CULTURAL

ANTHROPOLOGY

Evans
Lumen Learning
Cultural Anthropology

Evans
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 TABLE OF CONTENTS
Physical anthropology is concerned with the biological and behavioral aspects of human beings, their related non-human primates
and their extinct hominin ancestors. It is a subfield of anthropology that provides a biological perspective to the systematic study of
human beings.

1: What is Anthropology?
1.1: Anthropology
1.2: Holism in Anthropology
1.3: Biocultural Approach
1.4: What is Culture?
1.5: Ethnocentrism
1.6: Cultural Relativism

2: Culture
2.1: Antropological Culture Concept
2.2: Levels of Culture
2.3: Micro or Subculture
2.4: Familial Culture
2.5: Enculturation
2.6: Cultural Universals
2.7: Culture Change
2.8: Culture Shock
2.9: Values and Norms
2.10: Two Views of Culture: ETIC and EMIC
2.11: Symbols and Culture
2.12: Explore: Learn More about the Anthropologists

3: Anthropological Theory
3.1: Social Evolution of Anthropological Theory
3.2: Historical Particularism
3.3: Functionalism
3.4: Culture and Personality
3.5: Cultural Ecology
3.6: Structural Anthropology
3.7: Cultural Materialism
3.8: Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology
3.9: Postmodernism
3.10: Feminist Anthropology
3.S: Anthropological Theory (Summary)
Index

4: Methods
4.1: Methodology
4.2: Ethnography and Ethnology
4.3: Fieldwork

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 4.4: Ethics
4.5: Structured Interview
4.6: Unstructured Interview

5: Language
5.1: Linguistic Anthropology
5.2: Language
5.3: Focal Vocabularies
5.4: Non-verbal Communication
5.5: Models of Language and Culture
5.6: Human Language Families Map

6: Deconstructing Race
6.1: Deconstructing Race and Racism
6.2: Human Adaptations
6.3: Skin Color and UV Index
6.4: Ethnicity and Race
6.5: Social Constructions of Race
6.6: Eugenics in the United States

7: Economic Organization
7.1: Subsistence Strategies
7.2: Foraging
7.3: Pastoralists
7.4: Horticulturists
7.5: Intensive Agriculture
7.6: Neolithic Revolution
7.7: Distribution

8: Kinship
8.1: Kinship Diagrams
8.2: Descent Rules
8.3: Descent Groups
8.4: Kinship Terminology

9: Marriage and Family

9.1: Functions of Marriage
9.2: Forms of Marriage
9.3: Rules for Marriage
9.4: Economic Aspects of Marriage
9.5: Types of Families
9.6: Postmarital Residence Patterns
9.7: Residence Patterns

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10: Sex and Gender
10.1: Sex and Gender Distinction
10.2: Sexual Orientation
10.3: Inis Beag
10.4: Ritual Homosexuality of the Sambia
10.5: Margaret Mead's Gender Studies
10.6: Gender Role
10.7: Two-Spirit
10.8: Hijra
10.9: Gender and Language
10.10: Gender Inequality
10.11: Double Burden (Part 1)
10.12: Double Burden (Part 2)
10.13: Gender and Employment
10.14: The Global Gender Gap Report
10.15: Violence Against Women (Part 1)
10.16: Violence Against Women (Part 2)
10.17: Violence Against Women (Part 3)
10.18: Missing Women of Asia

11: Politics and Culture

11.1: Political Systems
11.2: Bands
11.3: Tribes
11.4: Chiefdoms
11.5: States
11.6: Social Stratification
11.7: Indian Caste System
11.8: Social Control
11.9: Genocide

12: Supernatural Belief Systems

12.1: Introduction to Religion
12.2: Definitions of Religions
12.3: The Function of Religion
12.4: Aspects of Religion
12.5: Patterns of Belief
12.6: Religious Practitioners
12.7: Religious Change
12.8: Four Categories of Religion
12.9: Rite of Passage
12.10: Vision Quest
12.11: Religious Demographics
12.12: Health and Illness

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13: Art
13.1: Art
13.2: Anthropology of Art
13.3: Purpose of Art
13.4: Paleolithic Art
13.5: Tribal Art
13.6: Folk Art
13.7: Indigenous Australian Art
13.8: Sandpainting
13.9: Ethnomusicology
13.10: Dance
13.11: Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act

14: Globalization
14.1: Introduction to Globalization
14.2: Globalization
14.3: Modernization
14.4: Development
14.5: GNI Per Capita, Atlas Method (Current US $)
14.6: Technology
14.7: The Global Digital Divide
14.8: Global Life Expectancy and Mortality Statistics
14.9: Global Warming
14.10: Indigenous People
14.11: Cultural Survival
14.12: Multiculturalism

Index

Glossary

Thumbnail: An Adivasi woman from the Kutia Kondh tribal group in Odisha, India. (CC BY-SA 4.0; PICQ).

Book: Cultural Anthropology (Evans) is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
1: What is Anthropology?
1.1: Anthropology
1.2: Holism in Anthropology
1.3: Biocultural Approach
1.4: What is Culture?
1.5: Ethnocentrism
1.6: Cultural Relativism

Thumbnail image by Sergio Luiz - Flickr, CC BY 2.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?

curid=2125175_Carnival_in_Rio_de_Janeiro

1: What is Anthropology? is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

1 5/12/2022
1.1: Anthropology
Cultural Anthropology is the study of human cultures, their beliefs, practices, values, ideas, technologies, economies and other
domains of social and cognitive organization. This field is based primarily on cultural understanding gained through first hand
experience, or participant observation within living populations of humans.
This chapter will introduce you to the field of anthropology, define basic terms and concepts and explain why it is important, and
how it can change your perspective of the world around you.
Anthropology is the scientific study of human beings as social organisms interacting with each other in their environment, and
cultural aspects of life. Anthropology can be defined as the study of human nature, human society, and the human past. It is a
scholarly discipline that aims to describe in the broadest possible sense what it means to be human. Anthropologists are interested
in comparison. To make substantial and accurate comparisons between cultures, a generalization of humans requires evidence from
the wide range of human societies. Anthropologists are in direct contact with the sources of their data, thus field work is a crucial
component. The field of Anthropology, although fairly new as an academic field, has been used for centuries. Anthropologists are
convinced that explanations of human actions will be superficial unless they acknowledge that human lives are always entangled in
complex patterns of work and family, power and meaning. Anthropology is holistic, comparative, field based, and evolutionary.
These regions of Anthropology shape one another and become integrated with one another over time. Historically it was seen as
“the study of others,” meaning foreign cultures, but using the term “others” imposed false thoughts of “civilized versus savagery.”
These dualistic views have often caused wars or even genocide. Now, anthropologists strive to uncover the mysteries of these
foreign cultures and eliminate the prejudice that it first created.
While it is a holistic field, anthropology is typically considered to consist of five sub-disciplines, each focusing on a particular
aspect of human existence:
Archaeology: The study and interpretation of ancient humans, their history and culture, through examination of the artifacts
and remains they left behind. Such as: The study of the Egyptian culture through examination of their grave sites, the pyramids
and the tombs in the Valley of Kings. Through this branch, anthropologists discover much about human history, particularly
prehistoric, the long stretch of time before the development of writing.

Figure 1.1.1 - Excavated ruins of Mohenjo-daro, Pakistan

Cultural Anthropology:(also: sociocultural anthropology, social anthropology, or ethnology) studies the different cultures of
humans and how those cultures are shaped or shape the world around them. They also focus a lot on the differences between
every person. The goal of a cultural anthropologist is to learn about another culture by collecting data about how the world
economy and political practices effect the new culture that is being studied.
Biological Anthropology (also: Physical Anthropology):Specific type of Anthropology that studies humanity through the
human body as a biological organism, using genetics, evolution, human ancestry, primates, and the ability to adapt. There was a
shift in the emphasis on differences (with the older “physical anthropology”) due to the development of the “new” physical
anthropology developed by Sherwood Washburn at the University of California, Berkley. This field shifted from racial
classification when it was discovered that physical traits that had been used to determine race could not predict other traits such
as intelligence and morality. Some biological anthropologists work in the fields of primatology,which is the study of the closest
living relatives of the human being, the nonhuman primates. They also work in the field of paleoanthropology which is the
study of fossilized bones and teeth of our earliest ancestors.
Linguistic Anthropology: examines human languages: how they work, how they are made, how they change, and how they die
and are later revived. Linguistic anthropologists try to understand language in relation to the broader cultural, historical, or
biological contexts that make it possible. The study of linguistics includes examining phonemes, morphemes, syntax, semantics,
and pragmatics. They look at linguistic features of communication, which includes any verbal contact, as well as non linguistic
features, which would include movements, eye contact, the cultural context, and even the recent thoughts of the speaker.

