Negative Representations of The Leader and Leader Cult

CHAPTER II
Negative representations of the leader and leader cult
Although the official cult discourse was employed on certain occa-

sions, it was also ignored, misinterpreted, rejected, criticised, and
subverted in various ways. Its messages did not always get through,
or did so in a distorted form, either because of the inefficacy of the
agitprop, or because people deliberately chose to ignore or misinter-
pret it. However, there were individuals who were only too well
aware of the cult's omnipresence, and criticised it directly, or
attacked it in other ways, which included subverting its gravity and
sense of hierarchy and permanence. Some people also proposed
alternative leaders, although it is significant that the language in
which these proposals were couched was very reminiscent of that of
the official cult, which suggests that the propaganda of the cult itself
probably conformed with popular ideas about the nature of leader-
ship; as in the cases cited elsewhere in this study, it was often simply
the failure of the reality to live up to the claims of the propaganda
which generated hostility.
INDIFFERENCE TO AND MISUNDERSTANDING OF THE CULT
Until the mid-1930s, a number of people were still unaware of the

existence or roles of the vozhdi. In 1933, even party members were
expelled from the party for ignorance about the biographies of the
leaders. For example, during a purge at the Leningrad Historical-
Linguistic Institute, one party member described Stalin as 'President
of the STO [Sovet truda i oborony - Council of Labour and
Defence]5, and was unable to answer the question 'Who is Kirov?'
Another member thought that Molotov 'leads agriculture'.1 The
ignorance even among party members concerning the identity of
their leaders was regarded as a failing in propaganda work, and it
was partly to rectify this that the party undertook such a concerted
168
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Negative representations of the leader and leader cult 169
campaign to popularise the vozhdi during the next few years. This
campaign was not immediately successful. At the time of Kirov's
death, it transpired that many peasants and school-children had not
even heard of him. In 1935, even party members remained in the
dark about their leaders. Some Komsomol members were unable to
answer questions such as 'Who is Stalin?', while in the communist
university a student described Kalinin as 'the leader of all the
kolkhozy''. Even some teachers were unaware of what Kalinin and
Molotov did at the end of 1936. As late as 1937, a few kolkhozniki did
not know who Stalin was. When one particular kolkhoznik was asked
in 1937 'Who is the boss now in Russia?', he replied They say its
Il'in.' Il'in was in fact the chairman of the village soviet.2
This last remark illustrates another aspect of the problem, namely
the way in which the propaganda messages were often transmitted in
a distorted form. The idea of the cult of the vozhd' was frequently
misinterpreted as a cult of authority in any form. Such a practice was
quite contrary to the official discourse which carefully regulated the
entitlement to cult status. While Kirov, Ezhov, Ordzhonikidze, and
others close to Stalin were accorded this right at various times, it was
inadmissible for regional party leaders to imitate the practices of the
centre. Mini-cults emerged publicly in mid-1933, at the same time as
the cult of Stalin. For example, in June 1933 the newspaper of
Babaevskii district, Novyiput', published a greeting to the secretary of
its regional party committee: 'Long live the raikom of the VKP(b) and
the dear [blizkii] kolkhoznik, untiring organiser of the struggle for the
strengthening of the kolkhozy, comrade Vorontsov.'3 In 1937, it was
revealed that the party secretary of Murmansk was being greeted
with cries of 'Long live Abramov, the vozhd' of the Murmansk
Bolsheviks' and 'Long live the steel Abramov', and that during the
local May Day demonstration in Poddorsk slogans were heard such
as 'Hurrah! To the leader of the Poddorsk Bolsheviks, Sergei
Petrovich Krylov'. In some areas party meetings emulated Kremlin
receptions, with paradnost' (ostentation), torzhestvennost' (solemnity),
and long applause for the party secretary. Local leaders would lay
claim to all successes in their region, much as Stalin was made
responsible for the achievements of the Soviet Union, and podkha-
limstvo (toadying) flourished.4
The February-March plenum in 1937 drew attention to these
abuses, and exhorted party officials to emulate the 'modesty' of
Stalin.5 Nevertheless, the practice was difficult to eradicate. In
170 The leader cult
November 1939 excessive praise of candidates was noted in connec-

