The Jama Mapun

INTRODUCTION:

The Jama Mapun, literally, “People of Mapun” are the indigenous people from the
municipality of Mapun. The Jama Mapun are closely related to the Samal or Sama, and they are
often referred to as the Samal Kagayan by the Tausug of Sulu or as the Sama Dilaut, also called
Badjao, or the Orang Cagayan by the coastal Muslims of Borneo.

Mapun in Sulu Archipelago is classified as a fourth-class municipality. It was called Cagayan

The Mapun municipality is located on the farthest part of Tawi-Tawi province in the northwest.
Its distance from Bongao, the capital of Tawi-Tawi, is about 262 kilometers. This isolated
municipality is 354 kilometers west of Zamboanga City and about 111 kilometers north of
Sandakan, Sabah. Therefore, it is easier to reach Mapun from Sabah than from Zamboanga.
Northwest of Mapun is Palawan and south is Sabah, Malaysia. The municipality has 15
barangays and a total land area of 28,129 hectares or 281.29 square kilometers.

The municipality, consisting of a main island and 17 islets, is of volcanic origin. Some of its
more prominent islets are Kinapusan, Pambelikan, Bisu Bintut, Bohan, Manda, Bulisuan, Muligi,
and Mambahenawan. The highlands of the main island are composed of 26 mountains, with
Mount Liran as the highest, rising up to 1,105 feet from sea level. Its varied topography includes
hills, valleys, small plains, marshes, and white sand beaches. Lakes Danao and Singuwang are
two freshwater crater lakes about 40 feet above sea level. Marshlike Sapah Lake at the center of
the island was formed by rainwater and measures 69 hectares. Jurata Bay was created when a
crater bay’s wall opened to the sea.

In 2000, the population of the Jama Mapun in Tawi-Tawi province was 18,823, which was
5.84% of the provincial population. This excluded those who live in the Turtle Islands composed
of Taganak, Baguan, Boan, Leheman, Sibaung, and Great Bakungan. In 2010, the total
population of Mapun was 24,168 (Philippine Statistics Authority 2002 and 2013). But there is
the opinion that government statistics do not consider the population variable arising from the
people’s periodic migration to and from Sabah due to seasonal economic opportunities. Some
15,000 Jama Mapun can be found in Malaysia. About 10,000 Jama Mapun settled in the islands
of Bugsuk and Balabac in southern Palawan in the southern towns of the Palawan peninsula such
as Sofronio Española and Bataraza. A small population of Jama Mapun live in Zamboanga City
and in Manila. Total population in the Philippines was estimated at 43,000 in 2011 by the SIL
International.

Their language is Pullun Mapun, which belongs to the Austronesian language family. It is
closely related to the Borneo Coast Badjao and Indonesia Badjao languages and a bit similar to
the Central Sama, Southern Sama and Balangingi Sama languages of the Sulu Archipelago.

History of the Jama Mapun People

History and legend suggest that Arab trader-missionaries visited Cagayan de Sulu as early as the
13th century. The Jama Mapun considered the Arabs as belonging to a higher culture; hence,
conversion to Islam was equated with cultural advancement . Islam and its institutions gave rise
to the strengthening of the sultanate as a political system. Thus emerged two powerful political
centers—the Sultanate of Sulu and the Sultanate of Maguindanao and Buayan. The Sulu
Sultanate is based on the tiny islands that look deceptively insignificant on the map. However,
these islands are along the borders of the Pacific Ocean, Celebes Sea, Malacca Strait, and the
West Philippine Sea, which used to be the routes of international trade and commerce. By the
15th century, the economic and political power of the Sulu Sultanate gained control over
Kalimantan, Indonesia with capital at Balikpapan. Meanwhile, Sabah or North Borneo became
part of the Sulu Sultanate in 1675 when the sultan of Brunei gave the territory to the sultan of
Sulu because the latter helped in pacifying a revolt in Brunei. Sandakan and Marudu were the
seats of power in Sabah.

Jama Mapun Mat weavers

From the 15th century onward, the principal Muslim groups realigned according to emergent
power alliances. The Maguindanaon, Maranao, and Sangil were oriented toward the
Maguindanao Sultanate, while the Tausug, Samal, Badjao, Yakan, Molbog, Palawan, and the
Jama Mapun were more oriented toward the Sulu Sultanate. This geopolitical setup helped
shape the economic and political institutions of the Jama Mapun.
The Jama Mapun profited from the flourishing trade between China and the Sulu Sultanate
from as early as the 15th century. The Sulu Sultanate dispatched diplomatic missions to China in
the 15th and 18th centuries. The Chinese traded their goods in exchange for pearls, wax, tortoise
shell, and the mats of the Jama Mapun and the Samal (Yuchengco Museum 2008, 19). In the
19th century, the trading of mats triggered a network of economic and power connections.