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 Applied Anthropology includes the fields of Applied Medical Anthropology, Urban Anthropology, Anthropological
Economics, Contract Archaeology and others. Applied anthropology is simply the practice of applying anthropological theory
and or methods from any of the fields of Anthropology to solve human problems. For example, applied anthropology is often
used when trying to determine the ancestry of an unearthed native American burial. Biological anthropology can be used to test
the DNA of the body and see if the DNA of the burial has any similarities to living populations.

References
1. “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous Behavior to
Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in California) accessed
Oct 30, 2007
4. “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization http://www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf) Accessed June
2009
5. “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”
6. Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology
of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/
12. Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez
Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
14. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
15. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
16. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
17. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
18. http://www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
19. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
20. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900, http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/carpini.html
21. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
22. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <http://www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRace/001_00-
home.htm>.
23. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.
24. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
25. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.

External Links
What is Anthropology? – Information from the American Anthropological Association
SLA– Society for Linguistic Anthropology
1. ^ Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York:
Oxford UP, Incorporated, 2009. pg.79.
2. ^ Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York:
Oxford UP, Incorporated, 2009. pgs. 332-333

1.1: Anthropology is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

Lumen Learning 1.1.2 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5563

1.2: Holism in Anthropology
Holism is the perspective on the human condition that assumes that mind, body, individuals, society, and the environment
interpenetrate, and even define one another. In anthropology holism tries to integrate all that is known about human beings and
their activities. From a holistic perspective, attempts to divide reality into mind and matter isolate and pin down certain aspects of a
process that, by very nature, resists isolation and dissection. Holism holds great appeal for those who seek a theory of human nature
that is rich enough to do justice to its complex subject matter.
An easier understanding of holism is to say that the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. Individual human organisms are not
just x percent genes and y percent culture added together. Rather, human beings are what they are because of mutual shaping of
genes and culture and experiences living in the world produces something new, something that cannot be reduced to the materials
used to construct it. It is important to note that humans who grow and live together are inevitably shaped by shared cultural
experiences and develop into a much different person than they would have if developing in isolation.
Sally Engle Merry, an anthropologist, got a call from a radio show asking her to talk about a recent incident that happened in
Pakistan that resulted in a gang rape of a young woman authorized by a local tribal council. She explained to them that it was an
inexcusable act and that the rape was probably connected to local political struggles and class differences. This relates to holism
because the gang rape was authorized by higher authorities because it is a cultural norm for socially higher class men to feel more
empowered over women. This emphasizes the connection between human actions and their environment and society.

References
1. “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous Behavior to
Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in California) accessed
Oct 30, 2007
4. “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization http://www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf) Accessed June
2009
5. “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”
6. Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology
of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/
12. Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez
Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
14. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
15. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
16. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
17. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
18. www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
19. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
20. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900,depts.washington.edu/silkroad...s/carpini.html
21. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
22. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRa...01_00-
home.htm>.
23. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.

Lumen Learning 1.2.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5564

24. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
25. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.

External Links
What is Anthropology? – Information from the American Anthropological Association
SLA– Society for Linguistic Anthropology
1. ^ Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York:
Oxford UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
2. ^ Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York:
Oxford UP, Incorporated, 2009. pgs. 332-333

1.2: Holism in Anthropology is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

Lumen Learning 1.2.2 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5564

1.3: Biocultural Approach
Definition
Biocultural theory, related to the anthropological value of holism, is an integration of both biological anthropology and
social/cultural anthropology. While acknowledging that “the term biocultural can carry a range of meanings and represent a variety
of methods, research areas, and levels of analysis” (Hruschka et al. 2005:3), one working definition of biocultural anthropology “a
critical and productive dialogue between biological and cultural theories and methods in answering key questions in anthropology”
(Hruschka et al. 2005:4).
The use of a biocultural framework can be viewed as the application of a theoretical lens through which disease and embodiment
are integrated. This way of understanding takes local, cultural views and understanding of illness and disease and the local
practices of traditional or biomedical healing. “This integrative work requires a significant focus on methods, and an openness to
different, often competing theoretical paradigms. Studying health and healing from a biocultural perspective takes illness and/or
disease and puts it in the context of how a culture embodies the illness they feel as a result of the disease.
Thus, a biocultural approach can be understood as a feedback system through which the biological and cultural interact; biology
allows certain behaviors to exist and in turn those behaviors influence biological traits. Through the understanding of both the
biological and cultural implications of disease and embodiment, healing becomes a cultural product, something that makes sense
within a particular cultural context. Biocultural research involves integrating how cultures approach health and healing based on
gender, class, age, education, and their own traditional experience with illness and healing.
There are three different approaches to biocultural research:
1. Biological: ‘biology matters’ this approach focuses on evolution and how it influences disease
2. Cultural: ‘culture matters’ this approach focuses on the interpretation and explanations of illness
3. Critical: ‘inequality matters’ this approach focuses on how inequality shapes disease in society

History
Early Anthropological History
Under the influence of Franz Boas and a number of his early students, 20th century American anthropology emphasized a holistic,
four-field approach to the study of human life[2] . Holism can be defined as “overarching and integrated”[3] , “encompassing past,
present and future; biology, society, language and culture”[4] and assumes “an interrelationship among parts of a subject”[5] . As a
result of this emphasis, anthropologists were encouraged to pursue training and research that integrated the cultural, biological,
archaeological and linguistic subfields of anthropology.

Cultural/Biological Split
In response to critiques that the idea that four-field holism is merely an artifact of 19th century anthropology, divisions have
occurred between biological and cultural anthropologists[6] [7] . These cleavages had become so contentious that some departments
fully split, such as the highly publicized Stanford University division into departments of “Cultural and Social Anthropology” and
“Anthropological Sciences” in 1998[8] . While the department has since been reconstituted[9] and some of these ideological
divisions are closing, there continues to be debate in this area.

Adaptation
In “Building a New Biocultural Synthesis”[10], Alan Goodman and Thomas Leatherman discuss a history of biocultural
anthropology. They note that work in the 1960s and 1970s focused on an adaptation paradigm, which sought to understand human
biological diversity. The adaptation paradigm hypothesized that physical and social environments present challenges, and humans
try to adjust or cope with these challenges through genetic, developmental, physiological, and sociocultural adaptations. One
example of this type of work would be Livingstone’s work demonstrating the adaptive nature of sickle cell anemia in high malaria
environments[11]
But while this approach sought to integrate biology and culture, there were significant critiques. Typically, aspects of environments
and organisms were analyzed as independent and dependent variables; the environment was seen as presenting challenges while the
organism was reduced to a set of discrete traits or responses. However, these types of research were characterized as being
inherently reductionist because biology and culture are dialectically intertwined[12]. Another critique of the adaptation paradigm

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was the lack of acknowledgment of political economic forces in their analyses. Anthropologists engaged in adaptation work were
accused of “missing the revolution” in Peru[13] .

Incorporating Political Economic Perspectives

Political economy is an anthropological perspective that emerged in the 1970s which views “sociocultural form at the local level as
penetrated and influenced by global capitalism[14]. Political economy can also be conceived as the “web of interrelated economic
and power relations in society”[15] within which the intersection of global processes and local actors, histories and systems must be
examined[16] .
At the Wenner-Gren Foundation International Symposium held in 1992, anthropologists from various subfields discussed ways to
revitalize physical anthropology and more closely integrate it with other subdisciplines of anthropology[17]. One of the main themes
of the conference was the question of how a focus on political economy could promote interdisciplinary work between the fields of
cultural and biological anthropology. Leatherman and Goodman (1998:19) argue that political economic perspectives are useful
“(b)ecause human biologies are affected by and reciprocally influence such factors as the control, production, and distribution of
material resources, ideology, and power”. In addition, Goodman and Leatherman (1998:19-20) highlight the contributions that
political economic perspectives bring to biocultural anthropology, which include:
1. the examination of social relations, which are essential to resource production and distribution, and points to the need to look at
social processes;
2. the importance of the links between the local and global;
3. that history is critical to understanding the direction of social change;
4. that humans are active agents in constructing their environments;
5. ideology and knowledge of researchers and study participants are key to understanding human action.
An example of incorporating a political economic perspective into biocultural anthropology is the work conducted by Thomas
Leatherman in the Peruvian Andes. Leatherman’s work sought to understand the health and social implications of material
inequalities by focusing on broad social, structural and political economic forces that shaped individual coping strategies, nutrition,
growth and development, behavior, and health outcomes[18] [19]

Applying a Critical Lens

Critical anthropology can be seen as critiquing the concept of positivism[20], questioning not only epistemology but also relations
of power and hegemony within anthropology itself[21] . It has been argued that the application of a critical lens to biocultural
anthropology provides a “strong sense of the contingency of social realities”, and shows “how power and meaning are constructed
in specific contexts and moments of everyday action and discourse” (Goodman and Leatherman 1998: 14). By merging critical
perspectives with biocultural anthropology, we can acknowledge the shift from “viewing science and scientists as absolute
authorities and problem solvers” (Goodman and Leatherman 1998: 14). In doing so, we can open a space for collaboration as well
as reflexivity about what we “know” and how we know it.
One example of critical biocultural anthropology is Michael Blakey and colleagues’ work with the African Burial Ground in New
York. In his contribution to “Building a New Biocultural Synthesis” (1998, University of Michigan Press), Blakey sought to make
four points:
1. studies of the biology of human populations have been consistently influenced by political ideologies (and thus are not “value-
free”);
2. the historical tendency toward the use of naturalistic explanations to support apologetic explanations of economic inequality,
racial oppression, and imperialism;
3. a critical, social scientific approach to human population biology is advocated as one that best contributes to exposing the
causes and biological effects of societal problems;
4. publicly engaged and activist approaches to science further elevate the critical capacity and social significance of
anthropological research, while promoting a qualitative transformation of our understanding of biology toward a more
humanistic way of knowing. (Blakey 1998:379)
Michael Blakey and colleagues also discuss the “interaction between ethics and theory” related to carrying out this 12-year project,
and offer recommendation on how to carry out critical, engaged, multidisciplinary research informed by political economy[22] .

