Organisational Work Conditions Notes
Organisational Work Conditions Notes
Later studies such as Wikstrom and Bendix (2000) acknowledged that while the original
studies seemed to show the Hawthorne effect, there may be other factors which had
impacted the results such as relief from a strict supervisor, increased attention, having a
different workday and believing they may have an influence in work practices.
The support for the Hawthorne effect came from one set of field experiments which was
conducted at an electrical plant in Chicago, USA. Although the amount of data collected is a
strength of the study, it was only obtained from one area of the USA. This may mean that
the results obtained were only applicable to Western individualist cultures such as the USA,
or perhaps even that particular type of workplace within the USA. There may be specific
characteristics of that type of work or organisation that meant that the presence of an
outside researcher was going to increase productivity levels. Therefore, there may be a
problem with generalisability in terms of the results.
Impact of the design over the work environment: Open plan offices
An open plan office is an office where all employees work on the same floor within the same
open space. The open plan office was designed to get rid of individual rooms or areas, in
favour of a space which was intended to increase collaboration, creativity and productivity
in a world of work which is increasingly complex, and where skill and idea sharing is
important. For some, the ability to network with colleagues will be an advantage, although
for some the ability to work in a private and quiet space of their own would be preferable.
In recent years the open plan office has become more popular. James et al. (2021) identified
three main factors that have influenced the move toward this style of office:
   •   The type of work being done: Work has become more knowledge based and
       complex.
   •   Changes in technology: Advancements in portable computers (laptops) and freely
       available internet means work can be done anywhere and more people are working
       from home, leaving desks unoccupied.
   •   Cost: Open plan offices are more space efficient by fitting more people in a space,
       they are cheaper to build as fewer walls and doors are needed and they have lower
       running costs (James et al., 2021).
Research findings about the impact of open plan offices on health, and social relationships
have been contradictory. Some studies such as Oommen et al. (2008) looked at the positive
and negatives of open plan offices and have shown that open plan offices have a number of
positives such as higher levels of communication, high levels of collaboration and increased
flexibility to work in different areas. However, they were also found to have negatives such
as high levels of noise, loss of concentration, issues with privacy and various health issues
such as increased stress, people were more likely to get flu, experience fatigue and have
increased blood pressure. James et al. (2021) conducted a review of thirty-one papers which
looked at the effect on the individual working in an open plan office and found that working
in an open plan office was associated with more negative outcomes on measures such as
health, satisfaction, social relationships and overall stress. Environmental concerns included
a lack of privacy, poor lighting, excessive noise and poor temperature control.
Table 9.5 The three groups compared by Oldham and Brass (1979)
The questionnaire used seven-point rating scales to measure characteristics of the work
environment including work satisfaction - the degree to which employees were satisfied and
happy with their jobs, interpersonal satisfaction - the degree to which employees were
satisfied with co-workers and supervisors and internal work motivation - the degree to
which an individual experiences positive internal feelings when performing effectively on
the job.
Management and employees were questioned informally to gather extra qualitative data on
their reactions to the open plan office and interviews were used to see whether other
changes in the working environment may have occurred simultaneously. The researchers
also asked about concentration levels.
RESULTS
Quantitative findings Employees’ internal motivation and satisfaction with work and
colleagues declined sharply after moving from the traditional office to the open plan office.
There was largely no difference between the scores of the experimental group tested three
times and the quasi-control group, showing that the decreased motivation and satisfaction
was not a result of order effects resulting from completing the questionnaire before and
then after the move. The non-equivalent control group showed no difference in their scores
before and after the move suggesting that changes in the experimental groups scores were
not related to the move itself but to the difference in office structure.
Qualitative findings Many interviewees described the open plan office as a ‘fishbowl’, ‘cage’
or ‘warehouse’. They discussed their feelings about a lack of privacy and inability to
concentrate due to noise with one referring to it as ‘Grand Central Station’.