tion with the local soviet elections in Leningrad. One candidate was
described as a 'vozhd' whom the masses will follow as he leads them
to communism'. Another election meeting ended with the words
'Long live the VKP(b) and vozhd' comrade Stalin, who has raised
such a worthy person as comrade Levchenko [the candidate].' 6
These practices undermined the cult of Stalin (and his soratniki), for
they relativised it in the eyes of ordinary people. His cult may have
been perceived as just one of many manifestations of self-aggrandise-
ment, no better or worse than the local cults, and his authority as a
variation on all types of authority, rather than something unique and
special. Therefore, as Fitzpatrick suggests, when the attacks on the
local bosses began in 1937, some ordinary people probably did not
distinguish between the different types of authority, and regarded
Stalin and his colleagues just as guilty as the local chiefs.7
It is worth noting that the distortion of official cult language
extended not only to Soviet political figures. For example, school-
children sometimes wrongly applied epithets normally reserved for
Stalin and his colleagues to capitalist leaders. Tests conducted by the
Commissariat of Enlightenment in 1936 on pupils in Moscow oblast'
revealed that some children had a quite erroneous understanding of
Gladstone's significance. He was described as ''vozhd' of the working
class - a liberal'; 'on the one hand, a liberal, and, on the other, a
vozhd1 of the workers'; 'vozhd' naroda [leader of the people]'. 8 Thus
Stalin and Gladstone were placed in one category - an intriguing
example of the 'janus-like' quality of signs.
CRITICISM OF THE CULT
While the wider population only began to criticise the cult directly,
to treat it with irony, from about 1937, some of the more informed
sections of the population, including intellectuals, experienced
workers, and party and Komsomol members, were sensitive to the
radical changes in the propaganda in this period, and aware of the
absurdities of the cult from its outset. Marx's condemnation of the
'cult of personality', and the Bolsheviks' theoretical rejection of
vozhdizm were presumably known to some people.9 As early as 1934, a
worker attending a meeting devoted to Stalin's Seventeenth Party
Congress speech openly protested about the fact that 'everyone is
praising Stalin, they consider him a god, and no one makes any
criticisms'. It was already obvious that the treatment of Stalin had
religious overtones. Likewise, the posthumous deification of Kirov
encountered opposition and ridicule. Someone referred ironically to
the funeral of Kirov as the funeral of 'the second god' and others
compared the portraits of Kirov to icons. A group of students even
organised a mock requiem in front of Kirov's picture, accompanied
by the performance of anti-religious chastushki and the lighting of
candles. The widespread desire to honour Kirov was not universal.
Some thought that he was being given excessive public acclaim.
Others resented the money being spent on the memorialisation.10
Initially, a few of the more literate workers were suspicious of the
amount of attention accorded to Stalin in the media in 1934-5, since
previously his public profile had been comparatively low - he had
not played a particularly visible role in the revolution or its aftermath
compared with luminaries such as Trotsky, Zinoviev, or Kamenev.11
His sudden conspicuousness, the rewriting of history, caused them to
complain that the achievements of Trotsky were being ascribed to
him. Stalin was a vyskachka (an upstart). Protest became more
vociferous at the end of 1935 and the beginning of 1936, when the
cult reached new proportions. A worker from the Baltiiskii plant
(with a twenty-year work record), after complaining about Stakhano-
vism, remarked ironically 'Life has become good, life has become
merry. For whom? Is Stalin happy because there are many fools and
they write "the great Stalin" during his lifetime?' Workers objected
to the incessant declarations of love for Stalin, the use of the epithets
rodnoi (dear), 'beloved', 'father', and so on, the transformation of
Stalin into what one Komsomol member, employing Marxist termi-
nology, called a 'fetish'. It was felt that Lenin would never have
allowed himself to be treated in this way.12
In 1936, people also began to draw comparisons between the
worship of Hitler and Stalin: both had concentrated enormous
power in their hands, both were loved by their people.13 An NKVD
agent with the code name 'Volgin', working in the Academy of
Sciences, reported a revealing conversation on this theme which took
place on 1 September 1936. Although academics are not the focus of
this study, their elaborate analysis of the Stalin cult deserves a
mention. The conversation, between Krachkovskii, Kazakevich,
Shcherbatskii, and Struve, centred on the future role of the party.
Rumours had been circulating that the party was to be abolished, or
to be allowed to die away naturally, that Stalin could no longer trust
172 The leader cult
it. The dictatorship of the party was to be replaced by presidential

