RAJIV GANDHI NATIONAL
UNIVERSITY OF LAW, PUNJAB
HISTORY PROJECT- SEMESTER 2
TOPIC- ANTI-SIKH RIOTS (1984): AN ANALYSIS
Submitted by: Submitted to:
Name: Khyatee Ahuja Dr. Rachna Sharma, Assistant
Roll Number: 21196 Professor, RGNUL, Punjab
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BONAFIDE CERTIFICATE
This certificate is to declare that this project-based upon “Anti-Sikh Riots (1984):
An Analysis” is an original work of Khyatee Ahuja who is a bonafide student of
the Rajiv Gandhi National University of Law, Punjab.
Signature
Khyatee Ahuja
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This project's success is due to the persistent support and guidance of individuals,
and I'd want to express my heartfelt appreciation to Rachna ma'am, our history
teacher, who enabled me to complete this project with her consistent
encouragement. Her invaluable assistance and guidance were crucial in the project
and in resolving all of the issues that arose during the creation of this product. The
Library staff assisted me in my project research by allowing me to use the internet
databases and journal collections available in the library. Finally, I would want to
express my heartfelt gratitude to my parents and friends for their ongoing
encouragement and emotional support in enabling me to complete this project.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
1. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY............................................................................................5
1.1 OBJECT AND PURPOSE OF THE STUDY...................................................................5
1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS...............................................................................................5
1.3 METHODOLOGY USED................................................................................................5
1.4 RESEARCH GAP.............................................................................................................5
2. INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................6
3. BACKDROP............................................................................................................................6
3.1 Demand for Autonomous State.........................................................................................6
3.2 Party politics in Punjab.....................................................................................................7
3.3 The Anandpur Sahib Resolution.......................................................................................7
3.4 Growth of Religious identity.............................................................................................8
4. TIMELINE OF THE EVENTS...............................................................................................9
5. PERIOD OF VIOLENCE......................................................................................................10
6. AFTERMATH.......................................................................................................................11
7. NOTION OF JUSTICE.........................................................................................................12
8. INVESTIGATION COMMITTEES.....................................................................................13
9. IMPACT AND LEGACY.....................................................................................................17
10. CONCLUSION...................................................................................................................18
11. BIBLIOGRAPHY...............................................................................................................20
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1. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
1.1 OBJECT AND PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The object and purpose of the research undertaken are to analyze the communal violence that
took place in 1984 known as the Anti-Sikh Riots. This period of organized violence in various
parts of the country is a blotch in India’s post-independence history. The study aims to discuss
briefly the causes and backdrop of the riots. It also provides a deep insight into the shaping of
socio-political development that took place in the country. The project also elaborates on the
aftermath of the riots and their impact on the citizens and the government of the country.
1.2 RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The research paper will aim at answering the following questions-
What were the Anti-Sikh Riots of 1984?
What were the causes and politics that led to the riots?
What was done to secure justice for the victims of the violence?
What were the impacts and legacy left behind by the communal violence?
1.3 METHODOLOGY USED
The research methodology used in this project comprises both primary and secondary sources of
information. Primary Sources like a first-hand account of events in articles and books and
secondary sources include project reports, newspaper articles, blogs and biographies etc. The
sources used were accessed online from sites like the national archive, JSTOR etc. For the
research undertaken, the data used was qualitative and was approached doctrinally.
1.4 RESEARCH GAP
The main limitation of this project is that it does not include different political, social and
economic theories presented by different groups over a long period of time. The research also
limits itself to briefly discussing the facts and does not include real-life scenarios or oral
accounts of the witnesses and victims of the riots.
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2. INTRODUCTION
The slaughter of over 3,000 Sikhs in Delhi in November 1984 sticks out as a blotch on India's
post-independence history. Riots have previously happened in post-independence India, albeit in
areas far from the capital. The unrest that rattled the capital and neighbouring places for three
days in early winter 1984 called into question the basic concept of governance. The state and its
structures, including constituted police and government, did nothing to safeguard people, either
deliberately ignoring or, as has been extensively documented in some instances, even conspiring
to kill its residents. As a readily recognizable minority was attacked in the savage bloodshed that
following Indira Gandhi's assassination, secularism lost all pretences.1
3. BACKDROP
Before analyzing the occurrences of the 1984 riots, it is important to look at the backdrop of that
timeframe with includes social, economic and political causes which shaped the pathway to the
worst communal violence that shook the entire country. The following causes analyze the
background in which the riots took place.