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 File:African Burial Ground-area of excavation 2-
NYC..png

Figure 1.3.1 - African Burial Ground- area of excavation

Other Examples
For example, cancer is a multifaceted, complicated disease. Biocultural approaches on how to treat cancer and get the patient on the
path to healing would also have to be multifaceted and complicated. It would involve not only the biomedicine aspects,
chemotherapy, surgery, radiation, and gene therapy, but also treat the illness that comes with disease. There would have to be
aspects of healing that deal with the hair loss, weight loss, water retention, color changes, nausea, as well as the emotional trauma
that comes with a chronic disease, all in the cultural context of the patient.
Another example could be the different views of how to treat addiction. Addiction can be understood to be partly caused by
genetics, sociocultural conditions and environment matter for the manifestation and expression of addictive behavior. There are
also two different approaches in how to treat addiction: the Addiction as Disease biological model and the Disease Model of
Addiction cultural model. Neither is comprehensive or entirely successful. The cultural model provides an explanation of the
addiction phenomenon, accounts for anxiety and uncertainty, and carries cultural weight but is judged because it is a made up
explanation that those in the field can make money off. The biological model understands that biological pathways are involved in
this chronic, relapsing disease that progressively worsens over time. It does not account for the different cultural compounding
factors that affect these pathways and their manifestation. A melding of the two models through biological and behavioral therapy
is currently the best healing mechanism we have for addiction.

Further Reading
Bates, Maryann S. 1987. Ethnicity and Pain: A Biocultural Model. Social Science & Medicine 24(1):47-50.
Goodman, Alan H. and Leatherman, Thomas L. (eds.) 1998. Building a New Biocultural Synthesis. Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press.
Hruschka, Daniel J., Lende, Daniel H., Worthman, Carol M. 2005. Biocultural Dialogues: Biology and Culture in Psychological
Anthropology. Ethos 33(1):1-19.
Piperata, B. 2008. Forty Days and Forty Nights: A Biocultural Perspective on Postpartum Practices in the Amazon. Social
Science & Medicine 67:1094–1103.
Wiley, Andrea & Allen, John. 2009. Medical Anthropology: A Biocultural Approach. New York: Oxford University Press.
Worthman, C. and Costello, E. 2009. Tracking Biocultural Pathways to Health Disparities: The Value of Biomarkers. Annals of
Human Biology 36(3):281-297.
Worthman, C. and Kohrt, B. 2005. Receding Horizons of Health: Biocultural Approaches to Public Health Paradoxes. Social
Science & Medicine 61(4):861-878.

References
1. Hruschka, Daniel J., Lende, Daniel H., Worthman, Carol M. 2005. Biocultural Dialogues: Biology and Culture in Psychological
Anthropology. Ethos 33(1):1-19.
2. Erickson, Paul A. and Murphy, Liam D. 2003. A History of Anthropological Theory. pg. 73. Orchard Park, NY: Broadview
Press.
3. Erickson, Paul A. and Murphy, Liam D. 2003. A History of Anthropological Theory. pg. 199. Orchard Park, NY: Broadview
Press.
4. Kottak, Conrad P. 2011. Anthropology: Appreciating Human Diversity. pg. 5. New York: McGraw-Hill.
5. Park, Michael A. 2006. Introducing Anthropology: An Integrated Approach. pg. G3. Boston: McGraw-Hill.

Lumen Learning 1.3.3 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5565

 6. Brown, Peter J. and Norman Yoffee. 1992. Is Fission the Future of Anthropology? Anthropology Newsletter 33(7):1-21.
7. Holden, Constance. 1993. Failing to Cross the Biology-Culture Gap. Science 262:1641–1642.
8. O’Toole, Kathleen 1998. Anthro Dept Likely to Divide into Two. Stanford Report, May 20. Electronic Document. Retrieved
fromhttp://news.stanford.edu/news/19...anthro520.html
9. Stanford Magazine. 2007. Together again: Anthropologists will Regroup. May/June issue, Electronic Document. Retrieved
fromhttp://www.stanfordalumni.org/ne...hropology.html
10. Goodman, Alan H. and Leatherman, Thomas L. (eds.) 1998. Building a New Biocultural Synthesis. Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press
11. Livingstone, Frank B. 1958. Anthropological Implications of Sickle Cell Gene Distribution in West Africa. American
Anthropologist 60(3):533-562.
12. Levins, Richard and Lewontin, Richard (1985) The Dialectical Biologist. Cambridge: Harvard University Press
13. Starn, Orin. 1991. Missing the Revolution: Anthropologists and the War in Peru. Cultural Anthropology 6 (1):63-91
14. Erickson, Paul A. and Murphy, Liam D. 2003. A History of Anthropological Theory. pg. 206. Orchard Park, NY: Broadview
Press.
15. Kottak, Conrad P. 2011. Anthropology: Appreciating Human Diversity. pg. 606. New York: McGraw-Hill.
16. Goodman, Alan H. and Leatherman, Thomas L. 1998. Traversing the Chasm between Biology and Culture. In Building a New
Biocultural Synthesis. Alan H. Goodman and Thomas L. Leatherman, eds. Pp. 3-41. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
17. Wenner-Gren Foundation. n.d. History: Economic Perspectives in Biological Anthropology: Building a Biocultural Synthesis.
Electronic Document. Retrieved fromhttp://www.wennergren.org/histor...symposia/w-127
18. Leatherman, Thomas. 2005. A Space of Vulnerability in Poverty and Health: Political-Ecology and Biocultural Analysis. Ethos
33(1):46-70.
19. Hruschka, Daniel J., Lende, Daniel H., Worthman, Carol M. 2005. Biocultural Dialogues: Biology and Culture in Psychological
Anthropology. Ethos 33(1):1-19.
20. Erickson, Paul A. and Murphy, Liam D. 2003. A History of Anthropological Theory. pg.194. Orchard Park, NY: Broadview
Press.
21. Fischer, Michael M. J. 1997. Dictionary of Anthropology. Thomas Barfield, ed. Pp. 89-91. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing.
22. Habu, Junko, Fawcett, Clare, Matsunaga, John M., and Blakey, Michael L. 2008. An Ethical Epistemology of Publicly Engaged
Biocultural Research. In Evaluating Multiple Narratives. Junko Habu, Clare Fawcett, and John M. Matsunaga, eds. Pp. 17-28.
New York:Springer.

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1.4: What is Culture?
Culture is the patterns of learned and shared behavior and beliefs of a particular social, ethnic, or age group. It can also be
described as the complex whole of collective human beliefs with a structured stage of civilization that can be specific to a nation or
time period. Humans in turn use culture to adapt and transform the world they live in.

Figure 1.4.1 - Ashanti flag, note the golden stool

This idea of Culture can be seen in the way that we describe the Ashanti, an African tribe located in central Ghana. The Ashanti
live with their families as you might assume but the meaning of how and why they live with whom is an important aspect of
Ashanti culture. In the Ashanti culture, the family and the mother’s clan are most important. A child is said to inherit the father’s
soul or spirit (ntoro) and from the mother, a child receives flesh and blood (mogya). This relates them more closely to the mother’s
clan. The Ashanti live in an extended family. The family lives in various homes or huts that are set up around a courtyard. The head
of the household is usually the oldest brother that lives there. He is chosen by the elders. He is called either Father or Housefather
and everyone in the household obeys him.[1]
The anthropological study of culture can be organized along two persistent and basic themes: Diversity and Change. An
individual’s upbringing, and environment (or culture) is what makes them diverse from other cultures. It is the differences between
all cultures and sub-cultures of the worlds regions. People’s need to adapt and transform to physical, biological and cultural forces
to survive represents the second theme, Change. Culture generally changes for one of two reasons: selective transmission or to
meet changing needs. This means that when a village or culture is met with new challenges for example a loss of a food source,
they must change the way they live. This could mean almost anything to the culture, including possible forced redistribution of, or
relocation from ancestral domains due to external and/or internal forces. And an anthropologist would look at that and study their
ways to learn from them.
Culture is:
Learned through active teaching, and passive habitus.
Shared meaning that it defines a group and meets common needs.
Patterned meaning that that there is a recourse of similar ideas. Related cultural beliefs and practices show up repeatedly in
different areas of social life.
Adaptive which helps individuals meet needs across variable environments.
Symbolic which means that there are simple and arbitrary signs that represent something else, something more.