The earliest known European to have visited Mapun was the Italian scholar Antonio Pigafetta.
When he set for Borneo in 1521 after Magellan’s demise in Mactan, Pigafetta arrived at an island
he called “Caghaian.” He described it as full of large trees inhabited by naked “Moros” who
were armed with blowpipes, arrows, and poisonous herbs. As early as the 1500s, the
documentation of Pigafetta demonstrated the rich material culture of the Jama Mapun. He
narrated that the natives sported knives with handles decorated with gold and precious stones,
and possessed “spears, bucklers, and small cuirasses of buffalo horn.

The history of the Jama Mapun during the Spanish era can be told in terms of the hostility
between the Spanish colonial government and the Sulu Sultanate. The Sulu Sultanate escaped
colonial dominance at the onset of Spanish rule, for total conquest was not a goal of early
colonial policies. In the mid-19th century, the colonial government sought to conquer the
Muslim sultanates, especially that of Sulu. By then the British and the Dutch were extending
their influence over the Southeast Asian world, and the Spaniards felt they had to secure their
rapidly deteriorating empire. Spanish authorities explained their new policy as a reaction to the
piratical activities of the Samal group. Thus, the Spaniards launched their campaign of 1851 to
devastate the Samal settlement of Tungkil, as well as to punish the Sulu Sultanate. The
campaign ended in 1876 when the Spaniards launched an offensive against the Sulu Sultanate to
finally settle the issue of Spanish sovereignty over Sulu. In 1878, the beleaguered sultan, Jama
ul-Azam, entered into a peace treaty with the Spaniards. The treaty made Sulu a protectorate of
Spain but guaranteed the sultanate autonomy over internal matters and commercial activities.

In 1884, a struggle for power within the Sulu Sultanate escalated with the death of Sultan
Badarud Din II. Among the contenders were the crown prince, Raja Muda; the half-brother of
the deceased, Amirul Kiram; and eligible second liners, Datu Alipud Din and Datu Harun
Narrazid, also known as Harun al Rashid. The Spanish colonial government mediated by
ordering the aspirants to go to Manila to resolve the power struggle. Only Datu Harun heeded
this order and was subsequently proclaimed Sultan of Sulu in 1884 by Governor-General Joaquin
Jovellar. Many of the Tausug hated the Spanish colonial rule so they denounced Harun and
considered Amirul Kiram as their legitimate sultan, proclaiming him as Sultan Jamalul Kiram II.
A bloody conflict erupted due to the rivalry between Sultan Harun and Sultan Jamalul Kiram II.
Sultan Harun won in the struggle but was outmaneuvered in 1892 by the Kiram family. Sultan
Harun was exiled in Palawan, and Jamalul Kiram was formally proclaimed Sultan of Sulu in
1894.
The Spanish colonial government bestowed on Sultan Harun the power to rule over the Muslims
in Balabac and nearby islands, as well as in the southern areas of the Palawan peninsula, which
include the present towns of Brooke’s Point, Rizal, Bataraza, Quezon, and Sofronio Española.
Such favorable political situation could be a major pull factor for the migration of the Jama
Mapun into the Palawan peninsula and its southern islands. The sultan’s respectable leadership
promoted the welfare of his subjects and earned him the loyalty and trust of the Muslims as well
as the indigenous Palawan. Sultan Harun was succeeded by his son Datu Bataraza Narrazid,
whose rule was recognized by the American colonial government. The colonialists appointed the
datu as vice governor of Palawan province and then as the supreme leader of the Muslims in
Palawan (Acosta 2016).

Meanwhile, in the Sulu Archipelago, the Americans intruded into the core of the Jama Mapun
political system. Guns were confiscated, and slavery, the source of Jama Mapun power and
prestige, was abolished. Villages and districts were reduced to the status of barrios; headmen and
chiefs became mere barrio captains. The visible agent of this transformation was Guy Stratton,
who was appointed deputy governor after Cagayan de Sulu was “pacified” by American troops
in 1905. In 1910, he appointed the presidente (mayor), which was directly under his control. The
first three presidentes were local chieftains called datu. The colonial strategy to control the local
nobility was important to gain control of the economic resources of the Jama Mapun’s ancient
territory. In the last quarter of the 19th century, the world demand for coconut oil began to rise.
Guy Stratton promoted the copra industry. He encouraged, sometimes coerced, the islanders to
plant coconut trees. This was in 1910, and by 1920, Stratton’s company began to harvest and sell
copra. By 1932, more than 50% of the island was planted with coconut.

With the outbreak of World War II, American warships and vessels utilized Jurata Bay, which
had an area of 35 hectares and depth of 70 (“Socio-Economic Profile” 2007, 26). The Jama
Mapun aristocrats sided with the Japanese invaders. One of the nobles assumed de facto rule
over Cagayan de Sulu under the Japanese regime, as attested by the Japanese based in North
Borneo.