3.1 Demand for Autonomous State.
The division of Punjab, nevertheless, did not put an end to desires for a Sikh home nation among
some Sikh groups. Attempts such as the Patiala and East Punjab State Union (PEPSU) in 1948,
as well as efforts to establish a Punjabi Suba, fueled this ambition. The Indian government set up
a state on religious lines, separating Punjab along 'linguistic' grounds in the first, with a Sikh
majority, advocated the latter, with a Hindu majority, urged the formation of the Punjabi state did
not, the aspirations of the Sikhs. Sikhs made up around 54% of the population in the new Punjab.
Punjabi existed, but the issue remained problematic since a huge number of Hindus chose to live
in Punjab and were uninterested in Punjabi. The continuance of Chandigarh as a union territory
of Punjab and Haryana, functioning as a capital for both, as well as the alleged unjust allocation
of river resources, ingrained more prejudice amongst Sikhs.
1
“1984: Unfading Scars.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 40, no. 33, 2005, pp. 3619–20,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4417003. Accessed 17 Apr. 2022.
6
3.2 Party politics in Punjab.
Sikh animosity was further heightened by the ongoing power struggle in Punjab between
Congress and the Akali Dal. After independence, the Akali Dal, which represented Sikh
aspirations, as well as the Congress Party were major significant political groups in Punjab that
alternatively shared power. The difficulty again for the Akali party was that, although being a
staunch supporter of Sikh culture and values, it never received complete Sikh support. Its
restricted voting base is made primarily of Jat Sikhs and elements of the urban Sikh community.
Its opponent, the Congress party, has been more successful in political affairs, depending on
Hindus, scheduled castes, and non-scheduled caste rural Sikhs. Furthermore, Mrs Gandhi's
Congress party played a crucial role in weakening the Akali Dal. Mrs Gandhi used a strong
autocratic strategy with an extreme centralized agenda, which resulted in the interim President's
rule of nine states whose governments were hostile to the central government's goals in 1980.
Punjab was one of the states in which the Akali Dal-Janata Sangh coalition was defeated.
Congress developed religious icon Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale as something of an additional
power base to divide the vote and guarantee that the Akali Dal did not receive enormous
popularity.2
3.3 The Anandpur Sahib Resolution.
The Akalis were backed into a situation when the Congress administration at the centre created
the threat of Sikh secession to leverage the apprehension of Hindu voters. Worried about their
dwindling popularity, loss of unity in the party's ranks, and the Congress's plots to depose them,
the Akali issued the Anandpur Sahib Resolution 1978. This proclamation tackled Punjab's
economic concerns as well as Sikhs' religious and historical demands. The declaration was not
separatist but instead advocated for more autonomy for Punjab and the safeguarding of Sikh
ethnic and cultural rights.
3.4 Growth of Religious identity.
2
Kapur, Rajiv A. “‘Khalistan’: India’s Punjab Problem.” Third World Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 4, 1987, pp. 1206–24,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/3991651. Accessed 18 Apr. 2022.
7
The indigenous party, “Akali Dal”, a dominant party of the Jat Sikhs and farmers, began
“couching its economic and social demands in the name of religion”, the political and economic
crises took on religious undertones. This provided the groundwork for insurgency in Punjab. The
growth of Sikh fundamentalism may be dated directly to 1978 when Bhindranwale held the
position of the religious speaker and Sikh community activist. As the central government failed
to reach a political settlement with the Akali party on issues such as Punjab's capital and the
allocation of rivers and streams, Bhindranwale's social position grew; Bhindranwale aimed his
rage at the central govt and began endorsing methods of promulgating his brand of Sikhism,
which he asserted would expunge religious bad practices that had seeped into the order well over
decades. His teachings were disseminated via Gurudwaras, Sikh academic institutes, and
numerous religious communities. He also established assassination teams in each hamlet to
assassinate 'foes' of the Sikh ideology, boosting his notoriety and influence throughout the
country.