“Culture” vs. “culture”

At its most basic level, the difference between Culture and culture is in the way they are defined. Culture with a capital C refers to
the ability of the human species to absorb and imitate patterned and symbolic ideas that ultimately further their survival. Culture is
a trait all humans have, whereas culture with a lower case c refers to a particular learned way of life and set of patterns an
individual person has picked up, representing one variation amongst many different cultures.

Figure 1.4.2 - “Petty apartheid”: sign on Durban beach in English, Afrikaansand Zulu (1989)

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The concept of Culture vs. culture becomes more complex when it comes to how the two terms are misinterpreted and misused.
Originally the overlap of the two concepts had a positive effect, especially during colonial times; it helped spread the idea that
vulnerable seemingly “primitive” and “uncivilized” cultures had some intrinsic value and deserved protection from other more
dominating cultures. But there are drawbacks to this mentality, as it assumes first that culture is a static thing that it can be
preserved, unchanged by the changing people and times it runs into. It also assumes that the people accept at face value and do not
wish to change their patterns or ways of life. If people then do change, often they are criticized by member from within and outside
their own culture for not valuing ‘authenticity’ and tradition. This relates to the Culture vs. culture in that anthropology’s focus and
appreciation of Culture and how it develops differently can be twisted when talking about Cultural relativism or human rights.
Appreciation and defense of Culture does not imply blind tolerance to all aspects of all cultures. A pertinent example of this would
be Female Genital Cutting and how as an aspect of little c culture, it can be examined and judged a violation of human rights. This
does not however, diminish an anthropologist’s appreciation for the ability of the human being to develop Culture.
An example of how defense of culture has been misused is in apartheid South Africa, where the white supremacist government
justified the oppression of black Africans, or the bantu peoples because their aim was a “higher Bantu culture and not at producing
black Europeans”. They argued that “not race but culture was the true base of difference, the sign of destiny. And cultural
differences were to be valued”. In such cases, the abuse of the term is clear, in that they were using it as a basis for unequal
treatment and access to services such as education.

References
1. “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous Behavior to
Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in California) accessed
Oct 30, 2007
4. “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization http://www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf) Accessed June
2009
5. “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”
6. Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology
of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/
12. Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez
Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
14. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
15. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
16. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
17. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
18. www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
19. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
20. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900,depts.washington.edu/silkroad...s/carpini.html
21. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
22. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRa...01_00-
home.htm>.
23. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.
24. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.

Lumen Learning 1.4.2 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5566

25. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.

External Links
What is Anthropology? – Information from the American Anthropological Association
SLA– Society for Linguistic Anthropology
1. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
2. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009. pgs. 332-333
LICENSES AND ATTRIBUTIONS
CC LICENSED CONTENT, SHARED PREVIOUSLY
Located at: https://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Cultural_Anthropology/Introduction. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-
ShareAlike

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1.5: Ethnocentrism
Ethnocentrism is the term anthropologists use to describe the opinion that one’s own way of life is natural or correct. Some would
simply call it cultural ignorance. Ethnocentrism means that one may see his/her own culture as the correct way of living. For those
who have not experienced other cultures in depth can be said to be ethnocentric if they feel that their lives are the most natural way
of living. Some cultures may be similar or overlap in ideas or concepts, however, some people are in a sense, shocked to experience
differences they may encounter with individuals culturally different than themselves. In extreme cases, a group of individuals may
see another cultures way of life and consider it wrong, because of this, the group may try to convert the other group to their own
ways of living. Fearful war and genocide could be the devastating result if a group is unwilling to change their ways of living.

Figure 1.5.1 : “Colonization of New England” – Early settlers cut and saw trees and use the lumber to construct a building, possibly
a warehouse for their supplies. This is the first scene painted entirely by Costaggini.
China, as the Middle Kingdom, has had a major cultural influence on bordering countries, extending from Japan on the north to Sri
Lanka on the west. Many of these countries have their own ancient cultures and have resisted sinocentrism even while
incorporating elements into their cultures and even languages. Kaji are symbols of Chinese origin, adopted into Japanese writing.
Chopsticks are the main utensils in China, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam and users regard them as superior to Western ones, but for
example they are only used for noodles in Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia. The cultural interchange was driven by trade and the
settlement of Chinese people throughout the region, but has also led to ethnic unrest, and Malaysia and Singapore separating into
two countries, the population in Singapore, although diverse, being predominantly Chinese, and that in Malaysia, Malay.
Another example of ethnocentrism is colonialism. Colonialism can be defined as cultural domination with enforced social change.
Colonialism refers to the social system in which the political conquests by one society of another leads to “cultural domination with
enforced social change”. A good example to look at when examining colonialism is the British overtake of India. The British had
little understanding of the culture in India which created a lot of problems and unrest during their rule.[10]

Figure 1.5.2 : “Statue of Gandhi” – Gandhi was an important figure in the struggle to end the period of British colonial rule in
India, he fought for peace and understanding during this time of unrest.
Ethnocentrism may not, in some circumstances, be avoidable. We all often have instinctual reactions toward another person or
culture’s practices or beliefs. But these reactions do not have to result in horrible events such as genocide or war. In order to avoid
such awful things like those we must all try to be more culturally relative. Ethnocentrism is one solution to tension between one
cultural self and another cultural self. It helps reduce the other way of life to a version of one’s own.

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References
1. “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous Behavior to
Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in California) accessed
Oct 30, 2007
4. “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization http://www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf) Accessed June
2009
5. “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”
6. Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology
of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/
12. Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez
Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
14. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
15. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
16. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
17. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
18. www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
19. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
20. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900,depts.washington.edu/silkroad...s/carpini.html
21. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
22. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRa...01_00-
home.htm>.
23. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.
24. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
25. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.

EXTERNAL LINKS
1. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
2. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009. pgs. 332-333
LICENSES AND ATTRIBUTIONS
CC LICENSED CONTENT, SHARED PREVIOUSLY
Located at: https://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Cultural_Anthropology/Introduction. License: CC BY-SA: Attribution-
ShareAlike

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1.6: Cultural Relativism
The Cross-Cultural Relationship is the idea that people from different cultures can have relationships that acknowledge, respect and
begin to understand each others diverse lives. People with different backgrounds can help each other see possibilities that they
never thought were there because of limitations, or cultural proscriptions, posed by their own traditions. Traditional practices in
certain cultures can restrict opportunity because they are “wrong” according to one specific culture. Becoming aware of these new
possibilities will ultimately change the people that are exposed to the new ideas. This cross-cultural relationship provides hope that
new opportunities will be discovered but at the same time it is threatening. The threat is that once the relationship occurs, one can
no longer claim that any single culture is the absolute truth.
Cultural relativism is the ability to understand a culture on its own terms and not to make judgments using the standards of one’s
own culture. The goal of this is promote understanding of cultural practices that are not typically part of one’s own culture. Using
the perspective of cultural relativism leads to the view that no one culture is superior than another culture when compared to
systems of morality, law, politics, etc. [11] It is a concept that cultural norms and values derive their meaning within a specific social
context. This is also based on the idea that there is no absolute standard of good or evil, therefore every decision and judgment of
what is right and wrong is individually decided in each society. The concept of cultural relativism also means that any opinion on
ethics is subject to the perspective of each person within their particular culture. Overall, there is no right or wrong ethical system.
In a holistic understanding of the term cultural relativism, it tries to promote the understanding of cultural practices that are
unfamiliar to other cultures such as eating insects, genocides or genital cutting.
There are two different categories of cultural relativism: Absolute: Everything that happens within a culture must and should not
be questioned by outsiders. The extreme example of absolute cultural relativism would be the Nazi party’s point of view justifying
the Holocaust.
Critical: Creates questions about cultural practices in terms of who is accepting them and why. Critical cultural relativism also
recognizes power relationships.
Absolute cultural relativism is displayed in many cultures, especially Africa, that practice female genital cutting. This procedure
refers to the partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or any other trauma to the female reproductive/genital organs.
By allowing this procedure to happen, females are considered women and then are able to be married. FGC is practiced mainly
because of culture, religion and tradition. Outside cultures such as the United States look down upon FGC, but are unable to stop
this practice from happening because it is protected by its culture.