After the war, the Philippines gained independence in 1946. Under the Philippine Republic, the
appointive presidente gave way to the elected mayor. The period also witnessed the rise of the
notable commoner. A battle for political dominance started between the notable commoner and
the nobility. The situation was made more complex when district politics found themselves
having to refer to provincial and national power centers for the much-needed funds to implement
electoral promises. A new development arose with the entry of non-Jama Mapun personalities
into the political picture.
The Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), established in 1969, called for self-
determination and secession of the Bangsamoro from the Philippine Republic. This political goal
attracted some of the Jama Mapun youth to become MNLF members and sympathizers. When
armed hostilities between the MNLF and government forces erupted in various islands in the
Sulu Archipelago in the 1970s, Cagayan de Sulu was not affected due to its isolated location.
The social and economic life of the Jama Mapun went on without disturbance. Local governance
continued, although delivery of basic services was sometimes disrupted due to the unstable peace
and order situation in Jolo at the time.

Under martial law, Tawi-Tawi became a separate province in 1973 by virtue of Presidential
Decree 302. Cagayan de Sulu was renamed as Cagayan de Tawi-Tawi. After the 1986 EDSA
Revolt, the new dispensation that deposed the Marcos dictatorship called for local elections as
part of the move to restore the democratic process. Abdulpatta Jumlang, a high school teacher,
became the first elected mayor of Mapun after EDSA. In 1988, Corazon Aquino signed RA
6672, which changed the name of Cagayan de Tawi-Tawi to the ancient name Mapun.

In 1989, President Corazon Aquino signed RA 6734, known as the Organic Act for the
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Its creation was the result of the
spadework done by Muslim delegates of the 1986 Constitutional Commission who worked for
the provision of a Muslim autonomous region in the 1987 Constitution. Maguindanao, Sulu, and
Tawi-Tawi provinces voted in a plebiscite to join the ARMM in November 1989 (Official
Website of the ARMM 2017).

Way of Life of the Jama Mapun People

The Jama Mapun at the turn of the 20th century and in the early 1900s were somewhat nomadic
and largely dependent on the natural environment. Before the widespread planting of cash crops
such as coconut in agricultural areas, the Jama Mapun relied on subsistence farming, gathering
from the sea and the forest, and trading. These activities had specific names: padilaut (earning a
living from the sea), ngusaha (all kinds of economic activities), lomeh (trading), and huma
(multicrop subsistence agriculture), the basic economic activity. Produce from the huma included
dry or upland rice, corn, cassava, camote (sweet potato), various root crops and vegetables, and
fruit trees. It also consisted of various types of beans, watermelon, eggplants, lara (small pepper),
tomatoes, and aromatic lemongrass.
A Jama Mapun family adapted to this huma culture by adjusting its planting activities to the
annual cycle of two rainy seasons. The first rainy season called uwan taun began around June
and lasted for about three months. The second rainy season, uwan pulian, began sometime in
November. The Jama Mapun planted their main crops during the uwan taun and the minor crops
during the uwan pulian. Other economic activities were the ngusaha, which includes fishing,
shell gathering, and hunting for turtle eggs, seagull eggs, collecting birds’ nest, and other marine
resources (Casiño 1967, 10-12).

The introduction of coconut as a commercial plant and the development of the kumpit
(motorboat) as a technological innovation in sea trade shifted the ecosystem of the Jama Mapun
from one typified by the huma to the kabbun niyug or monocrop market economy involving
copra production.

The kabbun was imposed by the Americans and was stimulated by Chinese trading. The Chinese
began to purchase whole nuts and encouraged the islanders to cultivate them. After converting
most of the volcanic island into copra plantations, the kabbun system encouraged the mass
migration of Jama Mapun families to nearby Palawan for new lands on which to plant coconuts.

The Jama Mapun have always been traders. In the past, they did not completely depend on their
huma-produced rice. They traded their vegetables, fruits, root crops, and marine products for rice
from Palawan. They also acted as intermediaries between the inhabitants of Palawan, Muslim
merchants, and the Chinese. In Borneo, products from the Muslim merchants were bartered for
Chinese products such as cloth, iron implements, porcelainware, brass gongs, and other
commodities. Some of these products were retained for their own use, and others were
exchanged for rice from Palawan. The introduction of the kumpit changed the Jama Mapun
trade system. Whereas bartering for staple food was the core of early Jama Mapun trade, modern
trade has now become basically a complex of profit-oriented cash transactions for the
exportation of copra, which is produced by the whole island population. The produce is sold to
the Chinese or rich copra traders, who then export the same to Jolo, Zamboanga, Sandakan,
and Labuan in North Borneo.

The Jama Mapun are adept in fishing. Some engage in line fishing or trapping fish with nets or
cages along shallow coastal waters. Others endure fishing in the high seas through a kelle, a
wooden boat about 12 feet in length that accommodates only one person. The kelle was invented
by a Jama Mapun from the island of Boan. It resembles the Alaskan kayak and has no outriggers.
It is not clear whether its inventor copied it from a prototype that might have been washed ashore
or made it using his own imagination. The kelle became so popular that by 1988, almost every
fisherman in the northwest side of Mapun owned one.