rule. Struve attributed these rumours to the 'right Academicians',
and to circles around Deborin and Bukharin. That day, however, a
new recruitment into the party had been announced which Shcher-
batskii interpreted in the following way: 'They've driven out the old
party members, now they'll choose new ones, who'll do anything to
grovel to Stalin. These ones will only last a year or two, then they'll
get bored.' Krachkovskii warned that now it was necessary to be very
careful about expressing one's views:
We are living during the final flare-up of terror. This time it's broken out
against that section of party members who could prevent Stalin and his
assistants from hanging on to power after the introduction of the new
Constitution. It is clear that in communist circles there is now a struggle
going on for the president's seat. I am almost sure that the president will be
Stalin, who will that way be transformed into Joseph the First, the new all-
Russian emperor. It's not a question of intentions, but of the general course
of history. Communism is becoming the national religion of Russia, just as
fascism is becoming the national religion of Germany and Italy, and
Kemalism the national religion of Turkey. With all these movements what
is characteristic on the one hand is hatred for the pre-existing religions -
Orthodoxy, Catholicism, Lutheranism, Islam - and on the other - a cult of
the vozhd'. For when Stalin is publicly called the father and vozhd' of the
peoples, then the last line between him and the Fiihrer Hitler is eliminated.
The agent had a similar discussion with another academic,
Makarova, who also considered that the new Constitution signalled
the 'end of revolution and the transition from the masses to the
individual [perekhod ot mass k lichnosti]\ and that it was likely that
Stalin would be made president and 'official dictator'. Professor
Zarubin, although confessing not to have thought about these
matters for many years, had also heard many opinions recently
comparing Russia and Germany, and stating that Stalin was merely
copying the behaviour of Hitler.14
These analyses by the academic old guard are interesting because
the cult is considered as part of long-term, broader historical process.
Krachkovskii (an orientalist) explained the phenomenon of the Stalin
cult as a continuation of the Russian imperial tradition. However, he
was also aware of the parallels with the cults in Germany, Italy, and
Turkey. Why the perpetuation of a Russian tradition should take the
form of a more universal quasi-religious leader cult was not made
clear. However, Zarubin suggested that Stalin was consciously
emulating Hitler. In general, those comparing the Hitler and Stalin
cults tended to be the more informed. For example, an anonymous
writer to Zhdanov had read Feuchtwanger's description of the fascist
system which terrorised people into shouting cHeil Hitler'. He
immediately noted the similarities between this and what was
happening in the Soviet Union, where ordinary people joined in the
chorus of praise, while really thinking 'May they go to the devil, they
do not make our lives any better.' 15
By 1936, official demonstrations had turned into occasions for
glorifying the leaders. More and more portraits of the vozhdi were
displayed and carried. In his diary entry following the November
1936 demonstration, Arzhilovskii explicitly made the connection
between the carrying of these portraits and the bearing of icons in
religious processions:
By the way, the portraits of party leaders are now displayed the same way
icons used to be: a round portrait framed and attached to a pole. Very
convenient, hoist it onto your shoulder and you're on your way. And all
these preparations are just like what people used to do before church
holidays ... They had their own activists then, we have ours now. Different
paths, the same old folderol.16
The portraits were rather heavy, and the NKVD reported that
during the May Day demonstrations in 1936 and 1937, several people
refused to carry them, or deliberately dropped them. A few objected
specifically to the fact that they were supposed to bear them aloft
'like icons'. By 1937, some people, especially party members, were
tired of the cult, which had assumed alarming proportions. Towards
the end of the year, the terror and the leader cults were both
reaching their apogee. The electoral campaign was a huge publicity
stunt for the vozhdi, who became candidates in several regions
simultaneously, to the chagrin of some voters, who thought this
farcical. The propaganda alienated some, including a sluzhashchii
from Borovicheskii district, who had had enough of the elections:
'The radio only reports eulogistic speeches about the rulers, and the
rulers themselves eulogise. I'm sick of it. Even illiterates are taught to
read using phrases like "dear comrade Stalin".' A Leningrad worker
also complained that 'All the party and government leaders are
idealised' and objected to the excessive praise of candidates, such as
Tevosian, who, it was claimed at one meeting, had been a leader of
the liberation of Georgia at the age of fifteen. An engineer from
Elektrosila protested against the flattering speeches and the profes-
sions of love and loyalty to Stalin, reminiscent of the exaltation of the
174 The leader cult
batiushka-tsar'. Stalin's role was being exaggerated at the expense of