Figure 1.6.1 - A Chinese woman with her feet unbound

Figure 1.6.2 - A Chinese Golden Lily Foot by Lai Afong, c1870s

Cultural relativism can be seen with the Chinese culture and their process of feet binding. Foot binding was to stop the growth of
the foot and make them smaller. The process often began between four and seven years old. A ten foot bandage would be wrapped
around the foot forcing the toes to go under the foot. It caused the big toe to be closer to the heel causing the foot to bow.[4]In
China, small feet were seen as beautiful and a symbol of status. The women wanted their feet to be “three-inch golden lotuses”
[3]
It was also the only way to marry into money. Because men only wanted women with small feet, even after this practice was

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banned in 1912, women still continued to do it. To Western cultures the idea of feet binding might seems torturous, but for the
Chinese culture it was a symbol of beauty that has been ingrained the culture for hundreds of years. The idea of beauty differs from
culture to culture.

References
1. “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous Behavior to
Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in California) accessed
Oct 30, 2007
4. “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization http://www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf) Accessed June
2009
5. “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”
6. Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology
of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/
12. Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez
Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
1. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
2. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
3. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
4. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
5. www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
6. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
7. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900,depts.washington.edu/silkroad...s/carpini.html
8. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
9. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRa...01_00-
home.htm>.
10. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.
11. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
12. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.

External Links
What is Anthropology? – Information from the American Anthropological Association
SLA– Society for Linguistic Anthropology
1. ^ Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York:
Oxford UP, Incorporated, 2009. pg.79.
2. ^ Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York:
Oxford UP, Incorporated, 2009. pgs. 332-333

1.6: Cultural Relativism is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
2: Culture
Topic hierarchy
2.1: Antropological Culture Concept
2.2: Levels of Culture
2.3: Micro or Subculture
2.4: Familial Culture
2.5: Enculturation
2.6: Cultural Universals
2.7: Culture Change
2.8: Culture Shock
2.9: Values and Norms
2.10: Two Views of Culture: ETIC and EMIC
2.11: Symbols and Culture
2.12: Explore: Learn More about the Anthropologists

Thumbnail: Maori warriors perform a Haka, meaning dance of welcome, for Secretary of Defense Leon E. Panetta during a
Powhiri ceremony while visiting Auckland, New Zealand Sept. 21, 2012. The ceremony is an ancient Maori tradition used to
determine if visitors came in peace or with hostile intent. (Publc Domain; Erin A. Kirk-Cuomo).

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1 5/12/2022
2.1: Antropological Culture Concept
Culture is a concept that often invokes thoughts of a Monet, a Mozart symphony, or ballerinas in tutus dancing Swan Lake. In the
popular vernacular culture often refers to the arts. A person that is cultured has knowledge of and is a patron of the arts. Then there
is pop culture; what trends are current and hip. Within anthropology these things are simply aspects of culture. To understand the
anthropological culture concept, we need to think broader and holistically.
Anthropologists have long debated an appropriate definition of culture. Even today some anthropologists criticize the culture
concept as oversimplifying and stereotyping cultures, which will be discussed more below. The first anthropological definition of
culture comes from 19th-century British anthropologist Edward Tylor:
Culture…is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom, and any other capabilities and habits
acquired by man as a member of society (Tylor 1920 [1871]: 1).
It is probably the most enduring definition of culture even though it relates more to the specifics, or particulars, of culture groups.
As Bohannan and Glazer comment in High Points in Anthropology (1988: 62), “…[it is the definition] most anthropologists can
quote correctly, and the one they fall back on when others prove too cumbersome.” Tylor, echoing the French idea of civilization
progressing from a barbaric state to “science, secularism, and rational thought” (Beldo 2010), believed that all human culture
passed through stages of development with the pinnacle being that of 19th century England. He believed, as many others of this
time period did, that all other cultures were inherently inferior. Franz Boas, a German American anthropologist, challenged Tylor’s
approach. He drew on the German concept of kultur, local and personal behaviors and traditions, to develop his ideas about culture.
Boas thought that cultures did not follow a linear progression as espoused by cultural evolutionists like Tylor, but developed in
different directions based on historical events. Boas took years to develop a working definition of culture, but it is one that
influences anthropologists to this day: culture is an integrated system of symbols, ideas and values that should be studied as a
working system, an organic whole (Kuper 1999:56).
Over time, anthropologists learned that including specifics into the definition of culture limited that definition. In other words, the
definition would not apply to all cultures. Anthropologists began to develop a definition of culture that could be applied broadly.
Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn proposed that culture was not simply behaviors, but a product of psychological, social,
biological, and material factors (Beldo 2010). Thus began a focus on the meaning of behavior, not just a description of the behavior
itself.
A general definition of culture that can be applied to all cultures is patterns of behavior that are common within a particular
population of people. One way to think about culture is to break down the concept into two distinct categories: the Big C and the
little c. The Big C is an overarching general concept that can be applied to all culture groups; it is the anthropological perspective.
The little c is the particulars of a specific culture group.

Figure 2.1.1
It is easiest to think of the Big C as elements that comprise culture (not a specific group).
Big C is learned behavior. Culture is not something we are born with; it is non-biological. We learn it over our lifetime.
Culture is shared. While we each have our own cultural peculiarities, we share a large part of our culture with others.
Culture is symbolic. It gives meaning to things. Language might be the most important example of the symbolic nature of
culture. Language is one of the primary ways that we communicate with one another.
Culture is holistic. Ideally, culture is all encompassing. It is a blueprint for living and tells us how to respond in any given
situation. Of course in reality, culture doesn’t give us all the answers. That’s when we see culture change.

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 Lastly, culture is integrated. Think of it as a clock. Clocks have an intricate mechanical system that work together to make the
clock operational. Culture is also a system – a system of institutions that work together to meet the needs of the group.
Little c, as mentioned above, is the particulars of any given culture group, for instance, the marriage or subsistence pattern of a
group of people. Traditions, a concept many people associate with culture, would fall into the little c. A good portion of this course
is devoted to examining the various manifestations of social institutions, or some of a culture group’s particulars, so we will return
to the little c later.

References
Bohannan, Paul and Mark Glazer. 1988. High Points in Anthropology, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc.
Tylor, Edward Burnett. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture. New York: J.P. Putnam’s Sons.

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2.2: Levels of Culture
Anthropologists describe patterns of behavior that are common within a particular population of people—a culture. This is
sometimes referred to as the dominant or mainstream culture. In using the word dominant, do not confuse this with “majority.”
The dominant culture may be a result of political power and not absolute numbers of people. However, the dominant culture
draws on other cultures, adding and dropping elements that are seen to be either beneficial or no longer necessary. Within the
dominant culture, there are subcultures that vary somewhat from the mainstream. Even at the individual level there may be
differences from the dominant culture. Keep in mind that while anthropologists talk about these general patterns, it is
acknowledged that there is variation within any given culture. The levels that are discussed below is a classification system.
Classification systems help people organize the plethora of information that comes their way, breaking it down into understandable
units. The levels of culture allow us to understand culture in smaller interconnected units.
The overarching patterns described by anthropologists can be grouped at several different levels. The levels move from general to
specific. While most people don’t think about their culture at the most general levels, these levels do impact our cultures even if
we’re not aware of it. As mentioned above, one of the criticisms of the culture concept is that it generalizes and stereotypes groups
of people. Indeed as you read about the levels of culture you may agree with this criticism. However, these generalizations can be
used to develop a starting point in learning about a culture.

The Levels

Figure 2.2.1
International: this is divided into two categories: Western culture and Eastern culture. Historically, the division fell along two
lines: religion and industry.
Eastern culture is usually thought of as non-industrial; however, through the process of modern development, this line is less clear
than it used to be.
Eastern culture also refers to a different way of thinking, which is best exemplified in the East’s religions such as Buddhism,
Hinduism, and Confucianism. Interdependence of people is a defining characteristic of “eastern” philosophy. Duty to family over
self is stressed.
The other thing that encapsulates eastern culture is their approach to healing—in the east, it is generally identified as ancient,
naturalistic traditions…think acupuncture and herbal remedies.
Western culture arose out of the philosophies of ancient Greece and Rome. Currently it is characterized by industrial economies
where capitalism rules and behavior geared for independent success is stressed. Western cultures are predominately Christian or
Islamic. In regards to health, institutionally educated doctors and scientifically developed medicines are predominant.
There is much variation within Western and Eastern cultures, but think in terms of dominance. Eastern cultures do encourage
people to develop their skills; it’s just that it is not for themselves, but for their group (which can be family, village, or some other
entity). In western cultures, duty to family is not absent; it’s just not stressed as strongly.
Keep in mind that the East vs. West mentality or approach is rapidly breaking down through the process of globalization and not all
levels will apply to every culture.
The variability of the international level can be broken down into various subcultures, starting with the most general, the National.
Subcultures incorporate values and norms from the more general levels, but perhaps not all of the same values and norms.