In the 2000s, fishing and farming were still the major sources of livelihood. The staple food of
the Jama Mapun was rice and cassava, but rice was imported from Palawan, Zamboanga, and
Sabah. In 2007, the Department of Agriculture and Fisheries in Mapun Municipality counted
1,438 families engaged in farming and 1,756 families in fishing. Copra, which was planted in
90% of Mapun’s total land area, was the top earner estimated at 14,000 metric tons in 2007. Next
to copra were banana, cassava, mangoes, and coffee.

The estimated annual fish catch in the aquatic waters of Mapun is around 5,000 tons. Fishing
boats from Palawan, Cebu, and Manila come to catch fish in the area, but the Jama Mapun do not
profit from these fishing activities.

The trading of basic commodities to and from Zamboanga and Malaysia is still an important
economic activity. Commodities from these external sources are sugar, rice, coffee, instant
noodles, and liquefied petroleum gas. Outgoing goods to Malaysia are sea products.

Jama Mapun Political System

The traditional Jama Mapun political system consisted of three levels: the state, where the
sultan, invariably a Tausug, the council of state, and prominent members of the Tausug nobility
engaged in politics; the district, where the noble chiefs or notable commoners ruled; and the
village, where the authority of the headperson was supreme. Theoretically, the village
headperson should be subordinate to the sultan, but practically, the political functions which
divided the village headperson from the district chief were not substantial. Their administration
of public affairs was often nothing more than conducting kin-group affairs.

Today, the Jama Mapun have been assimilated into the mainstream political system of the
Philippine Government. The traditional levels of their political system have been subsumed
under the national level. In effect, the sultanate has been reduced to a province, the district to a
municipality, and the village to a barangay. However, a distinction can be drawn between the
concepts of politics and administration. While administration may now have passed to a modern
bureaucracy, the power aspect of the system has been retained by the sultanates.

As a municipality of Tawi-Tawi, Mapun’s elected leaders are under the jurisdiction of the
ARMM which was created in 1989. However, the traditional council of elders still exists, with
members such as respected individuals, elders, and customary leaders like the panglima. At the
barrio level, the administration of justice involving sara agama, which is now popularly referred
to as the Shariah (religious customary law), is made by the village headperson. Traditions are
usually consulted when settling disputes. There are times, however, when decisions are made
contrary to what custom has always dictated. It seems that law experts have discretion to follow
the sara agama as the following case illustrates: Tirna, Jose’s daughter, went to Bondot’s house
and confessed that she was in love with Jangle, Bondot’s son. Upon learning this, Jangle’s sister
immediately reported the matter to the barrio captain, Abirin, who quickly summoned Bundot to
bring the girl to his house as a security measure. The sara agama allows the girl’s parents to harm
her and the boy should she be caught in the boy’s house. Moreover, taking her back would
disgrace the boy’s family. When Abirin was sure of Tirna’s safety, he sent a go-between to
report the situation to Tirna’s parents, who arrived the next day demanding 500 pesos as bride-
price for their daughter. Jangle’s parents refused, citing the sara agama principle that when a girl
initiates an action toward a boy by going to his mowe (home), the bride-price should only be half
the customary dowry. Abirin failed to make a decision and referred the case to another law
expert, who ruled against the sara agama and required Jangle’s parents to give the usual bride-
price of 500 pesos.

Jama Mapun Social Organization, Customs and Traditions

The Jama Mapun distinguish dampahanakan or “family,” literally “from the same womb,” from
dambua luma or “household,” literally “of the same house.” The former consists of husband and
wife, their children, and their children’s children. The household composition depends on the
response to agricultural cycles. This is especially true during the planting and harvest seasons,
when relatives come to help.

Jama Mapun traditional garments, 1998 (Felicidad A. Prudente Photo Collection).

The Jama Mapun life is shaped by family and community, from birth to death. Islam influences
their human career through the paki (religious intermediaries), who represent the unifying
structure of the community.

The Jama Mapun are highly child-centered. To ensure ease of delivery, the pregnant wife is
enjoined to avoid sewing and to unlock all containers; the husband is enjoined not to participate
in funeral activities nor wear anything around his neck for fear of harm to the child. Food
normally forbidden to the wife is allowed, the belief being that the desire for such food springs
from the child.
During maddi (labor), a baliyan (midwife) is called. As soon as the child is born, the baliyan
cleans the batang ponsot (umbilical cord) and cuts off a portion of the cord from the placenta.
The remaining section is then tied into seven portions of approximately 2.5 centimeters each.
Normally, the batang ponsot drops off after three days; if it takes more than three days, it is
believed that the child will become hardheaded. The child is then bathed in cold water and then
wrapped in a barung (swaddle) from head to foot with pink or yellow cloth. The swaddling
continues for a month or so; first the head is freed, then the rest of the body. It is believed that
the body swaddle keeps the child’s legs straight. All swaddling is removed if the child can turn
over on his or her stomach by himself or herself (Casiño 1967, 36-37). If born in the morning,
the paki is called on the same day to bless the child. If born at night or at dusk, the paki must be
called early the next morning. The paki performs a ritual in which the Islamic call to prayer is
whispered into the child’s ears. This is officially known as the bahng for male offsprings or
kamat for female offsprings.