that of Lenin, his authority was being created since 'the uncultured
masses cannot live without authorities5.17
Criticism of the cult continued in 1938, especially around the time
of the elections to the RSFSR Supreme Soviet. A leaflet ridiculed the
impotence of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR where, 'the "people's
elect" were allowed to shout out "Hurray" a thousand times in
honour of the "vozhd'" and his stooges'. After the elections, a
celebratory demonstration was held, which caused one worker to
comment, 'Now the time has come when vorfidi have become gods
and are carried like icons.' Ironic remarks were heard - at one
school, when pupils asked their teacher for books, she would tell
them to ask Stalin for them, or say 'Stalin has taught you everything,
but not how to clean the blackboard.' At another school, a pupil
drew a picture of Stalin in epaulettes and spread a song in which
Stalin was called the 'General of our unhappy life'.18 The counter-
productive effect of the excessive propaganda was pointed out in an
anonymous letter from July 1938, which is worth quoting in full. It
was written by a communist supporter of the regime:
Dear comrade Zhdanov!
Do you not think that comrade Stalin's name has begun to be very much
abused? For example:
Stalin's people's commissar
Stalin's falcon
Stalin's pupil
Stalin's canal
Stalin's route
Stalin's pole
Stalin's harvest
Stalin's stint
Stalin's five-year plan
Stalin's constitution
Stalin's block of communists and non-party members
Stalin's Komsomol (it's already being called this)
I could give a hundred other examples, even of little meaning. Everything is
Stalin, Stalin, Stalin.
You only have to listen to a radio programme about our achievements, and
everyfifthor tenth word will be the name of comrade Stalin.
In the end this sacred and beloved name — Stalin — may make so much noise
in people's heads that it is very possible that it will have the opposite effect.
It would be interesting to know how Stalin himself reacts to this?
With communist greetings: V. K. 1/VII-38 Leningrad.19

It may have been evident to the leadership that the cult was
becoming counterproductive. Certainly, from 1939, there was a
marked decline in its prominence (apart from the massive sixtieth
birthday celebrations at the end of the year). Stalin seemed to be
trying to disassociate himself from the unpopular policies of the
period. Nevertheless, people still continued to hold him responsible,
and after the 1940 labour decrees, the cultic refrain 'Thank you,
comrade Stalin, for X5 was constantly parodied.20
SUBVERSIVE DISCOURSE
While the majority did not criticise the 'cult of personality' as such,
they nevertheless found other indirect ways of subverting the official
image of leadership. All the characteristics of the cult were over-
turned. Where the official cult was serious, the unofficial images were
comic; where the official cult denied the existence of a private life to
the leaders, the unofficial images concentrated on their personal,
human details; where the official cult portrayed the cult as perma-
nent, the unofficial images stressed the transitory nature of the
leadership, the imminent deaths of the vozhdi. This process of
subversion or 'carnivalisation' is particularly evident in the oral
popular culture of the period, including jokes, songs, and chastushki.
When popular culture touched on political questions, it usually
featured top party leaders, such as Stalin, Kirov, or Lenin. This was
partly because of the prominence accorded to these leaders in the
official discourse. However, this is also a typical feature of oral
cultures, according to Ong. What he calls 'heavy characters' are
crucial to the oral transmission of popular culture, since colourless
individuals are simply not memorable.21
The gravity of the cult was undermined by practices such as the
naming of horses after the vozhdi or hanging of their pictures in the
toilet. Leaders were portrayed in a comic light, as in the chastushka,
'Ekhal Lenin na barane / U barana odin rog / Kuda edesh' ty
pleshivyi / Zagoniat' nas vsekh v kolkhoz' ('Lenin was riding on a
ram / The ram had one horn / Where are you going, baldy, /
Driving us all into the kolkhoz'). This focus on the body (Lenin's
baldness, his ungraceful pose) contrasted markedly with the
176 The leader cult
deliberate avoidance of any mention of the physicality of the leader