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 Figure 2.2.2
National: Just as the word implies, we’re talking about a country’s culture. For instance, if someone talks about Ireland, Russia, or
Brazil certain mental pictures come to mind.
Regional: Nations are frequently divided into regions. If we were to talk about the United States in terms of the South, the
Midwest, or the Southwest, we start to make some assumptions about the culture of individuals from those geographic regions, e.g.,
the Midwest is populated by farmers.
State-level: Within regions, there are often states, provinces, or territories. If we picked a state in the United States, many people
would start to form a mental picture of the people there. If we were to choose an east coast state such as Massachusetts we would
make some assumptions about the people’s forms of dress, speech, etc., that is very different from what would assume if the person
was from California.
Local: This level could be along the lines of urban vs. suburban vs. rural or it could be something like Seattle vs. Tacoma. It could
be a neighborhood or an occupation. There are simply a lot of ways to view the local.
Counter-cultures: Counter-cultures go against something in the mainstream or dominant culture. The classic example of a counter-
culture is the hippie/protest movement during the 1960s in the United States. A more recent example is the anti-globalization
movement.
The final level of culture, and the most specific, is the idiosyncratic culture. This refers to our personal culture. We are influenced
by and choose norms from all of the previous levels of culture to create our personal cultures. Our family and friends are often most
influential, but as we mature and move away from home our personal culture may begin to look nothing like the culture we grew
up in.
Clearly, all of these levels of cultures are broad generalizations. There is variety of culture in any given place in the world. What
these broad generalizations do is provide us with a level of expectations. They help us cope with the unknown. Problems arise
when people use these generalizations as a way to judge other peoples. Ethnocentrism, the judging of others using your own culture
as the standard, contributes to negative views of The Other and is a way to dehumanize another human being, a necessary step
before being able to compete successfully against our fellow humans.
Culture is both overt and covert. There are elements of culture that we are specifically taught–they are overt…how to eat with
utensils or how to ride a bicycle. But there are also elements that we are not taught—they are covert and picked up most likely
through observation…a good example of this is proxemics. Proxemics refers to our personal bubble—how much space we need
around our physical person. In the United States, we have a large personal bubble. We don’t like people to get near to us unless
invited. Standing smashed up against someone else on the bus is considered bad manners in the US and is only tolerated if there is
absolutely no choice. We aren’t specifically taught this; we pick it up through observation.
We think about our culture, particularly our national culture, in its ideal form. For instance, when asked to describe the values of
US culture, people often mention equality, democracy, and freedom. The reality of US culture is that there is not complete equality
of citizens and some believe the US only promotes democracy unequally across the globe.
All of these things contribute to our worldview. Worldview is a way of understanding how the world works and what our place is
in it. Everyone has a worldview that impacts their perceptions and interpretations of events occurring in their lives. Some people
think everyone else interprets or sees things the same way they do. This is referred to as naïve realism. We all start out that way, but
through education, our naïve realism lessens as we learn about other people’s perspectives…in effect, our culture is changing.

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References
Bohannan, Paul and Mark Glazer. 1988. High Points in Anthropology, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc.
Tylor, Edward Burnett. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture. New York: J.P. Putnam’s Sons.

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2.3: Micro or Subculture
Micro or Subculture– distinct groups within a larger group that share some sort of common trait, activity or language that ties
them together and or differentiates them from the larger group. A micro or subculture is also not limited on how small it can be. It
could be defined similarly to a clique. An example of this could be Mexican-Americans within the U.S. society. They share the
same language, but they are found in a larger whole. This is similar the subculture of an African American, they are fully accepted
in the American culture but are also capable of also maintaining a individual smaller culture too. An example of a micro-culture
would be the Japanese hip hop genba (club site) that is becoming more and more popular throughout Japanese cities.[2] Although
rap started in the United States, it has created its own unique appearance and style in the Japanese youth culture today. The physical
appearance of rappers may be the same to those in the States, however the content of the music differs along with the preservation
of Japanese traditions.

References
1. “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous Behavior to
Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in California) accessed
Oct 30, 2007
4. “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization http://www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf) Accessed June
2009
5. “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”
6. Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology
of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/
12. Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez
Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
1. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
2. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
3. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
4. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
5. www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
6. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
7. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900,depts.washington.edu/silkroad...s/carpini.html
8. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
9. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRa...01_00-
home.htm>.
10. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.
11. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
12. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.

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2.4: Familial Culture
Familial culture is how you express culture as a family through traditions, roles, beliefs, and other areas. Many aspects can
influence a family culture such as religion, and the community around you. Religion can strongly influence family culture, which
can be demonstrated by the Catholic religion in many Hispanic countries. Most Hispanic cultures practice Catholic beliefs and
within a family these beliefs are practiced to different degrees. For example, one family may go to the Catholic mass every week
while some may only go once a month. This can all depend on the standards and cultural norms for a given community. Every
family is different, and every family has its own culture.
Familial culture is also passed down from generation to generation and this means that it is both shared and learned. It is shared
because as a family grows, new generations are introduced to traditional family practices and then it becomes a routine to that new
generation. Familial culture is learned by means of enculturation which is the process by which a person learns the requirements of
the culture that he or she is surrounded by. With enculturation an individual will also learn behaviors that are appropriate or
necessary in their given culture. The influences of enculturation from the family direct and shape the individual.
alt

Figure 2.4.1 - The Royal Family of Great Britain is deeply set in family tradition
The present Royal family of Great Britain is a good example of family tradition because each male member of the royal family has
served in the armed forces. Prince Andrew joined the Navy in 1979, Prince Edward joined the Royal Marines as a second
lieutenant in 1983, Prince Charles the current prince of Wales was appointed in 1969 as the as colonel-in-chief of the Royal
Regiment of Wales, the Duke of Edinburgh joined the Navy in 1939 and served in World War 2 and as of June 12, 2003 Prince
Henry announced that he would be continuing the tradition by joining the Army. This long standing tradition of serving in the
armed forces is an important aspect of familial culture because it shows the connection of the generations of the royal family of
Great Britain through the years.

References
1. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
2. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
3. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
4. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
5. www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
6. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
7. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900,depts.washington.edu/silkroad...s/carpini.html
8. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
9. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRa...01_00-
home.htm>.
10. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.
11. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
12. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.
This page also draws upon the following Wikipedia resources:
anthropology
cultural anthropology
sociology

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 social science
cultural relativism
female genital cutting

EXTERNAL LINKS
What is Anthropology? – Information from the American Anthropological Association
SLA- Society for Linguistic Anthropology
1. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
2. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009. pgs. 332-333

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2.5: Enculturation
Growing up in any culture, all humans go through the process of enculturation. This process is the way in which we obtain and
transmit culture. It describes how each individual comes to terms with the already set ideals that their culture has established, and
how each person adapts to prohibited behaviors and beliefs, which are ‘proscribed’, versus encouraged behaviors and beliefs,
which are ‘prescribed’.
Parents and other authority figures in young children’s lives are usually the initiators of this process, steering the children toward
activities and beliefs that will be socially accepted in their culture. Through this process these authority figures definitely shape the
child’s view on life. Enculturation results in the interpretation of these ideals established by our culture and the establishment of our
own individual behaviors and beliefs.
alt

Figure 2.5.1 - The !Kung People diligently work on making a fire

For example the !Kung Bushman who live in the Kalahari were raised quite differently than someone who grew up in Washington
State,or the States in general. In the United States, we tend to tolerate arrogance more so than the !Kung people.[5] For example,
when we give people gifts and they thank us graciously for it, we acknowledge their acceptance by saying “It was no big deal”,
which by accepting their gratitude makes us in a way arrogant because we accept the fact the receiver appreciates the gift. Growing
up in another culture, there are different guidelines that people have to follow in order to be socially accepted. In the !Kung
Bushman tribe they look down upon people who think highly of themselves and who are arrogant. To avoid these characteristics,
each child was raised to put down and mock others when they do things such as hunting and other activities. Their view is that by
telling someone who had just hunted a huge ox, that the ox is a “bag of bones” or “thin, sick, and dead,” then they are preventing
this person from being arrogant and full of them self.
In contrast, enculturation in the United States teaches people to see this behavior as mean and wrong. Often in the United States
culture arrogance is also viewed as a negative quality, but it is not discouraged in the same way. A common way members of the
United States culture discourage displays of arrogance is simply by telling the younger generation that it is a bad quality. The
!Kung people use enculturation strongly to impress their cultural value of humility; in United States culture, it is emphasized less
and it shows in the much wider acceptance of arrogance. In the US, a hunter might have been praised for doing good things such as
hunting large game and providing food for everyone else. All of the members of these two cultures went through the process of
enculturation but just into different cultures with different established ideals.

Cultural Transmission
alt

Figure 2.5.2 - Barack Obama shows multi-cultural respect by hosting a Sedar dinner. Sedar is a Jewish tradition passed down
through families for generations.