The paggunting is a community ceremony involving the cutting of some of the infant’s hair and
weighing it against an equal amount of timbang (weight). Several paki are invited to pray and
perform the ceremony.

After the paggunting, the Jama Mapun child undergoes the pag-Islam, also called pag-sunat,
which isa physical initiation accompanied with prayers.

When a boy is 10 years of age or older, a group of male paki performs a traditional method of
circumcision on him. The initiation is earlier for a girl, who goes through this at seven years of
age, when she is still quite free from feeling embarrassed. The female pag-sunat is done by
scratching the clitoris with a bamboo knife, performed by several female paki with the presence
of one male paki. After experiencing pag-sunat, the child immediately goes through pag-tammat.
The psychological initiation is likened to a graduation ceremony of children who have mastered
the reading of the 30 chapters of the Quran. Dressed in formal clothes, the child sits on a mat to
read, chant, and sing the lessons she or he learned under the tutelage of a teacher in the madrasa
(religious school). Around the recitalist are the child’s parents and relatives, who proudly but
silently watch as the child chants the Quran and sings the muhd (celebratory songs sung during
the prophet Muhammad’s birthday). The community celebrates after the child successfully
passes the pagtammat.

There is no particular ritual that commemorates adolescence, although the community provides a
forum for the interaction of young Jama Mapun men and women. This is the lunsay, a
community song and dance performed during weddings where young men and women can
interact. In a way, lunsay can be considered a courtship song and dance through which single
men and women may meet their future husband or wife. Lunsay can also be performed by all
members of the community, young and old, married or unmarried.
The ngawin (wedding) is one of their most important ceremonies. There are two steps before the
marriage proper. First, there is the nuruk-nuruk (exploration) to find out if the young woman is
negotiable. A third party is often used in these negotiations. If successful, some token amount is
left with her parents. After a few weeks, the groom-to-be’s party returns to negotiate on the
bride-price and to work out the details concerning the wedding. During the wedding day,
preparations are made concurrently at three houses—the groom’s, the bride’s, and a third party’s.
While a jubilant procession leads the groom to the bride’s house, the bride hides in another
home. Later, a second procession is formed to conduct the bride from this house to the groom’s.
There is much festivity involved: the sound of the kulintang gongs, the explosion of firecrackers
or actual guns, the accordion music accompanied by drumbeats, and the parade of colorful flags.

The religious significance of the event is stressed by the presence of many paki who lead the
prayers before and after the central and symbolic part of the ceremony. The event consists of two
parts: when the groom is confronted by the imam (priest) and answers the official questions on
whether he is willing and ready to take a bride; and when the groom walks over to the bride and
removes the veil partly covering her face. He then presses his thumb against her forehead.

The Jama Mapun believe that the dead should be buried at once. If they die in the morning, they
should be buried before evening; if they die in the evening, they should be buried before noon
the next day. The Jama Mapun show their reverence for the dead by carefully washing the
corpse, and this act is performed by the paki or imam. After the washing, the corpse is wrapped
in koko poteh (a new white linen cloth). The Jama Mapun do not use coffins but make sure that
the covering earth never touches the face and the body of the corpse. To accomplish this, the
corpse is first inserted into a niche that is then covered with seven pieces of wood. Only then is
the main grave covered with soil. The kubo or top of the grave is marked by stones; the sunduk
or carved wooden markers (see logo of this article) are raised on two points, one corresponding
to a point above the shoulder, and the other, to a point above the knees of the corpse.

The Jama Mapun never refer to the dead by their names; they are assigned special terms, (e.g., a
dead datu is referred to as “lindung,” a dead salip or hadji as “wapat,” a dead commoner as
“imua”). Death ceremonies are performed for religious and social reasons. The doaa alua
(prayers for the dead) are offered by the paki, and the feasts given to the neighbors are features
found in the death rituals. These are repeated several times during the first 100 days, and thence,
once a year during the death anniversary.

Jama Mapun Religious Beliefs and Practices

The Jama Mapun believe in one God whom they call Tuhan or Allah. The latter is used in daily
prayers and in the official Friday liturgy, while the former is used in discussions of philosophy,
morality, and ethics. Tuhan is believed to be the creator of heaven and earth and of men through
the first man Adam and the first woman, Eve, called Hawa.
Under the Tuhan are many spirit beings, both Judaeo-Muslim and folk animist in nature. Some
of these are seytan (evil spirit), malaikat (angels), and jin (bodies of air or fire capable of
assuming different forms and carrying out difficult tasks). Certain pre-Islamic spirits also enter
the Jama Mapun mythology: hantu (evil spirits behind natural phenomena, equivalent to jin);
semanget or sumangat (life force, soul); souls of inanimate objects such as rice soul;
pananggalan or pananggahan (birth spirit which preys on infants and pregnant women,
equivalent to the Tagalog manananggal); and tubangkit (a person who dies in sin and returns to
haunt the living). Other creatures feared by the Jama Mapun are the babah (witch); galap (sea
devils); kokok (a malevolent creature that leads people astray); and gargasi (giant).