in the official cult, as did the emphasis on the leaders' drinking in
chastushki and rumours. According to one rumour, 'Kirov was killed
by a drunken gang. All the vozhdi are always getting drunk5, while a
chastushka made a similar allegation: cKogda Kirova ubili, / Stalin
vyshel na kryltso, / My s tov. Kirovym / liubili pit' vintso' ('When
Kirov was killed, / Stalin came onto the porch, / Comrade Kirov
and I / Used to like drinking vodka').22
Likewise, the official neglect of the leaders' private lives was
overturned by ordinary people, who gossiped and joked about the
wives and families of their leaders. After Kirov's murder, workers
were curious for information about his family, whether he was
married even, or if he had any children.23 A joke was made about
the wives of Lenin and Stalin, who were both called Nadezhda
(Hope): 'Lenin had a hope - and it remains, but Stalin has no hope.
Lenin had the hope of building socialism, but Stalin does not have
that hope' (this was a reference to the fact that Lenin's wife was still
alive, while Stalin's had killed herself in 1932). Rumours also spread
widely about the sex lives of the leaders, exploding the official taboo
on this subject. Kirov's murder and Allilueva's suicide were attrib-
uted to sex scandals. Stalin's name was linked with a variety of
women, and Lenin was purported to have died of syphilis.24
Maureen Perrie has shown how Russian folkloric tales often
consisted of two main protagonists: one drawn from the elite, and the
other from the narod. The cunning peasant getting his own back
against a cruel master was often a feature of these tales. Likewise,
official hierarchies implicit within the Stalin cult were also reversed.
Thus in one joke a peasant went up to Stalin and asked him when
socialism would be built. Stalin replied that it would be soon, in two
years' time. And the peasant asked, 'So then there will be no GPU or
other guard?' Stalin said that there would not be. Then the peasant
said 'Then we will shoot you all.'25
The permanence of the cult, its sense of immobility, was countered
by much conversation about the actual and potential deaths of
leaders, especially that of Stalin. For ordinary people, the death of a
leader was the most usual way of imagining the overturning of the
status quo. In 1934, amongst young people it was popular to decipher
SSSR as 'Smert' Stalina spaset Rossiiu' (Stalin's death will save
Russia). To some people, the actual death of a leader, Kirov, must
have seemed like the fulfilment of all their wishes. It evoked a whole
range of chastushki, many of which linked his death with the im-
pending death of other leaders, especially Stalin: 'Kirova ubili /
Stalina ub'iut / Vse krest'iane rady budut / Kommunisty zarevut5
('Kirov's been killed / Stalin will be killed / All the peasants will
rejoice / And the communists will cry'). His death was also related to
other events, such as the sinking of the Cheliuskin in 1934. Both were
regarded as presaging the overthrow of Stalin: 'Nemnogo vremeni
proshlo, kak Cheliuskin potopili ... Segodnia Kirova ubili, zavtra
Stalina ub'iut' ('It's not long, since the Cheliuskin was sunk ... Today
Kirov was killed, tomorrow Stalin will be killed'). The deaths of
Stalin and Kirov were represented as merely the beginning of more
sweeping changes, including the end of the kolkhoz system: 'Kirova
ubili / Skoro Stalina ub'iut / Vse kolkhozy razbegutsia / Nam
svobodnei budet zhit" ('Kirov's been killed / Soon Stalin will be
killed / All the kolkhozy will collapse / We will live more freely'),26
and better food: 'Kirova ubili / po kotletke podarili / Stalina ub'iut
/ po kuritse dadut' ('Kirov died / We had cutlets / Stalin'U die /
We'll have chicken').27 In general, the deaths of leaders represented
the realisation of the carnival idea of holiday and rest from the
drudgery of work: 'Lenin died - there was a holiday; Kirov died,
there was also a holiday; and if they get all the leaders there'll be an
eternal holiday'; 'Lenin died and we had a rest; if another good chap
dies, we'd rest even more.' 28
How should this 'subversion' be interpreted? Was it indicative of
hostility towards the leaders, or was it simply a way of letting off
steam, a safety-valve? This is obviously impossible to tell without
more contextual information. The regime tended to view all such
expressions as politically subversive. Their interpretations cannot be
taken too seriously but nor should they be rejected entirely. Evidently
there were many cases when jokes and chastushki in particular
circulated purely for the purposes of entertainment. However, the
dangers of relating them in this period were so great that for some
people they may have assumed greater political significance.
ALTERNATIVE MODELS OF LEADERSHIP
In contrast to these essentially negative and destructive attitudes