From 1982 to 1983, bloodshed in Punjab erupted, with assaults on police forces and leaders
becoming the norm. On October 6, 1983, the state was jolted by the levels of destruction that had
taken on a communal hue, and President's control was declared. Bhindranwale and his follower
are taken shelter in the “Golden Temple”, and the army was called in to eliminate the militant
groups in an operation known as “Operation Blue Star”, which persisted from 3rd June to 6th June
1984, and led to huge civil and army casualties, along with major damage to the temple. The
siege on the Golden Temple, regarded as the “holiest” Sikh temple, was denounced by Sikhs all
over the globe and led to the assassination of the then-Prime Minister of India, Indira Gandhi on
October 31, 1984, by her Sikh bodyguards. As a consequence, there were violent protests and
assaults against Sikhs, which some attributed to the Congress party (“Joint Enquiry Report into
the Causes and Impact of the Riots in Delhi”). The assault on the Golden Temple and the
accompanying disturbances, in which Congress participated, was the straw that broke the camel's
back, catalysing the agitation into a militant and violent crusade for an independent state.3
4. TIMELINE OF THE EVENTS
OCTOBER 31, 1984
3
Jetly, Rajshree. “THE KHALISTAN MOVEMENT IN INDIA: The Interplay of Politics and State Power.”
International Review of Modern Sociology, vol. 34, no. 1, 2008, pp. 61–75, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41421658.
Accessed 17 Apr. 2022.
8
• 0920 Hours: Indira Gandhi is attacked at her home by her Sikh security personnel and is
brought to the AIIMS in Delhi.
• 1050 Hours.: Indira Gandhi passes away.
• 1100 Hours: According to All India Radio reports, the bodyguards who assassinated Gandhi
were Sikhs.
• 1600 Hours: Rajiv Gandhi arrives at the AIIMS from West Bengal, where sporadic attacks
begin.
• 1730 Hours: President Zail Singh's convoy, coming from an overseas trip, is pelted as it passes
the AIIMS.
AFTER-EVENTS
• From the AIIMS, preplanned, well-armed gangs, expand.
• Aggression against Sikhs and damage to Sikh property grows.
• Rajiv Gandhi takes the oath of office as Prime Minister.
• P. G. Gavai, the lieutenant governor of Delhi, and S. C. Tandon, the commissioner of police,
examine the damaged regions.
NOVEMBER 1, 1984
• The very first Sikh is assassinated in East Delhi.
• 0900 Hours: Militant mobs seize Delhi's streets. Gurdwaras are one of the first to be attacked.
Poor neighbourhoods like “Inderlok (formerly Trilokpuri), Shahdara, Geeta Colony, Mongolpuri,
Sultanpuri, and Palam Colony” were particularly hard hit. Farsh Bazar and Karol Bagh, for
example, experience few fatalities and minimal significant bloodshed due to fast police action.
NOVEMBER 2, 1984
In Delhi, a curfew is declared but not implemented. Despite the presence of the army across the
town, the cops did not comply with troops who are not permitted to shoot without the approval of
superior police officials.
NOVEMBER 3, 1984
The military and regional policemen had collaborated to bring the fighting to a halt. Following
9
the participation of enforcement agencies, violence is relatively light and intermittent. The
corpses of riot deceased are sent to the AIIMS and the Civil Hospital morgue.4
5. PERIOD OF VIOLENCE
The Indian army invaded Golden Temple on June 2, 1984, and stormed it on June 5. “Lieutenant
General Ranjit Singh Dyal and Lieutenant General R. S. Brar”, two Sikhs led the entire mission.
The second slaughter of the century occurred in Amritsar, the first one being in Jallianwala
Bagh. After murdering Bhindranwale, who had sought sanctuary inside the temple, his corpse
was exhibited to the Hindus, who were overjoyed. The Sikhs were astonished by the army's
actions, and Sikh troops staged a coup against their army in several locations. Because the Sikhs
had been severely harmed, some distraught Sikhs exorcised the disgrace by assassinating Indira
Gandhi on October 31, 1984. 5
Aftermath, mobs went on a killing spree against Sikhs in Delhi and other places, frequently led
by Congress Party officials. Well over three days, an estimated 2,733 Sikhs were slain, and their
belongings were plundered and destroyed. In the capital, several women were raped. Hundreds
more Sikhs were slain in other parts of the nation. Every incidence of widespread sectarian
violence was swiftly justified by a natural popular reaction— Rajiv Gandhi, remarked at a
gathering in the capital, "Once a huge tree falls, it is only natural that the soil surrounding it
shakes."