The Jama Mapun believe in two orders of existence: the hal diunya (this world or this life) and
the hal ahirat (the next world or the next life). God’s existence justifies these orders and provides
a foundation for the moral code which can be grouped into three categories: the zakat, sadaka,
and pitlah or pitrah (good acts), which are those associated with giving and sharing; the barakat,
rezeki, pahala, and sukud mahap (rewards), whether material or immaterial, in this life or the
next; and the sah, dusa, bala, and busung (punishments), which are also from God. The ultimate
reward for obedience is happiness with God in heaven.

Traditional Houses and Community of the Jama Mapun People

The traditional architecture of the Jama Mapun is a simple, one-story rectangular structure with
walls and a floor of bamboo, and roofs of nipa palm or thatch. Traditional furniture consists of
colorful pandanus mats laid over coarser rattan matting with painted designs. At one end of the
room, on top of the mats, are piles of red pillows that serve as cushions during the day and
pillows during the night. There is an occasional chest for storing valuables in a corner of the
room. Sometimes, a baby’s cradle hangs from a bamboo pole.

The more affluent construct two-story houses made from wood with corrugated iron for roofing
and glass for windowpanes. In the early days, the rich were distinguished from the poor with
items such as better kris (swords), brassware, porcelain jars, and trinkets captured or bought
through trade. In the 1970s, the more affluent Jama Mapun owned more items like trucks, radios,
cassette recorders, tables, chairs, beds, and motorcycles.
Jama Mapun Weaving Tradition

Mat weaving is a means of artistic expression and a source of pride for the Jama Mapun. They
make mats for selling or bartering. They weave to create mats for home use. Whether for selling
or for personal use, the native mat weavers produce mats with excellent workmanship and
artistry.

The Jama Mapun mat weavers of Kagayan Sulu were known to create exquisite mats called
buras, believed to be the mat given by the Sultan of Sulu to the Chinese emperor in the 18th
century. This special rattan mat measures as big as 4.5 meters x 6.5 meters. The production of
the buras is distinctly divided between the women and men: The latter weave and stitch the
rattan, and the former paint on the mats. The women draw inspiration from the intricate designs
of handwoven cloths. They replicate the patterns and images of the fabrics on the huge mats that
are used as wall or floor covers.

Another Jama Mapun product coveted by traders in the 19th century is the tepo or baluy
(sleeping mat) made from pangdan leaves (Amilbangsa 2006, 64-69). The outstanding qualities
of the Jama Mapun’s tepo have survived in the 21st century through the determination of cultural
masters to continue their artistry and craft. Janeth Hanapi and Kamaria Sabturani of Sofronio
Española, Palawan are two master weavers duly recognized by National Commission for Culture
and the Arts (NCCA). They impart their skills and expertise by teaching the young Jama Mapun.
Their efforts are supported by people’s organizations such as the Jama Mapun Tribal Council
and the Kalibunan Jama Mapun Association. In 2011, the NCCA supported the establishment of
a School of Living Tradition to train and educate the young generation on traditional weaving.
Among the teachers was Hanapi who started weaving at age nine. She designed and created
handwoven mats for the 38th International Arts and Crafts Festival held in Tel Aviv in 2013.

The dexterity and the high aesthetics of Jama Mapun master weavers are the subject of academic
research. As exemplified by Hanapi, the Jama Mapun possess the ability to create beautiful
designs from their imagination that they execute by hand weaving. Though their method may
seem to be improvisational, they are able to produce intricate designs that reveal a deep grasp of
geometry and mathematics.

There is another kind of mat used mainly for dancing. This is the lakapan lapis, which is unique
to the Jama Mapun. It is a floor matting made of bamboo strips fitted together by rattan or strong
vine. It is used in the community performance of the song-dance called lunsay. The effect of the
stamping feet on the lakapan lapis creates clapping sounds that serve as percussive
accompaniment of the group dance.

Jama Mapun Stories and Folktales

Jama Mapun literary arts can be divided into three broad categories: those associated with
agriculture; the tarsila or salsila or silasilah —those associated with historical events; and
religious-inspired literature.

Examples of the first include stories like the origin of rice and rice planting, of ubi (yam) and
tubbo (sugarcane). The origin myth of rice is especially significant since rice is the most
important component of the huma.

Tohng’s magical bolo cutting trees for him as he sleeps

Tohng’s magical bolo cutting trees for him as he sleeps (Illustration by Ray Sunga)

Once there were only three people—Tohng and his two wives, Masikla and Mayuyu. One day
Masikla took some grass and placed it in a pot that was on top of a fire. She then asked Mayuyu
to look after the pot but instructed her not to open it. Mayuyu was curious and did not follow
Masikla’s instructions. She discovered that half of the pot contained grass, the other half, rice.
When Masikla returned she was angry; had Mayuyu followed instructions, people would not
need to plant rice. All they would need to do is to cook grass into rice.