towards leaders, there were also suggestions of alternative leadership
models, based on a range of symbolic figures, including Lenin, the
tsar, Trotsky, Kirov, Bukharin, and other 'enemies', even Hitler.
178 The leader cult
People exalted these figures partly because their leadership style was
deemed more attractive. The official 'cult' language was often
employed in relation to them - they were ascribed characteristics
usually attributed to Stalin in the official discourse. These leaders
also seemed to represent policies which ensured a better standard of
living, although the policies for which they actually stood tended to
be distorted; for example, the 'enemies of the people5 were some-
times perceived as being non-communist, while Trotsky was thought
to hold 'rightist' views. This was partly because of genuine ignorance
about the real nature of their policies, but also because as symbols,
people may have projected on to them whatever they understood to
be a better alternative to Stalin.
The posthumous cult of Kirov, although officially sanctioned,
could acquire subversive overtones, particularly when Kirov was
juxtaposed with Stalin and other leaders. Whether or not it is true
that Kirov was favoured by the TsK as an alternative to Stalin as
general secretary in 1934, it is clear that amongst some Leningraders
he was rated more highly. He was represented as a conciliatory
leader, able to get on with the intelligentsia and the people alike. His
populist style won the favour of workers, who noted that he was
democratic and travelled by tram and that he 'was brave, he went
everywhere alone, did not hide himself behind thick walls, we have
seen other vozhdi little, except at congresses'. Zhdanov, by contrast,
was regarded as too distant, as was shown in chapter 8. Kirov was
perceived as being more humane than Stalin: 'much more soft-
hearted than Stalin'; caring for the poor and the workers: 'Vor-
oshilov stood for the Red Army, Stalin for construction, and Kirov
for the people - that they should live better.' 29 It is significant that
one of the most popular poems during the siege of Leningrad was
Tikhonov's 'Kirov Is with Us.' Published at the end of 1942, it was
written in cultic language, and included a refrain evoking the popu-
list image of Kirov: 'Po gorodu Kirov idet' ('Kirov is walking round
the city'). It also contained the couplet ' "Za rodinu" - nadpis' na
bashne, / I "Kirov" - na bashne drugoi' (' "For the Motherland" -
the inscription on one tower, / And "Kirov" - on the other tower').
This close parallel between Kirov and the motherland contrasted
markedly with the usual identification, 'For the Motherland, for
Stalin', and reinforces the idea that some Leningraders felt greater
allegiance to Kirov than to Stalin.
The Lenin cult was assimilated to the cult of Stalin in the
propaganda, but it could also be used to undermine the Stalin cult,
as Sotsialisticheskii vestnik recognised in 1934: 'the romantic cult of
Lenin is becoming dangerous for the sober reality of the Stalinist
regime'.30 While party members had traditionally used the ideas of
Lenin to oppose the regime (notably Riutin, with his 'Union of
Marxist-Leninists'),31 some ordinary people, especially workers, also
recalled Lenin in a positive way. An inscription on the wall of a
lavatory in one factory in 1934 read 'Lenin is dead but his spirit lives
on.' In theory, there was nothing particularly subversive about such
a statement, which was an official slogan, but it may have contained
an implicit critique of the current regime, and the party's Informa-
tion Department certainly interpreted it in this light.32 Sometimes,
the subversion was more overt, as in a letter to Zhdanov of 1937 from
the 'TsK' of the 'Legion of Revolutionary Democracy', which
praised Lenin and called for the capital to be moved to Leningrad
where Lenin, 'the leader of revolutionary democracy, had established
the first people's power and introduced democratic freedoms'.33
The refrain 'If Lenin had been alive ... ' was common in this
period. It was suggested that if Lenin were still in power, there would
be freedom of speech, no party struggles, no collectivisation, no price
rises, and especially no harsh labour laws like those of 1940.34 Lenin
represented a more peaceful, moderate path to socialism, which
Stalin had deviated from: 'Stalin must be removed, he has left
Lenin's path, our country is regressing.' One worker encapsulated
the difference thus: 'Lenin led the country upwards, but today's
vozhdi are leading it down.'35 NEP was also perceived as a relatively
golden age when:
there was everything, and now there is no food, and when Lenin was alive -
everything was peaceful and good, everyone lived in a friendly collective,
but when Lenin died, then the squabbles and splits started and the party
became impure - there are many cheats and enemies of the people.36
This remark betrays a tendency to idealise Lenin, to portray him as a
hero and Stalin as the villain responsible for all the country's woes.
This black-and-white picture was particularly evident in jokes. One
joke ran, 'Why did Lenin wear over-shoes [botinki] and Stalin boots
[sapogi\? Because under Lenin it was possible to wear over-shoes (it
was dry, clean, and nice), but now that Stalin's at the top, there is
such a marsh that wherever you go, you get stuck. That's why he
wears boots.'37
180 The leader cult
The Lenin—Stalin linkage in the official cult may have to some