Since then, many survivors, victims, and attackers have perished, causing prospects for
punishment and responsibility to seem further away with each year. Many judicial cases have
crumbled as a result of powerful accused reportedly threatening or intimidating witnesses. In
numerous cases, faulty police investigation and evidentiary manipulation resulted in acquittals of
the defendants. Sikhs fled from the streets in despair and dread, shedding their turbans, cutting
their hair, and shaving their beards in horrific acts of self-preservation. The number of deaths in
the country goes unreported, with thousands of people jammed into shoddily built refugee
4
“The 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots - History and Aftermath | Deccan Herald.” Deccan Herald, www.deccanherald.com, 17
Dec. 2018, https://www.deccanherald.com/specials/1984-anti-sikh-riots-history-708615.html.
5
Cheema, Iqtidar Karamat. “Sikh Communal Consciousness and State Violence in India.” Pakistan Horizon, vol.
59, no. 3, 2006, pp. 67–82, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41394371. Accessed 17 Apr. 2022.
10
camps, and a benumbed population is only now starting to comprehend the extent of the tragedy
it has perpetrated on itself. 6
6. AFTERMATH
The bloodshed that followed Indira Gandhi's assassination did not put an end to the Sikh
resistance, which raged on for the next seven years at varying degrees of ferocity. In 1985, her
son, Rajiv Gandhi, negotiated a tenuous compromise with the Akali Dal and reestablished the
state administration. However, violent clashes erupted once more. In 1987, the situation had
fallen into disrepair and Punjab was once again put under President's Rule, which lasted until
early 1992. This approach was not as successful as anticipated: 1238 individuals were slain in
1987, including civilians, security personnel, and terrorists. At the height of the conflict in 1991,
5500 people were killed. “Ensaaf and the Human Rights Data Analysis Group” estimated in
2009 that 17,000 individuals died between 1984 and 1995, many as a result of police and army
activities. Hundreds of people were killed in 'encounters,' including genuine and manufactured,
as well as extrajudicial executions and abductions, with many remains being removed by
unlawful cremations. Human rights organizations and academics have also documented several
incidences of rape and torture perpetrated by both security personnel and insurgents during this
period. In 1992, a tenuous truce was negotiated, with elections for the state legislature held —
despite being shunned by all factions supposedly representing the Sikhs – as well as a Congress
administration appointed. Despite further outbreaks of violence, such as the death of “then-Chief
Minister Beant Singh in 1995”, & even though the family of that slain, abducted, or mistreated
by security personnel have had almost no recourse, the insurgency ended in the earlier 1990s.7
The GT Nanavati Commission was established in the year 2000 to investigate riot-related
charges. The defendants include “Sajjan Kumar, Balwan Khokkar, Mahender Yadav, Captain
Bagmal, Girdhari Lal, Krishan Khokkar, the late Maha Singh, and Santosh Rani”, who were
summoned by the Karkardooma Court in 2010. In 2017, the SIT submits its charges sheet,
6
“India: No Justice for 1984 Anti-Sikh Bloodshed | Human Rights Watch.” India: No Justice for 1984 Anti-Sikh
Bloodshed | Human Rights Watch, www.hrw.org, 29 Oct. 2014, https://www.hrw.org/news/2014/10/29/india-no-
justice-1984-anti-sikh-bloodshed.
7
Jeffery, Renée & Hall, Ian. (2020). Post-conflict justice in divided democracies: the 1984 anti-Sikh riots in India.
Third World Quarterly. 41. 10.1080/01436597.2020.1728686.
