Child-Policy Sample1
Child-Policy Sample1
Child-Policy Sample1
New Labour stated that ‘Every Child Matters’ (DfES, 2003). Making reference to
children and families since New Labour came to power in 1997. Your essay
should focus on child poverty, child abuse and one other policy area.
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Child Policy Essay Sample
Widely described as a ‘sea-change’, New Labour launched their Every Child Matters
(ECM) initiative in 2003. This is both the name of the policy, and a politically
ideological statement. As Sevenhuijsen (1999) notes, policy texts are not passive
documents; rather, they are sites of power. Social policy is an activity (Alcock et al,
2008) and a phenomenology in its own right. The wording of a policy document
reveals political intent, and, particularly when children are concerned, this shapes the
experience of an entire generation (Hill, 2003; Clark and Waller, 2007). This is all the
the time that a policy is launched, its text is already formalised and unmovable
(Blakemore, 2003). Therefore, in order to explore the initiative in greater depth, this
essay will address the ECM policy from a position of critical analysis. The policies
are complex, and the academic debate has been fertile; therefore, this essay will
focus on a small number of key aspects. Firstly, it will examine in some detail the
issue of child poverty, showing how the negative rhetoric leads to social stigma and
how the social investment approach neglects ‘normal’ children. The essay will then
briefly turn to abused children, who are given much the same treatment as children
in poverty, but with greater emphasis on direct state intervention. It will then make
the point that many children are missing from the ECM policy, which could arguably
be termed ‘Some Children Matter’. Finally, the essay will outline how the coalition
The statement that ‘every child matters’ is, whether deliberately or not, in itself
that it does not need to take a grammatical object; however, by not providing an
object the statement seems to leave the question of to whom every child matters
hanging vacant. Furthermore, to matter is a vague verb at the best of times, being
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necessarily defined by the variables that affect it, most usually in the form of a
conditional sentence (for example, will it matter if we arrive five minutes late?) These
dubious semantics appear to take on a darker hue when the document goes on to
outline precisely why children matter so much. Well-being is not mentioned; rather,
the social investment approach argues that children matter because they equate to
money.
The statement that children are 20 per cent of the population, but 100 per cent of the
future has become well-known (Fawcett et al., 2004). Labour also claimed that
children are the country’s future, and that investment in helping children to achieve
their potential is the most important investment that Britain can make (ibid). Whilst
this may sound like a Halcion vision, the reality is more economically driven. Children
who do not achieve academic success have a negative impact on the economy for
several reasons, most of which relate to the poverty cycle. This cycle is a well-
constant drain on public funds. Education, health, and benefits are all publically
funded, and the long-term unemployed take from this funding without contributing to
it. Put bluntly, the state pays to keep some people alive whilst receiving nothing in
return except more children born into the poverty cycle. Therefore, investing in
Child poverty has been broadcast as a particular problem in the UK. When New
Labour came to power in 1997, child poverty stood at 34 per cent (Smith, 2008). It
was soon predicted that more than £30 billion would be needed to lift ‘every’ child
from poverty (ibid). Dramatic though these figures seem, they require closer
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income measurements system (Predelli et al., 2008), wherein “below 60 per cent of
According to Predelli et al., this is a poor foundation for a policy because with its
focus fixed entirely upon finance, it neglects two of the most crucial elements: the
concept of well-being, and the perspective of the children, both of which will be
discussed in detail below. This means that the ‘poverty’ label is applied to a diverse
range of families rather as a blanket term. For instance, that 50 per cent of children
This use of a blanket term has negative consequences partly because the wording of
instance, children are described in the policy as being “in need” (ECM, 2003: 4), “at
risk” (HTM, 2003: 2), “vulnerable” (HMT, 2003: 5), so that they ultimately become
“victims” (HTM, 2003: 6). This language use is contrasted with the description of
families living in poverty as being “high-cost, high-harm” (HMT, 2007: EV17), and of
children living with “adults with chaotic lifestyles” (ibid). The unspoken assumption is
that the two correlate, and naturally progress children from a state of being “in need”
into their troubled teenage years, whereupon the rhetoric becomes somewhat
sinister: they are “dangerous”, “anti-social”, “villains” and “offenders” (HMT, 2003:5).