extent inhibited a subversive discourse based on the cult of Lenin.
Trotsky, by contrast, was regarded as unequivocally opposed to
Stalin. Like Lenin, he had also enjoyed a cult, and the same type of
language was applied to his leadership.38 His military prowess,
oratorical ability, flamboyant style, and intelligence were emphasised
by dissenting workers. He was habitually referred to as a genius, and
it was asserted that victory in the civil war was due entirely to him.39
Despite the attempt to rewrite history, people continued to trust
their own memories. One impassioned supporter of Trotsky was
adamant:
The newspapers lie, the accused are not guilty, they did not make any
assassination attempts. Trotsky was a good man, a great military leader,
leader of the Red Army, defender of the motherland, dedicated to the
revolution with all his heart. The army loved him. Were it not for Trotsky,
Kazan would not have been taken in 1918 by the Red Army, Moscow
would have been left without bread and the Revolution would have
perished. Trotsky used to put himself under fire. Were it not for Trotsky,
we would not have seen Kronstadt. The fight is going on from soft chairs,
they did not want to give in to Trotsky, they blackened him and expelled
him.40
Trotsky's role in the civil war was contrasted with that of Stalin:
'Thanks to him and only to him was victory over our enemies
achieved, for Stalin at that time was at a resort stuffing himself with
apples.'41 His capacity to lead the 'masses' was often remarked upon
'all the masses are behind Trotsky'; 'It's good that Trotsky is alive, he
can still organise the masses'; 'Trotsky enjoyed the masses' great
love. He was a very strong personality. When the masses listen to
him ... everyone is rooted to the spot.' One worker recalled
Trotsky's ability to galvanise soldiers into action: 'there were units
which did not want to go into battle, and Trotsky came along and
everyone rushed into fight'.42
Although this charismatic, cultic language was a feature of the
discourse on Trotsky in particular, other leaders were also occasion-
ally its recipients. Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin, Tukhachevskii, and
Rykov were all praised for their revolutionary services, described as
'historical figures' and idealists.43 In Leningrad, Zinoviev still
enjoyed some support. A leaflet appeared which read 'Long live the
tribune of the revolution Zinoviev!'44 Peasants regarded Bukharin
and Rykov as having the peasant interest at heart, and there appears
to have been some support for them during the 1937 elections.45
The cult language was also applied to the tsar, with the conven-
tional symbols being replaced by those of the ancien regime, as in leaflets
'Down with Stalin. Long live Tsar Nicholas IF, and 'Down with
Soviet power. We need landowners and capitalists. Before it was
better. Down with Lenin, down with Stalin! Long live the old days
under the Tsar! Comrades! Pay attention to this piece of paper.' 46
Paradoxically, the use of slogans and words such as 'comrades'
endowed the symbol of the tsar with revolutionary potential. This
most conservative of institutions was thus represented as a means of
mobilising the people to overthrow the regime. The tsar was some-
times associated with a better standard of living, and portrayed as a
defender of the people's interests. Peasants in particular praised the
tsar, for 'Land was given to the peasants not by Soviet power but by
the Tsar ... When we prayed to God we lived better.'47 Workers also
contrasted their standard of living unfavourably with that before the
revolution, and some remembered how strikes were allowed under the
tsar, how then 'the workers were the bosses'.48
Popular understanding of the policies espoused by these leaders
was not always very clear. Hitler's leadership and policies also came
to symbolise an alternative to that of Stalin, and similar cult language
was used in relation to him, as chapter 6 illustrated. However, some
people placed Hitler and the 'enemies of the people' in one camp
and identified their policies. In the words of a priest, 'The fascists will
win under Hitler's leadership, because he is for the people. Trotsky
and Zinoviev also had the right policy. They are for the people and
against kolkhozy, and for that they were shot.' One worker said 'I am
for Hitler and Trotsky', evidently not knowing what either of them
represented but simply regarding both as strong leaders and as
symbols of opposition to Stalin.49 The confusion over leaders'
policies was especially evident in the case of Trotsky, who was
identified with both a 'leftist' and a 'rightist' stance. Thus he was
sometimes represented as having been on the side of Stalin against
Lenin. He was also perceived as standing for an anti-kolkhoz, pro-
private property line, and for being a Bukharinist. Some thought
that Trotsky, Bukharin, and Zinoviev were all in favour of the
peasantry. Similarly, Zinoviev and the tsar were linked as symbols of
better policies, as in the words of a kolkhoznik. 'We lived better under
the tsar than now, when Zinoviev was in charge, we cut the hay and
182 The leader cult
divided it equally, some for the kolkhoz, some for personal use.' 50
Probably this confusion was partly due to the peasants associating
these figures with periods when they were better off, such as NEP.
This was the conclusion of one anonymous writer to Zhdanov, who
suggested in 1935 that the majority of peasants were on the side of
Trotsky, since 'under Trotsky from 1919 to 1930', they had had their
own property, free trade, and cheaper prices.51 Clearly this conclu-
sion was somewhat exaggerated, in order to frighten Zhdanov with
the spectre of 'Trotskyism', and it seems unlikely that the 'majority'
of peasants shared such a view of Trotsky.
As well as confusion over policies, there was also a tendency to
distinguish incorrectly between the favoured leaders and the commu-
nists. This reflected ideas which dated back to the civil war period,
when people had expressed support for the 'Bolsheviks' against the
'communists', or for 'Soviet power' but against the 'communists'.52
As was shown in chapter 8, the word 'communist' had acquired
negative overtones. So one carpenter contrasted Trotsky with the
communists, portraying him as a pro-worker force. Speaking openly
at an election meeting in 1937 he declared 'You communists are the
rotten intelligentsia: I want to vote for Trotsky.' Bukharin, Rykov,
and Zinoviev were also regarded as being enemies of the commu-
nists, and therefore worthy of support.53
Although a few criticised the whole idea of the 'cult of personality',