CONCLUSION
  • Moving from conventional offices to open plan office styles can have a negative
     effect on workers’ levels of motivation and satisfaction.
   •   Environmental factors such as noise levels and lack of privacy can have negative
       effects on an employees’ concentration levels.
In addition, Oldham and Brass (1979) was a longitudinal study, which involves monitoring a
population over a sustained period of time; in this case three different data points, i.e. eight
weeks before the move and then nine and 18 weeks afterwards. This allowed researchers to
obtain a large amount of data and see changes over time. For example, Oldham and Brass
findings showed that satisfaction with work and colleagues decreased sharply after the
move/over time. This type of result could not be obtained through the use of a snapshot
study, which could only have discovered how the workers felt in any one moment of time.
Another strength is the use of both qualitative and quantitative data to support their
results. For example, questionnaires were used across all three data collection points which
used seven-point rating scales for the outcomes measured. Also, qualitative data was
collected through the use of informal interviews with the employees where they expressed
their feelings about the open plan office. The ability to use both types of data increases the
validity of the results as, for example, the initial results showing that workers had negative
feelings about open plan offices was supported by their comments in the interviews.
One weakness of Oldham and Brass’s study is that it only used data from one company in
the Midwest of the USA. It may well be that the company had particular characteristics that
meant that open plan offices did not suit the workers, or it may be that there were other
issues within that caused the results collected. In addition, it may be that cultural factors
may have contributed to the results and perhaps these results would not be replicated in
other countries. Therefore, the fact it was only done on one company limits the
generalisability of the results of the study.
In addition, the study was done in 1979 when open plan offices were not as popular as they
are today and the type of work within those offices was different; this may lower the
temporal validity of the study. For example, it was in the 1990s when open plan offices
became increasingly popular due to the technological advances of that period and the rise
of portable computers. It may be that these technological advancements meant that open
plan offices would be more favourably looked on by employees as they could see the
flexibility it gives them. However, James et al. (2021) found a similar negative reaction to
open plan offices in his more recent study suggesting perhaps the results would be the same
now as they were in 1979.
4.2 Temporal conditions of work environments
There are different types of shift dependent on how fast workers move through the shift
pattern. This can range from a few days to a number of weeks.
Examples
Metropolitan shift pattern This is a fast, forward rotation shift pattern which involves four
working teams and three eight hour shifts to enable an organisation to have 24/7 working.
Each team does two early shifts (6 a.m.–2 p.m.), two late shifts (2 p.m.–10 p.m. shifts) and
two night shifts (10 p.m.–6 a.m.) and then has two days off; free weekends will come once
every eight weeks. One issue with this quick rotation is if people are off sick it is difficult to
cover a shift due to working time arrangements (such as having to have a certain period of
time off before starting another shift).
Continental shift pattern Like metropolitan shift patterns, continental shifts are fast
forward rotation shifts using four teams and allowing 24/7 coverage in the workplace. They
consist of:
   • Week 1: Two early shifts, three late shifts, and two nights shifts (full seven days
        working).
   • Week 2: Two days off, three early shifts, two late shifts.
   • Week 3: Two late shifts, three days off, two early shifts.
   • Week 4: Two night shifts, three night shifts, two days off.
Continental shifts are still popular and allow for more frequent weekends off (one in four)
than metropolitan shifts, however its main disadvantage is the long seven consecutive
workdays, as seen in Week 1.
Slow rotational shifts This is a shift pattern where there are longer intervals between the
changes of shift. It could be that shift patterns only change once every two weeks, but it
could be even longer than that. For example, workers would work day shifts for six weeks
then change to night shift for six weeks.
Slow rotations provide more consistency and regular patterns for workers, allowing them to
plan time outside of work. In addition, the body will adjust easier to regular schedules.
