3. The Female Pharaoh Hatshepsut, granite statue (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York)

4. Egyptian hieroglyph of sacrificial bull foreleg (Wikimedia Commons)

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5. Coffin set of Henut-mehyt (British Museum, London)

6. Coffin set of ly-nerfety (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York)

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Bibliography

Cooney, K. M. 2010. “Gender Transformation in Death: A Case Study of Coffins from

Ramesside Period Egypt,” Near Eastern Archaeology 73, 4: 224-237.

Dawson, A. N. 2013. “Reversal of Gender in Ancient Egyptian Mythology: Discovering the

Secrets of Androgyny,” Oglethorpe Journal of Undergraduate Research 1, 1: 1-8.

Goelet, O. 1993. “Nudity in Ancient Egypt,” Source: Notes in the History of Art 12, 2: 20-31.

Hilliard, K., and Wurtzel, K. 2009. “Power and Gender in Ancient Egypt: The Case of

Hatshepsut,” Art Education 62, 3: 25-31.

Mahmud, M. F. 2021. “Gender Inequality in Ancient Egypt,” Journal of the Faculty of Tourism

and Hotels 5, 2/1: 160-178.

Matic, U. 2016 A. “Gender in Ancient Egypt: Norms, Ambiguities, and Sensualities,” Near

Eastern Archaeology 79, 3: 174-183.

Matic, U. 2016 B. “(De)queering Hatshepsut: Binary Bind in Archaeology of Egypt and

Kingship Beyond the Corporeal,” Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 23, 3:

810-831.

Wilfong, T. G. 2010. “Gender in Ancient Egypt.” In Egyptian Archaeology, edited by W.

Wendrich, 164-179. West Sussex: Blackwell Publishing.