Politicians link all concepts together in authoritative statements, such as this one
from the then prime minister Gordon Brown: “tackling child poverty is the best anti-
drugs, anti-crime, anti-deprivation policy for our country” (Brown, 2000, cited in Lister
2006: 317). This overtly links poverty and deprivation with drugs and crime, which is
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a correlation that is utterly false. For instance, Britain’s oldest and third most
2001 when between forty and fifty of its boys were sent home for habitual drug and
report a sense of shame, embarrassment, isolation, social exclusion, and stigma that
comes from both the government and the public. One parent claimed that “we are
spectators as we watch other people live, then struggle to survive to make a life for
our children” (Voices for a Change, 2008). Put simply, poverty is laced with so much
negative rhetoric that a resounding and unchallenged stereotype is created, and one
that carries with it so much social stigma that the task of helping people out of
poverty is made all the more challenging, and well-being is undermined on many
levels. Indeed, Labour themselves proved this conclusion: child poverty had
eventually been reduced by only four per cent in the decade that New Labour were
in power (Smith, 2008), and, as Predelli et al., (2008) note, that four per cent is
This sense of exclusion and shame is reinforced by the state paternalism policy
approach. In this paradigm, the state conveys the message that parents cannot be
trusted to bring up their children correctly. Therefore, parental rights rather than
duties are emphasised (Gill, 2008). This ultimately means that the state can
1
The college has unsurprisingly done much to eradicate this story, but reports can still be found in some
archives, such as this: http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/uknews/1331095/Winchester-head-in-drug-
warning.html
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Child Policy Essay Sample
(2008), this has led many parents to fear losing their children if they either ask for
help, or if they are perceived to be failing. This finding is supported by research, such
as Canvin et al., (2007), which found that experiences with family-orientated public
services were associated with feelings of being misjudged and misunderstood, and
system is reflected in many other aspects of the policy, with parents risking losing
child benefits if their children do not attend school. Considering that the state has
harsh parent.
Given the state’s financial motivation for redefining childhood, however, this
harshness is perhaps unsurprising. One of the methods for treating poverty under
the ECM document is to remove as many non-working parents from the home as
scheme is a precursor: with parents being urged to spend more time away from
home, it is harder for them to carry out the parental responsibilities that the state
insists upon. Furthermore, this authoritative approach has been shown to have both
immediate and long-term effects on well-being. UNICEF (2007) found that high
levels of autonomy equate to high levels of well-being, and it duly placed the UK and
US at the bottom of the league table (see Appendix B). Research has shown that
adolescents who have had little experience of autonomy during childhood lack the
basic independence and coping skills needed for survival (Gill, 2008).
The relationship between well-being and ECM is much discussed. Indeed, the
problem is neatly put by Fawcett et al., (2004), who ask how the policy helps the
seventy per cent of children not affected by poverty. The implication is that the focus
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Child Policy Essay Sample
is so firmly fixed on the failings of the few that the majority – those who can safely be
United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC) agrees (UNCRC,
2008; Payne, 2003). As Lister (2006) points out, even though the UK signed the
convention on the Rights of the Child as far back as 1991, no mention of it is made
build a “culture of respect” for children’s human rights (Lister, 2006: 322).
passively vulnerable victims who need to be turned into economic profit, because it
psychology and socialization theory are the major drivers of this paradigm, and this
leads to the state perceiving the need for complete and intense state control above
all else. Moss and Petrie (2005) argue that the state views children as incomplete
adults, more akin to future becomings than present beings. Progress, therefore, is
measured in stages. The UK Early Years Foundation Stage (EYFS) and the
subsequent National Curriculum (NC) take as their foundation the work of the
defined stages, which are limited by biological development. All children learn at the
“The focus is on achievement and education, not enjoyment and play. There is no
room for play in the social investment template. For older children, education is
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Child Policy Essay Sample
with insufficient attention paid to the actual educational experience” (Lister, 2006:
322).
(2008), this has much to do with immeasurable concepts including freedom, having a
range of adult and child contacts with whom to interact, and child-friendly
communities in general. For Gill (2008), the dominant philosophy in the UK is one of
protection against risk. Indeed, it is the public enquiry response to high-profile cases
such as those of the murders of two eight-year-olds in 2000 that precipitated the
ECM document. Victoria Climbie’s torture and murder in February 2000 raised the
issue of child safety within the home, whilst the murder of Sarah Payne, kidnapped
whilst playing in a cornfield in July 2000, brought the dangers of the outdoors into the
spotlight. Children are not safe indoors, nor are they safe outdoors, therefore the
paternalistic state will use its powers of intervention to protect the vulnerable.
The example of Victoria Climbie does, however, raise the important point of the link
between the ECM policy and child abuse. Just as the government links poverty with
crime and drugs, so too it is held responsible for the majority of child abuse cases.
There is evidence to support this. Perhaps the most controversial case of recent
years was that of Baby P. The one-year-old had received over fifty injuries in the
months leading up to his death in 2007, but the shock came when it was revealed
that the local council had seen the boy on nearly sixty occasions (Garrett, 2009).