Flexi-time
Flexi-time is a flexible way of work where a worker completes a set number of hours per day
but their starting times, lunch times and finishing times are chosen within the limits set by
the employer. This allows workers to fit their work hours around their personal
circumstances and commitments outside of work, such as childcare or transport to school.
Flexi-time therefore does not change the total hours worked or the responsibilities the
workers have.
Some organisations allow workers to start and finish whenever they like but many
employers have core times within the day (usually their peak time for being busy) when
employees have to be at work. For example:
   • Arrival at work: Can be between 7 a.m. and 10 a.m.
   • Lunch hours: Can be between 12 p.m. and 2 p.m.
   • Flexible leaving time: Between 4 p.m. and 6 p.m.
   • Core working hours (at desk): 10 a.m.–12 p.m. and 2 p.m.–4 p.m.
Flexi-time’s freedom increases satisfaction and morale amongst the workforce, with
reduced stress and fatigue. Traffic rush-hours can be avoided and people are in the office
for a longer number of hours per day. It also allows people to work whilst having family
commitments. However, flexi-time requires more discipline in workers and also an ability to
track when everyone is working and where!
When researching shift work and the different patterns, researchers tend to use
questionnaires asking questions about health, accidents, near misses and so on.
Questionnaires allow for a larger sample as they are simple to distribute and allow for
quantitative data to be collected and statistically analysed. This will give researchers an idea
about the effects of shift work patterns on the individual and be useful to organisations.
However, questionnaires can be subject to a poor response rate and social desirability bias
which can lower the validity of the research.
Effect of shiftwork on health and accidents
Cardiovascular disease (CVD) Torquati et al. (2018) reviewed 21 studies which looked at the
link between CVD and shift work and found that the risk of CVD was 17 per cent higher
amongst shift workers than day workers whilst the risk of Coronary Heart Disease (CHD)
morbidity was 26 per cent higher. Abu Farha and Alefishat (2018) looked specifically at night
shift workers in Jordan and found that there was a positive association between night shift
work and CVD and clogged arteries, with more frequent and longer night shifts increasing
into the risk.
Reproductive effects Harrington (2001) found that shift work, and especially night work, is
of higher risk to women of childbearing age. This may be due to disruptions to the
menstrual cycle and increased stress because of the conflicts between night shifts and
family life. Increased risk of abortion, low birth weight and premature birth have all been
seen as outcomes of shift work.
Application to everyday life One strength of researching the effects of shift work is that it
has application to real life. If research shows that shift work has negative consequences,
then organisations can adapt working patterns to reduce errors and improve health. For
example, instead of rotational shifts they could do phase delay shifts. However, this is all
dependent on whether the workforce wants and would adapt to those changes, or whether
the type of work can be completed on a different shift pattern.
Determinism versus free will One weakness of suggesting that shift work affects health and
performance negatively is that it is deterministic, suggesting that health/accidents are
caused by external forces over which we have little control. This is too simplistic as the
individual has control over other aspects of their life which may help lessen the impact of
shift work such as good nutrition, ensuring the environment at home is good enough for
sleep and reducing external stress, for example.
AIM To examine the impact of work schedule on the sleep schedule, sleepiness and
accident rates of female nurses in a Massachusetts hospital.
METHODOLOGY Questionnaires were distributed to 878 nurses [mean age 33.9] and other
auxiliary hospital staff. The nurses recorded for the current week, the following week and
the previous two weeks their work shift category at the hospital, and any other job. Types of
shift included:
    1. Rotator [four days/evening, then four days of nights].
    2. Day/evening shifts but no nights.
    3. Nights – eight shifts in a month, no days or evenings.
    4. Day/evening with occasional nights.
    5. Nights with occasional days/evenings.
The nurses were also asked whether their job involved a variable work shift such as a day
shift sometimes and a night shift at other times. Sleep-wake times were recorded
throughout. Information was also collected about sleep quality, alcohol consumption,
medication taken, falling asleep at work or when driving to and from work, accidents, errors
and 'near-miss' accidents in the past year. Sleep and wake times were used to see whether a
nurse obtained 'anchor sleep' which was at least four hours of sleep during work days and
days off.