On another day, Tohng left for the fields. Neither wife knew what he would be doing. Mayuyu,
curious as ever, followed Tohng in order to spy on him. She was surprised and angry to see
Tohng sitting under a tree doing nothing, while his bolo (long knife) and axe were cutting down
trees and slashing the underbush by themselves. Mayuyu came out of hiding and reprimanded
Tohng for his laziness. Because of this disturbance, the bolo and axe fell to the ground and never
again worked by themselves. Tohng was angry; had Mayuyu not interfered, people would not
need to work with their hands. Because of what transpired, Masikla left for the heavens, followed
by Tohng, then Mayuyu. They now appear as a constellation of three stars called tonggong, the
appearance of which signifies the start of the huma season.

The Origin of the Rooster

“The Origin of the Rooster” (Illustration by Ray Sunga)

Another Jama Mapun story is the origin of the rooster. There was once an alim who was also a
great teacher. His origins were unknown but he was said to have first taught in Cagayan de Sulu.
There he married and begot children. After his mulit (students) had completed their studies, he
was requested to teach in another place. Thus began a cycle of teaching, marrying, and begetting
children. Years passed, and he finally returned to the first place where he taught. Without his
knowledge, the budjang (young maiden) he chose for his wife was in fact his own daughter. He
had lost count of the number of his children. So for a couple of years, father and daughter lived
as husband and wife. One day, while the daughter-wife was combing the hair of her father-
husband, she discovered a kebas (bald patch) at one side of his head near the ear. She then
remembered her mother’s words that her father could be recognized by that patch. The discovery
horrified both the girl and her father-husband. They sought for hukuman (judgment) from Allah.
As punishment, they were asked to jump from their house to the ground. The daughter-wife went
first and became a hen; the father-husband jumped and became a rooster. That is why today the
rooster runs after its own daughter and sports a bald patch near its ear.

One of the more popular tarsila concerns the seven holy men who propagated Islam in Sulu. The
Jama Mapun have their own version (Casiño 1976, 117). The first alim was called Abubakar; he
lived in Tawi-Tawi, later in Jolo. He traveled in a lumpang bassi, an iron vessel resembling a tub
or basin. His grave is in Tawi-Tawi. The second alim lived and died in Pandukan Island, near the
island of Pangutaran, north of Jolo. The third alim has his grave in Tahaw Island, located west of
Sibutu off the coast of northeastern Borneo. The fourth alim has his grave in Leheman, a small
island west of the Turtle Islands. It is near a geyser that spouts rocks and mud like a baby
volcano. The fifth alim was buried in Parang-parang, a cogon or lallang grass field near Pulot,
southeastern Palawan. The sixth alim died in Bakungan Diki (small Bakungan), an islet on the
Borneo side of the Malaysian-Philippine boundary near the Turtle Islands. The seventh alim
lived and taught in Tana Mapun (Cagayan de Sulu). He was buried in Bulissuan near the village
of Tanduan and Sikub. The Jama Mapun call his grave tampat layag-layag (burial place marked
by white flags)

The main sources of religious literature are the Quran and the Sunnah of the Prophet
Muhammad. One example is the story entitled “Allah and the Creation of the World,” which
is similar to the biblical Genesis account but which is liberally sprinkled with indigenous
elements.

The creation story narrates that in the beginning, there was only the sea called Baharun Nur,
literally, “great waters light,” and on it was a thing that looked like a ball. This thing was actually
the abode of God who decided to split the ball into two to allow his preconceived creations to
come forth. One half of the ball became heaven, and the other half became the earth. From God’s
radiance, Nur Muhammad—a term designating the preexistence of the soul of the prophet—
appeared. Seeing that he was alone, Nur Muhammad pronounced himself god. He said,
“Arastum Murabbikum,” which means “I am God.” Hardly had the words been uttered when a
sound from heaven came: “Kahal Bala” (Blasphemy). And Nur Muhammad disappeared.

Carla Pacis wrote a children’s story titled Mapun, translated by Randy Bustamante and
illustrated by Jose T. Gamboa and Herbert Consunji. Published by Bookmark in cooperation
with the World Wide Fund for Nature, Mapun is one of five children’s stories in the collection
called A Sea of Stories. The story is about the fictive ancestors of the Jama Mapun. A huge wave
capsizes the boat of Jamil and his wife. She sinks under the sea, but a sea turtle saves her from
drowning. Back on the boat, husband and wife are stunned by the presence of a jin or spirit who
question them if they eat turtles or turtle’s eggs. The jin is happy to know that Jamil and his wife
do not eat turtles or their eggs. The jin blesses the couple who soon lands on an island which they
call Mapun. They raise a family, and their children and grandchildren are said to be the ancestors
of the Jama Mapun.