11
identifying “Naresh Sherawat and Yahspal Singh” and citing a total of 18 witnesses. In 2018, a
Delhi court sentenced Yashpal to death, the first capital punishment in the case, and sentences
Sherawat to life in prison. On December 17, 2018, the Delhi High Court overturned “Sajjan
Kumar's acquittal in a 1984 anti-Sikh riots case”, and he was convicted to life in jail for criminal
conspiracy to murder.
7. NOTION OF JUSTICE
At its heart is the idea that “individuals participating in collective action during mob violence...
carry less accountability for their conduct, because the crowd owns its subjects in ways that the
latter cannot control”. It assumes that during a riot, "regular persons who sustain daily concepts
of public socialisation... [are] blinded by collective frenzy." Because the aggression they
perpetrate is not planned or organized, but rather the outcome of the ‘mob’s' impulsive character,
the state is exonerated of blame for neglecting to suppress or control it. At the same time,
labelling an act of communal violence as a riot label affected populations as "subversives and
hence worthy of blame" for the atrocities they endure." Establishing inferences of blame and
seeking responsibility for human rights breaches is challenging when liability appears to be
divided amongst sufferers and (partially excused) offenders. Nevertheless, there is evidence that
the anti-Sikh riots in Delhi weren't impromptu, but rather fomented and supported by persons
associated with the Congress Party in the city. Sources said they saw these people urging crowds
to "give the Sikhs a lesson they will never forget." Local officials or activists disseminated
electoral rolls indicating the locations of Sikhs in specific places, and Sikh homes were labelled
with an 'S' or an 'X' to aid rioters' assaults. Petrol, which was once a fairly costly product that was
difficult to get in significant amounts in disadvantaged neighbourhoods, was also provided to
rioters. The crowds were also given alcohol, cash, and arms like lathis (bamboo poles) and iron
bars. Rioters were reportedly transported from one Sikh neighbourhood to other via Delhi police
cars and state buses. According to witnesses, the Police Officials watched while the violence
persisted or even fled from locations where the assault happened. Even when perpetrators were
apprehended, a few were freed without having their names verified, formal charges, or
testimonies obtained from victims and witnesses. Event ledgers were either not finished out or
had blank pages spanning the days in question. The government's attitude and actions toward the
12
unrest remain contentious and divisive. Almost soon after Indira Gandhi's assassination, her son
Rajiv was appointed head of the Congress Party and Prime Minister. His participation in the
riots, particularly his ties to regional Delhi Members of the party suspected of instigating them, is
highly discussed.8
8. INVESTIGATION COMMITTEES
Nine committees, four commissions and Special investigation Teams have been formed to
examine the alleged communal violence. Many of the studies discovered devastating proof
involving police personnel and prominent Congress party leaders including Jagdish Tytler and
Sajjan Kumar.
Here's a glance at the lengthy and twisting routes survivors of the riots have had to traverse in
search of justice:
Marwah Commission, 1984
The panel, established in November 1984 under the guidance of the then-additional
commissioner of police “Ved Marwah”, was tasked with investigating the policemen's
participation in the riots.
As the panel was ready to complete its probe in mid-1985, the national leadership (headed by
Rajiv Gandhi) instructed it to halt it. The Misra Commission was therefore tasked with taking
over.
Misra Commission, 1985
A fresh panel was created in May 1985 under the leadership of “Justice Ranganath Misra, a
serving Supreme Court justice” who eventually became Chief Justice of India. The Marwah
Commission's entire documents were relocated, but not Marwah's written notes. The new panel
presented its findings the following year, and it was publicly disclosed in February 1987. The
Misra Commission suggested the formation of three further committees to investigate the
involvement of the police, register cases, and ascertain the overall number of homicides. The
panel declared that its sole mandate was to examine "if the aggression had occurred," rather than
8
Mohanka, Payal. (2005). Religion and conflict in India: A Sikh perspective. The Round Table. 94. 589-598.
13
"identify any person" or their participation. Nevertheless, it also stated in its study that a huge
rate of accidents, particularly those involving officials or police personnel, had gone unreported.
The report even mentioned that the army's response to putting an end to the disturbances had
been delayed. At the very same time, the investigation exonerated Rajiv Gandhi as well as senior
Party politician H.K.L. Bhagat, finding no specific cause for police inactivity.