Public outrage intensified when it was remembered that Haringey had been the
same borough within which Victoria Climbie had lived and died only seven years
earlier, and whose death had prompted the sea-change ECM policy to be made.
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Child Policy Essay Sample
norms, values and variables. Abuse is treated with similar rhetoric to poverty: by the
early 20th century, children had become “England’s most precious resource” (Gilbert,
cited in Hendrick, 2005). However, the way in which this valuable resource is
protected changed considerably during the last century. The ECM document and
Children Act (2004) marked a significant shift in emphasis (Parton, 2006): the
safeguarding children (DfES, 2010) and, with the Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups
Act of 2006, safeguarding all groups of at-risk people. In the context of ECM, this
means that children’s well-being is defined in terms of how physically safe they are
(ECM, 2003).
Abuse falls into four key categories: physical, emotional and sexual abuse, and
neglect (see Appendix A). Perhaps the most striking aspect of this categorisation
approach in the context of the ECM policy as a whole is the lack of measurability.
Intervention from local child protection services can occur in cases of ‘significant
harm,’ yet this is given no clear definition. Indeed, a clear definition may be
impossible to establish given medical evidence that much of the harm resulting from
abuse is not only psychological, but tends to emerge in later years (DoH, 1995).
shown in Appendix A, failure to ‘protect a child from physical and emotional harm or
danger’ is part of the ‘neglect’ category. In the case of Baby P, wherein the mother
admitted to knowingly allow her partner to physically abuse her child, this seems like
helpful legislative guidance. However, on paper alone the same finger could be
pointed at Sara Payne, the mother of Sarah Payne, who was not on hand to prevent
her daughter from being abducted and murdered. The two cases, however, bare no
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comparison. Therefore, child abuse is most often associated with its resultant visible
In many ways, legislation concerning abuse shares many rhetorical and semantic
similarities with poverty. In particular, abused children are ‘in need’, a loaded term
that conveys vulnerability. Abuse is often associated with poverty, as the case of
Baby P exemplifies, and can form its own cycles (Garrett, 2009). For instance, all
three adults imprisoned in the Baby P case had been abused as children (ibid). This
explains why Labour would visualise abused children as being a potential category
for social investment with swift intervention. Moreover, situations of abuse give the
government significant power over the child, particularly in cases that qualify the
child being taken into care. Lister (2006) raises the familiar criticism that the
government is much keener to champion the rights of children in care than children
deemed to be not-at-risk. As Pugh wrily notes, all children have needs (Pugh, 1992).
This sense of gaps, blank spaces, and forgotten children appears to be a particular
feature of the ECM policy (Predelli et al., 2008). It is not just the able-bodied and
well-fed who are absent. Fawcett et al., (2004) states that disabled children are
hardly mentioned in the document, and suggests that this is because they are not a
ECM fails disabled children in many ways. For instance, despite research having
shown that disabled children have similar sort of life and career aspirations as non-
disabled children, their outcomes under ECM are lower or otherwise different.
Furthermore, it has been argued that the ECM policy attempts to force the needs
children (Reid 2005). That is, the government did not ask disabled children and their
families what they would like to see in the policy, and therefore did not discover what
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enables feelings of well-being within the disabled life experience. Whilst some
children will never be able to make an economic contribution to society, nor will
means that the well-being of disabled children needs to be measured against a set of
criteria that reflects their unique and individual potential. ECM, on the other hand,
With the advent of the coalition government, these already shadowy children
seemed to fade further from view. The coalition government’s ‘Big Society’ is a form
transferred back to the community (Helm, 2011). Of particular note is that this new
local children’s trusts (Evans, 2011). Much of this funding was either reduced or cut
entirely under the coalition (Helm, 2011). A new introduction was made: the National
Citizen Service. Only open to young people aged 16 to 19, this short course has just
11,000 places to share between 750,000 young people (Evans, 2011). That children
appear to be missing from the Big Society conveys the message that children are not
Therefore, that ‘Every Child Matters’ can be said to be yet to be demonstrated. The
legislation aims to include every child, but due to a combination of rhetorical issues
and an unwavering focus on two small areas of society, poverty and child abuse, the
policy could be said to be closer to ‘Some Children Matter’. The well-being of the
achievement, and reaching targets became the primary way of ascertaining success.
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creating a culture almost entirely lacking in autonomy. The Coalition has yet to
address the issues, but have also done nothing to improve the situation. Primarily,
their focus on immediate economic concerns has meant that children do not feature
in their policies thus far, except where funding is to be removed from children’s
their absence from the Big Society concept. Therefore, the UK has arguably reached
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References
Alcock, C., Daly, G., and Griggs, E. (2008) Introducing Social Policy 2nd edn.