the majority of ordinary people do not seem to have had a clear
vision of an alternative type of leadership. The most common line of
attack on the cult was a simple reversal of its attributes. In many
ways this type of inversion merely bolstered the status quo, because it
implied a recognition that there was a fundamental order to be
reversed. Even those people who were capable of imagining different
models of leadership often simply chose those which were essentially
authoritarian and which they represented in the language of the cult
itself. The idea of collective leadership was singularly absent. After
the death of Kirov, one suggestion was made that he be replaced by
a collective, as Lenin had been, but this proposal was conspicuous by
its rarity.54 The power of the hegemonic discourse to constrain
opinion was therefore considerable. However, this discourse was not
solely a product of the ruling elite. As the previous chapter illu-
strated, the traffic of ideas was not only unidirectional - propaganda
was also shaped by popular opinion.

Negative Representations of The Leader and Leader Cult

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CHAPTER II

Negative representations of the leader and leader cult

Although the official cult discourse was employed on certain occa-

INDIFFERENCE TO AND MISUNDERSTANDING OF THE CULT

Until the mid-1930s, a number of people were still unaware of the

November 1939 excessive praise of candidates was noted in connec-

CRITICISM OF THE CULT

it. The dictatorship of the party was to be replaced by presidential

batiushka-tsar'. Stalin's role was being exaggerated at the expense of

With communist greetings: V. K. 1/VII-38 Leningrad.19

deliberate avoidance of any mention of the physicality of the leader

ALTERNATIVE MODELS OF LEADERSHIP

In contrast to these essentially negative and destructive attitudes

The Lenin—Stalin linkage in the official cult may have to some

Although a few criticised the whole idea of the 'cult of personality',

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