Dhillon Committee, 1985
The committee was established in the following of 1984, under the supervision of senior
“Congress politician Gurdial Singh Dhillon”, to inquire further into the rehabilitation of the
victims and their relatives. For such families of the deceased in the riots, a compensation of only
Rs 10,000 was imposed. This panel strongly recommended that insurance payout be distributed
to people whose properties have been harmed. Corporations had dismissed the claim on
procedural grounds, claiming that the plan didn't even cover "riots." But the advice was rejected
by the administration, and thus no insurance provider reimbursed the victims.
Kapur Mittal Committee, 1987
According to the Misra Commission's recommendation, a committee comprised of “Justice Dalip
Kapur and retired bureaucrat Kusum Lata Mittal” launched a probe into the involvement of the
police. Caused by differences of view, they finally presented distinct reports in 1990. Mittal
believed that only accessible documents should be investigated, but Kapur believed that oral
testimony, as well as off accounts, should also be considered. Justice Kapur singled out 72
policemen for severe carelessness and collusion, proposing the expulsion of 30 of them. The
ministry of home affairs, meanwhile, endorsed Mittal's assessment, and no officers were fired.
Jain Banerjee Committee, 1987
This committee, comprised of “Justice M.L. Jain, a retired justice of the Delhi High Court, and
former Inspector-General of Police A.K. Banerjee”, was formed in 1987 to investigate the filing
of complaints. In August 1987, the committee suggested that proceedings be filed against
“Congress leaders Sajjan Kumar and Brahmanand Gupta”. Rather than filing a lawsuit, Gupta
sought a writ petition in the Delhi High Court and won a stay on the report of the committee. The
“Citizens' Justice Committee”, NGO that works to help the survivors of the violence occurred in
1984, requested that the stay be lifted. The Delhi High Court quashed the committee's
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establishment in August 1989, citing a discrepancy seen between the Delhi Police Act and the
Code of Criminal Procedure.
Ahuja Committee, 1987
The third committee established by the Misra Commission was tasked with determining how
many civilians were slaughtered in Delhi. It presented its findings in August 1987, estimating the
number at 2,733 in Delhi only, and 3,325 nationwide.
Poti Rosha Committee, 1990
In March 1990, this committee was constituted having the identical mission as the Jain-Banerjee
Committee, comprising “former Gujarat High Court chief judge P. Subramanian Poti and former
IPS officer P.A. Rosha”. The panel was only in operation for a brief time before its mandate
ended in September 1990.
Jain Aggarwal Committee, 1990
In December 1990, former “Delhi High Court Judge J.D. Jain and former UP DGP D.K.
Aggarwal, BJP chief minister Madan Lal Khurana”, formed a committee chaired by former
“Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court R.S. Narula”. The panel suggested that
charges be filed against Bhagat, Kumar, and Tytler within the January 1994 report.
Nanavati Commission, 2000
After more than 15 years of inaction, the Rajya Sabha voted a majority proposal, culminating in
the creation of a new panel led by former Apex Court judge G.T. Nanavati. The panel served
notices on “Bhagat, Kumar, Shastri, and Tytler, also adding Kamal Nath, a former cabinet
minister and Congress politician”, to the roster. It turned in its findings in May 2005. According
to the investigation, "the methodical manner in which the Sikhs were so slaughtered indicates(s)
that the assaults on them were planned." The inquiry rejected claims of Rajiv Gandhi's
cooperation, concluding that the charges were never proven. It advocated for the creation of an
“anti-riot police” unit devoid of authority control to guarantee that such an incident does not
happen again. Only four police-closed cases were suggested for revisiting.9
Mathur Committee, 2014
9
Nanavati, GT. 2005, Justice Nanavati Commission Enquiry (1984 Anti Sikh Riots),
https://www.mha.gov.in/sites/default/files/Nanavati-I_eng_0.pdf. Accessed 19 Apr. 2022.