Folk Dances and Songs of the Jama Mapun People

Mapun Island is the habitat for endangered turtles and birds, and home to endemic flora and
fauna. Such endemicity can also be found in its island culture which has bred unique artistic
forms such as lunsay. As a community song-dance with no instrumental accompaniment, the
Jama Mapun’s lunsay is borne perhaps from the isolation of the people who need to create
entertaining modes of artistic expression.

Jama Mapun tagunggo, gong drum ensemble in Barangay Tandu-an.

This is performed by young men and women forming two separate lines. In order to form a
circle, the linking pairs at the end of the line hold either a handkerchief or a piece of wood to
keep the men and women from touching each other’s hands. The lunsay is also a courtship
dance, an occasion to see and to be seen. In metaphoric language, the male performers sing of the
charms of the girls they fancy, and the girls sing the appropriate responses. The singing is
accompanied by the sound of stamping feet on the lakapan lapis. The direction of the dance
changes from clockwise to counterclockwise. The tempo progresses from slow, plaintive singing
in a clockwise direction, to vigorous steps and accelerated singing in a counterclockwise
direction. The song and dance can go on all night with the participants falling in and out of line
to rest. It is through the lunsay that young people often meet their future mates.

The Lunsay has eight melodic patterns with alternating tempo and direction of movement. These
are tugilah, slow, clockwise step-left; tinggayon, fast, counterclockwise step-right; nilabos, slow,
clockwise step-left; halin taroh, counterclockwise step-right; palubu-labu, counterclockwise step-
right; tinggayon, clockwise step-left; and moleh, clockwise step-left (Amilbangsa 1983, 25).
Sample lyrics from the lunsay songs follow.

Tugila’ is characterized by a back and forth step:

🎶Nilabuan tugilah

Lunsay na ba dumagsah

Nilabuan tugilah

Nilabuan na kakasi

Lunsay maglamilami

Nilabuan tugilah

Tagnaan ta na ba lunsay

kaam siga ba malumbay

Lamilami na ba nagnah

kaam jama dambilah.

PANGALAY Folk Dance

Lunsay is a dance style that demonstrates the diversity of dances in the Sulu Archipelago. The
Jama Mapun also perform the pangalay, also known as igal, which is a tradition they share with
the Sama/Samal, Badjao, and Tausug.

During the pag-Islam, the child learns to sing the muhd or commemorative songs, celebrating the
mauluden Nabi (month of the Prophet’s birthday). The muhd are sung solo; their tone is plaintive
and melancholy; they are long and high pitched. Four types of muhd are learned: the janitla, jikil,
a-sarakal, and tammat. During the closing ceremonies of the pag-Islam, the four muhd are sung
by the child.The occasion is very festive. The heart of the ceremony is the recital and
performance of the young graduate who is colorfully attired and sits cross-legged on a colorful
mat. The parents, relatives, and paki sit around and listen as the young graduate proves his
reading skill and sings the muhd.

Source and References

--Acosta, Henry. 2016. “Sultan S. Harun Ar-Rasyid Datu Dakulah.” Geni.com.

--Amilbangsa, Ligaya Fernando. 1983. Pangalay: Traditional Dances and Related Folk Artistic
Expressions. Manila: Filipinas Foundation Inc.

———. 2005. Ukkil: Visual Arts of the Sulu Archipelago. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila
University.

Casino, Eric S. 1966. “Lunsay: Song-dance of the Jama Mapun of Sulu.” Asian Studies 4: 316-
323.

———. 1967a. “Folk-Islam in the Life Cycle of Jama Mapun.” In Philippine Sociological
Research 15 (1/2): 34-48. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41853542.

———. 1967b. “Jama Mapun Ethnoecology: Economic and Symbolic.” Asian Studies 5. Asian
Studies: Journal of Critical Perspectives in Asia 5 (1): 1-32. Accessed 20 July 2021,
https://asj.upd.edu.ph/mediabox/archive/ASJ-05-01-1967/casino-jama-mapun-ethnocology.

———. 1976. The Jama Mapuns: A Changing Samal Society on the Southern Philippines.
Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

--- Collins, Millard A., and Virginia R. Collins, comps. 2001. Mapun-English Dictionary. Mapun
language consultant, Sulfilix A. Hashim. Manila: Summer Institute of Linguistics.

-- De las Peñas, Ma. Louise Antonette N., Agnes D. Garciano, and Debbie Marie Verzosa. 2014.
“Color Symmetry in the Hand Woven Mats of the Jama Mapun. Proceedings of Bridges 2014:
Mathematics, Music, Art, Architecture, Culture.” Quezon City: Department of Mathematics
Ateneo de Manila University.

-- DFA – Department of Foreign Affairs. 2013. “First Exhibit in International Arts and Crafts
Festival Expected to Increase Awareness and Interest in Philippine Handicrafts.” DFA official
website.http://dfa.gov.ph/newsroom/phl-embassies-and-consulates-news/601-first-exhibit-in-
international-arts-and-crafts-festival-expected-to-increase-awareness-and-interest-in-philippine-
handicrafts.