RESULTS
   • Rotators reported fewer hours of sleep, more accidents and more near misses than
      those on regular day or evening shifts, as well as night shift workers.
   • Falling asleep at work occurred at least once a week in 35 per cent of rotators, 32.4
      per cent of night nurses and 20.7 per cent of day/evening nurses who worked
      occasional nights.
   • Rotators had 3.9 times the odds of falling asleep whilst driving and night nurses had
      3.6 times the odds compared to day/evening nurses.
   • Adjusting for the effects of alcohol and medication, the odds of reporting any
      accident or error were twice as high for rotators as for day/evening nurses and there
      were 2.5 times the odds of near-miss accidents.
However, Gold et al.’s (1992) research is that it only used nurses and other staff from one
hospital in Massachusetts, USA. This leads to doubts about generalisability to other
countries, cultures or even other states in America. However, over 800 nurses were
recruited which is a significant number which may increase generalisability. In addition,
these are physiological reactions to shift work which may be the same wherever the worker
came from, suggesting the use of only one hospital may not be so much of a problem as first
thought.
Controls are anything that a worker uses to operate a system such as a lever, switch, handle,
keyboard or joystick. Companies should reduce likelihood of errors by:
   • Grouping the controls logically and arranging them in the order in which they are to
       be used and by their frequency of use.
   • Making sure controls can be easily reached and operated. Make sure you have a
       system to protect any controls where it is critical that they should not be accidentally
       operated. In this case, something like turning a key should be used to operate.
   • Label each control so its function is clear, such as ‘Emergency shutdown, push down
       to operate’. Use colour coding.
Despite all precautions, things do go wrong with automated systems, so it is vital that
backup systems are in place and operators are trained in the correct procedure to follow if
something goes wrong. For all electronic automated systems wherever possible there
should be a manual backup.
AIM To investigate the use of a token economy in which miners were given tokens for not
having accidents or injuries for specified periods of time.
METHODOLOGY The study was carried out at two open-pit mines, one in Wyoming and one
in Arizona, USA. The two settings used similar mining procedures and accidents had
occurred at both mines. The participants were the employees at the two mines. Both mines
had similar health and safety policies, such as on the job hazard training and yearly
refresher training. Each week the health and safety staff inspected all areas of the mine for
any correctable hazards and violations of health and safety policy.
Workers in each mine were divided into hazard groups based on lost time injuries during the
baseline period. Group 1 jobs were the least hazardous, where workers spent 75 per cent of
their time in the office; Group 4 jobs were the most hazardous, such as electricians,
scrapers, and operators.
Individual employees were given trading stamps at the end of the month with their wages if
they had suffered no lost time injury or compensation injury that required a doctor’s care.
The number of stamps awarded went up depending on the level of hazard of the job. Safety
groups also awarded extra stamps for those employees who came up with safety
suggestions that prevented serious injury or death or prevented accidents or damage to
property. Employees who had had an accident received no stamps for that month if they
had been off for 1–2 days, or for two months if they had been off for 3–4 days, and so on.
Failure to report an accident also resulted in a loss of tokens. The token economies went on
for over a decade at both mines. The trading stamps could be exchanged at neighbouring
stores carrying hundreds of items.
RESULTS At both mines there were substantial decreases in the number of days lost during
the first years of the token economies. In terms of lost time injuries, the trend went down
significantly during the second year of the token economy, but not the first. Costs of injuries
and accidents fell significantly, and the cost-benefit ratio showed that the money saved
from the decline in accidents more than compensated for the cost of the trading stamps.
In addition, the study has important applications to real life. Time off work for accidents is a
real issue for organisations in terms of employee morale, loss of money and work time.