15
The Mathur Committee was formed in December 2014, led by “former Supreme Court judge
G.P. Mathur”, in response to home minister Rajnath Singh's announcement of Rs 5 lakh
reimbursement for tragedy victims. The committee said that "no serious inquiry of the alleged
offences was done," and that "some type of fake attempt had been forced to give it the
appearance of investigations." The committee suggested that an SIT be formed to investigate if
multiple cases that were dismissed by the authorities should be reconsidered. The team included
“veteran IPS officer Pramod Asthana, former district and sessions court judge Rakesh Kapoor,
and Kumar Gyanesh, the then-additional deputy commissioner of the Delhi Police”.
SIT of Central Government, 2015
In February 2015, the federal government adopted the “Mathur Committee's” suggestion and
revived many cases. This is the squad that led to “Naresh Sherawat and Yashpal Singh's”
conviction. It was suspected that the two conspired with then-councilor Jaipal Singh, but because
he had already been exonerated, he was not questioned again. The SIT dismissed 186 cases all
without investigation on December 6, 2017. In a session on January 10, 2018, the Supreme Court
decided to establish its SIT.
SIT of Supreme Court
A court led by “then-Chief Justice of India Dipak Misra” directed the formation of Speacial
Investigation Team under the Apex Judicial Authority to probe the 186 cases dismissed by the
federal government's SIT in January 2018. The judgement underlined the complexity of the
instances and suggested that "a new SIT be formed to conduct a subsequent inquiry." “S.N.
Dhingra, a retired Delhi High Court judge, was named head of the three-member SIT, which also
included Abhishek Dular, a 2006 IPS batch officer, and Rajdeep Singh, a former IPS
executive”.10
9. IMPACT AND LEGACY
10
of India, Press Trust, and @bsindia. “Several Committees Were Set up to Inquire into 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots: HC |
Business Standard News.” Several Committees Were Set up to Inquire into 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots: HC,
www.business-standard.com, 17 Dec. 2018, https://www.business-standard.com/article/pti-stories/several-
committees-were-set-up-to-inquire-into-1984-anti-sikh-riots-hc-118121701118_1.html.
16
The riots ultimately bolstered sympathy for militancy in Punjab, which waged all through the
1980s until dying out. Presently, the majority of Sikhs have united with the Indian government,
particularly since Sikh Prime Minister Manmohan Singh took office in 2004. Meanwhile,
because of the influence of Sonia Gandhi, the leader of the Congress, Singh's Congress Govt did
little or nothing to pay riot survivors or bring culprits to justice. Justice for victims is also
flowing at a glacial pace via the Indian justice system.
Over the last three decades, the large bulk of Sikhs has followed their political objectives
peacefully. The Shiromani Akali Dal, Punjab's biggest Sikh party, has led the state
administration for the majority of time as well as is aligned with the “Bhartiya Janata Party”
(BJP) on both the national and state levels. The Bhartiya Janta Party, which has long been
skeptical of Indira Gandhi's administration, was more supportive and compassionate to Sikhs and
survivors of the 1984 rioting than the Congress Party. To mark the “30th anniversary” of the
1984 riots, the BJP-led government has offered reimbursement of around $12,000 to each family
of the 3,325 Sikh casualties who perished during the 1984 riots.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi also has taken steps to hinder the Nehru-Gandhi cult. This sect
includes various holidays focused on the family, as well as numerous structures dedicated to its
members while ignoring the roles of many other historical figures. October 31, which was
formerly marked as the anniversary of Indira Gandhi's demise, would no longer be thus marked.
Instead, it will be renamed “Rashtriya Ekta Diwas, or National Unity Day”, to commemorate
India's unity as a unified, undivided country with varied diversity.11
10. CONCLUSION
In India, as in other countries striving to redress severe infringements, the pursuit of transitional
justice following the anti-Sikh riots has been hampered by several obstacles, limiting the
relevance and extent of the justice approaches taken. There was no enthusiasm for a serious
change of the structures that failed to stop, and even helped and encouraged, the atrocities in the
absence of a profound breach in the social fabric or state. While some organisations, such as the
police department, and the conduct of their component players were investigated in the aftermath
11
Pillalamarri, Akhilesh. “India’s Anti-Sikh Riots, 30 Years On – The Diplomat.” India’s Anti-Sikh Riots, 30 Years
On, thediplomat.com, 31 Oct. 2014, https://thediplomat.com/2014/10/indias-anti-sikh-riots-30-years-on/.