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Cultural Transmission is the passing of new knowledge and traditions of culture from one generation to the next, as well as cross-
culturally. Cultural Transmission happens everyday, all the time, without any concept of when or where. Everything people do and
say provides cultural transmission in all aspects of life. In everyday life, the most common way cultural norms are transmitted is
within each individuals’ home life. Each family has its own, distinct culture under the big picture of each given society and/or
nation. With every family, there are traditions that are kept alive. The way each family acts, communicates with others and an
overall view of life are passed down. Parents teach their kids everyday how to behave and act by their actions alone.
Another big influence on cultural transmission is the media. The distinct way the media portrays America to other countries and
themselves. One example is the way that hip-hop has formed all over the world, each with its own distinct way of interpretation
formed by any such culture. Each, separate translation of the meaning of hip-hop is an example of cultural transmission, passed
from one culture to the next. In Japanese culture, hip-hop[6] for instance, has become quite a popular aspect as more of an
underground scene and has made its own concepts of what hip-hop is, but still has similar characteristics of original hip-hop.
Cultural transmission cross culturally happens very easily now with Globalization. For example, hip-hop is not just music; it’s a
lifestyle, an image, and a culture of its own. Cultural transmission is what keeps cultures alive and thriving.
Dakar, the capitol of Senegal located in Western Africa, has also seen its media become influenced through cultural transmission
and Hip-Hop. As shown in the film “Democracy in Dakar,” Dakar’s 2007 elections were heavily influenced by underground Hip-
Hop. The documentary shows how the youth of Dakar have used their musical talents to encourage everyone to vote, in an attempt
to void the corruption present within the government. [7]

References
1. “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous Behavior to
Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in California) accessed
Oct 30, 2007
4. “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization http://www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf) Accessed June
2009
5. “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”
6. Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology
of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/
12. Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez
Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
14. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
15. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
16. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
17. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
18. www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
19. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
20. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900,depts.washington.edu/silkroad...s/carpini.html
21. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
22. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRa...01_00-
home.htm>.
23. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.

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24. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
25. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.

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2.6: Cultural Universals
alt

Figure 2.6.1 - Cinco de Mayo dancers greeted by former Pres. George W. Bush.”The holiday, which has been celebrated in
California continuously since 1863, is virtually ignored in Mexico.”[3]
Cultural universals ( which has been mentioned by anthropologists like George Murdock, Claude Levi-Strauss, Donald Brown
and others) can be defined as being anything common that exists in every human culture on the planet yet varies from different
culture to culture, such as values and modes of behavior. Examples of elements that may be considered cultural universals are
gender roles, the incest taboo, religious and healing ritual, mythology, marriage, language, art, dance, music, cooking, games,
jokes, sports, birth and death because they involve some sort of ritual ceremonies accompanying them, etc. Many anthropologist
and socialists with an extreme perspective of cultural relativism deny the existence or reduce the importance of cultural universals
believing that these traits were only inherited biologically through the known controversy of “nurture vs. nature”. They are mainly
known as “empty universals” since just mentioning their existence in a culture doesn’t make them any more special or unique. The
existence of these universals has been said to date to the Upper Paleolithic with the first evidence of behavioral modernity.
alt

Figure 2.6.2 - A woman dancing folklórico in the traditional dress of Jalisco

Among the cultural universals listed by Brown are:
• Language and cognition – All cultures employ some type of communication, symbolism is also a universal idea in language.
• Society – Being in a family, having peers, or being a member of any organized group or community is what makes society.
• Myth, Ritual, and aesthetics – Different cultures all have a number of things in common, for example: a belief system, celebration
of life and death, and other ceremonial events.
• Technology – There are worldwide variations in clothing, housing, tools and techniques for getting food through different types of
technology.
alt

Figure 2.6.3 - Residents of Vanuatu making fire. The use of fire for cooking is a human cultural universal
Dance is a great example of a cultural universal because it exists in every culture as form of expression, social interaction, or
presented in a spiritual or performance setting. Traditional dances found in Mexico are quite different from those found in the
United States. American style dancing includes Flat Foot Dancing, Hoofing, Buck Dancing, Soft Shoe, Clogging, Irish Sean-Nós
Dance, and Irish Jig. Because these forms of dance are not commonly found on stage, in the media, or taught in the dance schools,
it has received minimal attention and its practice has significantly decreasing compared to its past popularity. Mexico on the other
hand had a traditional style of dance called Ballet Folklorico which reflects different regions and folk music genres. These dances
are widely known and are constantly being taught in schools and performed during festivities such as Cinco de Mayo.

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References
1. “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous Behavior to
Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in California) accessed
Oct 30, 2007
4. “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization http://www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf) Accessed June
2009
5. “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”
6. Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology
of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/
12. Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez
Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
14. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
15. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
16. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
17. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
18. www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
19. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
20. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900,depts.washington.edu/silkroad...s/carpini.html
21. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
22. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRa...01_00-
home.htm>.
23. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.
24. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
25. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.

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2.7: Culture Change

Figure 2.7.1 - Elwood Hayes in his first automobile.

Cultures change in a number of ways. The only way new cultural traits emerge is through the process of discovery and invention.
Someone perceives a need and invents something to meet that need. Seems a simple enough concept; however, it often takes a long
time for a new invention to be fully integrated into a culture. Why? Because often other elements of the culture have to change to
meet or maintain the needs of the new invention. This is referred to as culture lag. The automobile is a good example of discovery
and invention and culture lag. The auto was invented as a mode of more efficient transportation. Many things had to change in
order for the automobile to become a fixture in a culture. People had to be persuaded that the automobile was a better form of
transportation. Roads had to be constructed; a way to procure fuel needed to be developed; mechanics were needed to fix cars;
efficient production of cars had to be developed to meet supply demands; safety concerns, rules of the road, insurance, and
numerous other elements of culture had to catch up with the invention of the automobile.
Another way cultures change is through diffusion. Diffusion is simply the borrowing of traits. There is a long laundry list of things
in US culture that were borrowed from other cultures. Pajamas made their way to the US from India. Spaghetti was borrowed from
China by way of Italy, and corn came from Mesoamerica. Ralph Linton, a noted anthropologist, wrote a short article entitled “One
Hundred Percent American” in which he outlines numerous things that U.S. culture borrowed from other cultures. You can read
Linton’s article here:
http://staffwww.fullcoll.edu/jmcdermott/Cultural%20Anthropology_files/One%20Hundred%20Percent%20American.pdf.
Yet another way cultures change is through the process of acculturation. Acculturation is also the borrowing of traits; however,
there is a superordinate, or dominant, and subordinate, or minority, relationship between cultures. The dominant culture picks
and chooses those traits from the subordinate culture that it deems useful, i.e., diffusion. The subordinate culture is pressured to
adopt the traits of the dominant culture. It is the element of pressure that differentiates acculturation from diffusion.
Acculturation manifests itself in multiple ways. One way is called the Melting Pot. The melting pot refers to a blending of cultures.
This primarily occurs through intermarriage of people from the two cultures. What frequently happens is that one of the two
cultures is dominant and the other subordinate within the relationship so that only some of its traits are practiced.
Another form of acculturation is called the Salad Bowl, or cultural pluralism. This occurs when people immigrate and keep as
many original cultural traits as possible. Chinatown in San Francisco is a good example of the salad bowl. The different types of
acculturation are not necessarily mutually exclusive. Even in the case of cultural pluralism people must adopt certain traits of the
host country; i.e., the laws, in order to thrive, but they do keep as many traditions as possible.
Host conformity occurs when an individual has fully assimilated into the host culture.

References
Bohannan, Paul and Mark Glazer. 1988. High Points in Anthropology, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc.
Tylor, Edward Burnett. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture. New York: J.P. Putnam’s Sons.