Therefore, if interventions such as token economy can be used effectively within a
workplace to decrease accidents there is less chance of negative consequences for the
employee and the cost of the programme will be less than the benefits, making the study
useful.
One weakness of the study is that the sample may not be representative of the wider
population, limiting the study’s generalisability. For example, the two companies were in
the USA and were both mining companies. The effectiveness of reward systems may only be
apparent in certain countries and there may be something about the mining community
which may make them more receptive to this type of behavioural intervention, for example
the element of risk and danger. Therefore, the results of the study may not generalise to
other countries and organisations.
Finally, there may be an issue with the validity of the study. For example, the incentive of a
reward may have stopped employees reporting incidents and therefore the number of
accidents may not have decreased, only the reporting of them. However, a serious accident
is not easily hidden so this may not be a real issue. However, a potentially bigger issue was
the fact that accidents were decreasing at one mine even prior to the start of the study so
there may have been sustained improvements even without the intervention, decreasing
the validity of the study’s findings.
CONTEXT There is no universal way of monitoring accidents and every country, and even
every organisation, has a different way of monitoring them. Two types of monitoring have
been discussed in terms of accident prevention.
   1. Active monitoring: These are all the formal and informal checking activities that are
      carried out by line managers to ensure accidents do not occur.
   2. Reactive monitoring: This looks at safety through looking at accidents and incidents
      that have occurred. It looks at the incident types and frequency of accidents,
      sickness rates, near misses and property damage.
Swat (1997) found that Poland’s system of documenting accidents was ineffective. No detail
on losses resulting from accidents and incidents was available. The medical costs associated
with accidents were just included in the overall health care system costs, and therefore they
did not affect the insurance plans of the affected organisations. Also unplanned events, such
as machine issues, which may interrupt production were not monitored.
METHODOLOGY This was a case study with a longitudinal design which took place between
1994 and 1997 and used already available secondary data on accidents and minor injuries in
four different industrial plants in Poland. Interviews with line managers, safety supervisors
and employees were also conducted.
Sample Four industrial plants from different industrial branches [foundry, machinery, meat
processing and furniture] in Lodr, Poland were chosen. All of the plants chosen were rather
old and had equipment which was a number of years old. A total of 2964 workers were
employed in the plants in 1993.
PROCEDURE The number of accidents recorded in 1993, within each of the four plants, was
the first and most common source of information about risk at work. The 83 accidents
which occurred in 1993 were analysed for frequency, accident severity and their direct and
indirect causes. In the study:
   •    An accident was defined as a 'case which had been formally reported as an accident
        by the... safety supervisor’. In other words, a sudden undesired event which was
        connected with the workplace resulting in health impairment in the worker. In
        Poland, this would only mean an accident that resulted in sick leave or death.
    • Accident frequency was defined as 'the number of injury accidents resulting in sick
        leave per 100 employees within a year'.
    • Accident severity rate was the number of sick days per accident.
Three types of information were used about accidents: collective accident reports from
safety supervisors, the researchers’ own investigations of accident protocols and interviews
with the safety supervisors and line managers.
The second source of information on risk at work used in the study came from minor
incidents from 1994 which did not result in death, serious injury or serious damage. Only
the meat processing plant was analysed, with an incident being defined as 'any sudden
event which resulted in personal injury'. Data on first aid cases reported to the meat plants
was analysed as well as interviews with 96 employees, who were told to report even small
injuries.
RESULTS
1 Accidents
Table 9.6 Accident frequency rate (per 100 employees)
Table 9.7 Accident severity rate (number of sick days per accident)
Five different accident types were proposed from these results which could be used for
monitoring:
    1. Falls and slips
    2. Accidents connected with manual work
    3. Accidents connected with working parts of machinery
    4. Accidents connected with sources of energy
    5. Others
Table 9.8 Frequency rates for types of accidents (per 100 employees) on average in all
plants
Insufficient supervision was seen in the highest number of accidents (89 per cent), with
technical problems the least (11 per cent). However, there were overlaps between these
causes, with a number of incidents having more than one cause.