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of the riots, real justice has not been delivered for the numerous riot victims. 12 The difficulties
encountered in pursuing transitional justice in the backdrop of the anti-Sikh riots may be ascribed
in large part to a contradiction between stability and change. On the one side, while no change
has occurred at the national level, a definite shift has occurred in Punjab, where an insurgency
has taken a back seat to the revival of progressive governance. Controversy over Sikh autonomy
has mostly been resolved, and Sikh separatist does not currently constitute a significant danger to
either Punjab's safety or the Indian state's national sovereignty.
12
Delhi Minorities Commission, Government of NCT of Delhi, 2020, Socio-Economic And Educational Status Of
Survivors Of The 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots In Delhi. Accessed 19 Apr. 2022.
18
11.BIBLIOGRAPHY
BOOKS
Mohanka, Payal. (2005). Religion and conflict in India: A Sikh perspective. The Round Table.
94. 589-598................................................................................................................................13
JOURNAL ARTICLES
“1984: Unfading Scars.” Economic and Political Weekly, vol. 40, no. 33, 2005, pp. 3619–20,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/4417003. Accessed 17 Apr. 2022....................................................6
Cheema, Iqtidar Karamat. “Sikh Communal Consciousness and State Violence in India.”
Pakistan Horizon, vol. 59, no. 3, 2006, pp. 67–82, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41394371.
Accessed 17 Apr. 2022..............................................................................................................10
Jeffery, Renée & Hall, Ian. (2020). Post-conflict justice in divided democracies: the 1984 anti-
Sikh riots in India. Third World Quarterly. 41. 10.1080/01436597.2020.1728686..................12
Jetly, Rajshree. “THE KHALISTAN MOVEMENT IN INDIA: The Interplay of Politics and
State Power.” International Review of Modern Sociology, vol. 34, no. 1, 2008, pp. 61–75,
http://www.jstor.org/stable/41421658. Accessed 17 Apr. 2022..................................................8
Kapur, Rajiv A. “‘Khalistan’: India’s Punjab Problem.” Third World Quarterly, vol. 9, no. 4,
1987, pp. 1206–24, http://www.jstor.org/stable/3991651. Accessed 18 Apr. 2022....................7
ONLINE ARTICLES
“India: No Justice for 1984 Anti-Sikh Bloodshed | Human Rights Watch.” India: No Justice for
1984 Anti-Sikh Bloodshed | Human Rights Watch, www.hrw.org, 29 Oct. 2014,
https://www.hrw.org/news/2014/10/29/india-no-justice-1984-anti-sikh-bloodshed.................11
“The 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots - History and Aftermath | Deccan Herald.” Deccan Herald,
www.deccanherald.com, 17 Dec. 2018, https://www.deccanherald.com/specials/1984-anti-
sikh-riots-history-708615.html..................................................................................................10
of India, Press Trust, and @bsindia. “Several Committees Were Set up to Inquire into 1984 Anti-
Sikh Riots: HC | Business Standard News.” Several Committees Were Set up to Inquire into
1984 Anti-Sikh Riots: HC, www.business-standard.com, 17 Dec. 2018, https://www.business-
standard.com/article/pti-stories/several-committees-were-set-up-to-inquire-into-1984-anti-
19
sikh-riots-hc-118121701118_1.html.........................................................................................17
Pillalamarri, Akhilesh. “India’s Anti-Sikh Riots, 30 Years On – The Diplomat.” India’s Anti-Sikh
Riots, 30 Years On, thediplomat.com, 31 Oct. 2014, https://thediplomat.com/2014/10/indias-
anti-sikh-riots-30-years-on/.......................................................................................................18
REPORTS
Delhi Minorities Commission, Government of NCT of Delhi , 2020, Socio-Economic And
Educational Status Of Survivors Of The 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots In Delhi. Accessed 19 Apr.
2022...........................................................................................................................................19
Nanavati, GT. 2005, Justice Nanavati Commission Enquiry (1984 Anti Sikh Riots),
https://www.mha.gov.in/sites/default/files/Nanavati-I_eng_0.pdf. Accessed 19 Apr. 2022....16
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