(London: Pearson Education)
Clark, M. and Waller, T. (eds) (2007) Early Childhood Education and Care: Policy
and Practice (London: SAGE)
Evans, Kathy, ‘Big Society in the UK: a Policy Review’ Children and Society (2011)
Vol.25, pp. 164-171
Fawcett, B., Featherstone, B. and Goddard, J. (2004) Contemporary child care policy
and practice. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan
Garrett, Michael Paul, ‘The Case of Baby P: Opening Up Spaces for Debate on the
Transformation of Children’s Services?’ Critical Social Policy (2009) Vol.29, p.533
Helm, T. (2011) ‘Cameron guru attacks failure of ‘big society’ to help children’,
Observer, 19th June, p.16.
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HM Treasury (2003) Every child matters (green paper). (Norwich: The Stationery
Office)
Lister, R. (2006) ‘Children (but not women) first: New Labour, child welfare and
gender’, Critical Social Policy, 26(2), pp.315-335
Lister, Ruth, ‘Children (but not Women) First’ Critical Social Policy (2006) Vol.26 No.
2, pp.315-335
Moss, P. and Petrie, P. (2005) ‘Children – who do we think they are’, in Hendrick, H.
(ed.) Child welfare and social policy. An essential reader. Bristol: Policy Press,
pp.85-105.
Parton, Nigel, ‘Every Child Matters: the Shift to Prevention Whilst Strengthening
Protection in Children’s Services in England’ Children and Youth Services Review
(2006) Vol. 28, pp.976-992
Payne, Lisa ‘So How are we Doing? A Review of the Concluding Observations of the
UN Committee on the Rights of the Child: United Kingdom’ Children and Society
Vol.17 (2003) pp.71-74
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Perry, Nick (ed) ‘Getting the Right Trainers’ ATD Fourth World (London: ATD Fourth
World)
Predelli, Line Nyhagen; France, Alan; and Dearden, Chris, ‘Introduction: The Poverty
of Policy? Gaps in Anti-Poverty Policy for Children and Young People’ Social Policy
and Society (2008) Vol.7 issue 4, pp.471-477
Prout, A. and James, A. (1997) ‘A new paradigm for the sociology of childhood?
Provenance, promise and problems’, in James, A. and Prout, A. (eds.) Constructing
and reconstructing childhood. 2nd ed. (London: Routledge Falmer) pp.7-33.
Ried, Ken, ‘The Implications of Every Child Matters and the Children Act for Schools’
Pastoral Care in Education (2005) Vol.23, Issue 1, pp.12-18
Sloper, P., ‘Facilitators and Barriers for Co-Ordinated Multi-Agency Services’ (2004)
Child: Care, Health and Development Vol.30, No.6, pp.571-580
Smith, Noel ‘Tackling Child Poverty Dynamics: Filling in Gaps in the Strategy’ Social
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United Nations (1989) United nations convention on the rights of the child. (Geneva:
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Labour. Commentary on the DfES Green Paper Every Child Matters’ Critical Social
Policy (2004) Vol. 24, issue 3, pp. 406-427
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Abuse and neglect are forms of maltreatment of a child. Somebody may abuse or
neglect a child by inflicting harm, or by failing to act to prevent harm. Children may
them or, more rarely, by a stranger for example, via the internet. They may be
Physical harm may also be caused when a parent or carer fabricates the symptoms
cause severe and persistent adverse effects on the child’s emotional development. It
may involve conveying to children that they are worthless or unloved, inadequate, or
valued only insofar as they meet the needs of another person. It may include not
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giving the child opportunities to express their views, deliberately silencing them or
‘making fun’ of what they say or how they communicate. It may feature age or
include interactions that are beyond the child’s developmental capability, as well as
participating in normal social interaction. It may involve seeing or hearing the ill-
Sexual abuse involves forcing or enticing a child or young person to take part in
sexual activities, not necessarily involving a high level of violence, whether or not the
child is aware of what is happening. The activities may involve physical contact,
acts such as masturbation, kissing, rubbing and touching outside of clothing. They
may also include non-contact activities, such as involving children in looking at, or in
the production of, sexual images, watching sexual activities, encouraging children to
(including via the internet). Sexual abuse is not solely perpetrated by adult males.
Women can also commit acts of sexual abuse, as can other children.
Neglect is the persistent failure to meet a child’s basic physical and/or psychological
needs, likely to result in the serious impairment of the child’s health or development.
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Neglect may occur during pregnancy as a result of maternal substance abuse. Once
provide adequate food, clothing and shelter (excluding exclusion from home or
abandonment)
It may also include neglect of, or unresponsiveness to, a child’s basic emotional
needs.
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Child Policy Essay Sample
APPENDIX B
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