Poor housekeeping [maintenance] was also seen frequently as a cause of accidents and
Swat (1997) suggested that this classification should be used when monitoring accidents.
Frequency and type of accident was very much related to the levels of housekeeping within
the plant. Examples of types of housekeeping accidents are:
    1. Falls on slippery floors
    2. Faulty staircases leading to slips and falls
    3. Use of improper tools
    4. Unsuitable clothes
Housekeeping contributed, in total, to 65 per cent of the accidents in the foundry, 47.8 per
cent in the meat processing area, 37.5 per cent in the furniture area and 33.3 per cent in the
machinery section, showing that housekeeping needs to be considered as a risk factor in
workplaces.
2 Incidents
Note: The frequency rate of incidents in the meat factory increased from 2.8 to 3.5 between
1993 and 1994 with manual accidents being the main reason.
In terms of incidents in the meat factory in 1994, there were 254 injuries requiring medical
treatment (218 of these were manual injuries and most likely to lead to injuries of the left
hand), 23 cases with sick leave days (remember sick leave days are the only ones usually
reported in Poland so these are the only figures they would normally have) of which five
were serious leading to over 30 sick days each. Interviews with employees suggested the
real total of incidents could be as high as 520, meaning that 95 per cent of incidents are
never reported.
CONCLUSION
  • Accidents should be recorded according to the circumstances in which they occurred
     and their type, for example where they were related to manual work or to energy
     sources. The comparison of frequency indicators for accident types both nationally,
     and within the different sections of the plants, may supply information on the extent
     of safety management faults.
  • Lesser incidents should be noted, especially those needing first aid. That would
     supply more data for these types of incidents which would help safety management
     more than just knowing about the few serious incidents.
  • Poor housekeeping should be noted as a cause. Poor operation is a frequent source
     of incidents and this therefore is a central risk factor and should be incorporated into
     safety monitoring systems.
In addition, a longitudinal design was used which allowed the researchers to look at
organisations over a period of three years. Longitudinal studies are often used to look at
trends over time and allow a greater amount of detail to be obtained than shorter studies.
For example, in this case accident rates over a period of a year for three of the plants, and
over two years for the meat processing plant, were compiled and analysed alongside the
interviews. This is a strength, as it leads to a more comprehensive understanding of the
subject, in this case accident monitoring at work.
One weakness is that the research methods used have issues of subjectivity. Although the
information officially collected by the organisations should be said to consist of quantitative
and objective data, it is subject to omissions, where employees may not record or even
report a particular accident or the line manager may not want a number of incidents
reported because it would cause them issues with their managers. In addition, the
researcher used their own analysis to look at the different plants, which again may lead to
researcher bias and subjective interpretation to support their aims.
There are also issues concerning the generalisability of case studies. Although four different
trades were studied, these are a very small proportion of the types of organisations in
countries such as Poland; it may be that there is something specific about those
organisations that caused the accidents recorded. In addition, the fact that only
organisations in Poland were studied would also affect generalisability. However, it is worth
noting the case study very often has no intention of generalising outside of one particular
country and this may be the case with Swat (1997) who was focusing on the particular
monitoring problems within Poland.
Ethics There were no specific ethical issues mentioned within the study, although no
particular businesses were identified and therefore confidentiality was upheld. It may be,
however, that there was only one meat factory within that area in Poland, so they may be
more easily identified. There was no harm from the study and results could have a benefit
to the workers due to increased monitoring of accidents leading to greater accident
prevention, meaning that the results are beneficial and therefore ethical.
Application to everyday life This study has obvious application to real life as it will allow
organisations within Poland and in other countries to formulate a more robust accident
monitoring system. This will allow them to identify how many accidents occur and also to
look at the causes and be able to work on prevention of accidents rather than reaction to
accidents.