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2.8: Culture Shock
Culture shock is an experience a person may have when one moves to a cultural environment which is different from one’s own; it
is also the personal disorientation a person may feel when experiencing an unfamiliar way of life due to immigration or a visit to a
new country, a move between social environments, or simply transition to another type of life.[1] One of the most common causes
of culture shock involves individuals in a foreign environment. Culture shock can be described as consisting of at least one of four
distinct phases: honeymoon, frustration, adjustment, and mastery.
Common problems include: information overload, language barrier, generation gap, technology gap, skill interdependence,
formulation dependency, homesickness (cultural), infinite regress (homesickness), boredom (job dependency), response ability
(cultural skill set).[2] There is no true way to entirely prevent culture shock, as individuals in any society are personally affected by
cultural contrasts differently.[3]

Four Phases
Honeymoon
During this period, the differences between the old and new culture are seen in a romantic light. For example, in moving to a new
country, an individual might love the new food, the pace of life, and the locals’ habits. During the first few weeks, most people are
fascinated by the new culture. They associate with nationals who speak their language, and who are polite to the foreigners. Like
most honeymoon periods, this stage eventually ends.[4]

Negotiation
After some time (usually around three months, depending on the individual), differences between the old and new culture become
apparent and may create anxiety. Excitement may eventually give way to unpleasant feelings of frustration and anger as one
continues to experience unfavorable events that may be perceived as strange and offensive to one’s cultural attitude. Language
barriers, stark differences in public hygiene, traffic safety, food accessibility and quality may heighten the sense of disconnection
from the surroundings.[5]
While being transferred into a different environment puts special pressure on communication skills, there are practical difficulties
to overcome, such as circadian rhythm disruption that often leads to insomnia and daylight drowsiness; adaptation of gut flora to
different bacteria levels and concentrations in food and water; difficulty in seeking treatment for illness, as medicines may have
different names from the native country’s and the same active ingredients might be hard to recognize.
Still, the most important change in the period is communication: People adjusting to a new culture often feel lonely and homesick
because they are not yet used to the new environment and meet people with whom they are not familiar every day. The language
barrier may become a major obstacle in creating new relationships: special attention must be paid to one’s and others’ culture-
specific body language signs, linguistic faux pas, conversation tone, linguistic nuances and customs, and false friends.
In the case of students studying abroad, some develop additional symptoms of loneliness that ultimately affect their lifestyles as a
whole. Due to the strain of living in a different country without parental support, international students often feel anxious and feel
more pressure while adjusting to new cultures—even more so when the cultural distances are wide, as patterns of logic and speech
are different and a special emphasis is put on rhetoric.

Adjustment
Again, after some time (usually 6 to 12 months), one grows accustomed to the new culture and develops routines. One knows what
to expect in most situations and the host country no longer feels all that new. One becomes concerned with basic living again, and
things become more “normal”. One starts to develop problem-solving skills for dealing with the culture and begins to accept the
culture’s ways with a positive attitude. The culture begins to make sense, and negative reactions and responses to the culture are
reduced.

Adaptation
In the mastery stage individuals are able to participate fully and comfortably in the host culture. Mastery does not mean total
conversion; people often keep many traits from their earlier culture, such as accents and languages. It is often referred to as the
bicultural stage.

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Reverse Culture Shock
Reverse culture shock (a.k.a. “re-entry shock” or “own culture shock”[6]) may take place — returning to one’s home culture after
growing accustomed to a new one can produce the same effects as described above. These are results from the psychosomatic and
psychological consequences of the readjustment process to the primary culture.[7] The affected person often finds this more
surprising and difficult to deal with than the original culture shock. This phenomenon, the reactions that members of the re-entered
culture exhibit toward the re-entrant, and the inevitability of the two are encapsulated in the following saying, which is also the title
of a book by Thomas Wolfe, You Can’t Go Home Again.
Reverse culture shock is generally made up of two parts: idealization and expectations. When an extended period of time is spent
abroad we focus on the good from our past, cut out the bad, and create an idealized version of the past. Secondly, once removed
from our familiar setting and placed in a foreign one we incorrectly assume that our previous world has not changed. We expect
things to remain exactly the same as when we left them. The realization that life back home is now different, that the world has
continued without us, and the process of readjusting to these new conditions as well as actualizing our new perceptions about the
world with our old way of living causes discomfort and psychological anguish. [8]

Outcomes
There are three basic outcomes of the Adjustment Phase:[9]
Some people find it impossible to accept the foreign culture and to integrate. They isolate themselves from the host country’s
environment, which they come to perceive as hostile, withdraw into a “ghetto” and see return to their own culture as the only
way out. These “Rejectors” also have the greatest problems re-integrating back home after return. [10]
Some people integrate fully and take on all parts of the host culture while losing their original identity. This is called cultural
assimilation. They normally remain in the host country forever. This group is sometimes known as “Adopters” and describes
approximately 10% of expatriates.
Some people manage to adapt to the aspects of the host culture they see as positive, while keeping some of their own and
creating their unique blend. They have no major problems returning home or relocating elsewhere. This group can be thought to
be somewhat cosmopolitan. Approximately 30% of expats belong to this group.
Culture shock has many different effects, time spans, and degrees of severity.[11] Many people are handicapped by its presence and
do not recognize what is bothering them.

Transition Shock
Culture shock is a subcategory of a more universal construct called transition shock. Transition shock is a state of loss and
disorientation predicated by a change in one’s familiar environment that requires adjustment. There are many symptoms of
transition shock, including:
Excessive concern over cleanliness
Feelings of helplessness and withdrawal
Irritability
Anger
Mood swings
Glazed stare
Desire for home and old friends
Physiological stress reactions
Homesickness
Boredom
Withdrawal
Getting “stuck” on one thing
Suicidal or fatalistic thoughts
Excessive sleep
Compulsive eating/drinking/weight gain
Stereotyping host nationals
Hostility towards host nationals[12]

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References
1. Macionis, John, and Linda Gerber. “Chapter 3 – Culture.” Sociology. 7th edition ed. Toronto, ON: Pearson Canada Inc., 2010.
54. Print.
2. Pedersen, Paul. The Five Stages of Culture Shock: Critical Incidents Around the World. Contributions in psychology, no. 25.
Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1995.
3. Barna, LaRay M. “HOW CULTURE SHOCK AFFECTS COMMUNICATION.” Communication 5.1 (n.d.): 1-18. SocINDEX
with Full Text. EBSCO.29 Sept.2009.web.
4. Oberg, Dr. Kalervo. “Culture Shock and the problem of Adjustment to the new cultural environments”. World Wide Classroom
Consortium for International Education & Multicultural studies. 29 Sept 2009.
5. Mavrides, Gregory PhD “Culture Shock and Clinical Depression.” Foreign Teachers Guide to Living and Working in China.
Middle Kingdom Life, 2009. Web. 29 Sept. 2009.
6. Martin Woesler, A new model of intercultural communication – critically reviewing, combining and further developing the
basic models of Permutter, Yoshikawa, Hall, Geert Hofstede, Thomas, Hallpike, and the social-constructivism, Bochum/Berlin
2009, book series Comparative Cultural Sciences vol. 1
7. Huff, Jennifer L. “Parental attachment, reverse culture shock, perceived social support, and college adjustment of missionary
children.” Journal of Psychology & Theology 29.3 (2001): 246-264.29 Sept 2009.Web
8. Martin, Hank “Dealing with Reverse Culture Shock.” Breaking Trail Online. brktrail.com/rshock/
9. Winkelman, Michael (1994). “Cultural Shock and Adaptation”. Journal of Counseling & Development 73 (2): 121–126.
|access-date= requires |url= (help)
10. Winant, Howard (2001). The World Is A Ghetto. New York, NY: Basic Books. p. 258. ISBN 0-465-04341-0.
11. Christofi, Victoria, and Charles L. Thompson “You Cannot Go Home Again: A Phenomenological Investigation of Returning to
the Sojourn Country After Studying Abroad.” Journal of Counselling & Development 85.1 (2007): 53-63. SocINDEX with Full
Text. EBSCO. Web. 15 Oct. 2009.
12. CESA. “dealing with culture shock.” Management Entity: Office of International Research, Education, and Development. Web.
29 Sept 2009. <www.oired.vt.edu/cesa/current...turalshock.htm>

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2.9: Values and Norms
Values are abstract concepts that certain kinds of behaviors are good, right, ethical, moral and therefore desirable. In the United
States, one value is freedom; another is equality.
These values can come from a variety of sub-cultures or social institutions. A society can have all of the values it wants, but if it
doesn’t have a way to enforce those values, then having values means nothing.
So societies have developed forms of social control, which is the process people use to maintain order in group life.
There are two main categories of social control: norms and laws. A norm is a standard of behavior. At some point people in the
society agree that these are standards. Some people learn by being taught, but mostly we pick them up just by being exposed to
them.
There are a couple of types of norms: folkways and mores. Folkways are norms related to everyday life—eating with silverware,
getting up in the morning and going to work or school for example. There are also mores, which are behaviors that are right or
wrong…don’t kill people, don’t steal…
Some norms are explicitly taught, others are tacit—we pick them up through observation. We pick up forms of greeting, roles,
which side of the sidewalk to walk on…the list could go on and on.
Sometimes, particularly in state-level societies, the mores are codified into laws or binding rules. So, stealing as a bad behavior
becomes a crime. Murder—crime.
So, how do societies encourage compliance with norms and laws? There are rewards and punishment. For instance, if you kill
someone in our society, if you’re caught, you go to trial and if found guilty, you go to prison, or you can be put to death. We have
developed specific jobs and organizations that carry out enforcement of laws…police, court system, prison, military. These are
official forms of social control enforcement. Now these forms don’t have to be negative. Some are positive…a good example
would be something like a Citizen Hero award.
There is also informal enforcement of norms and laws. As with the official forms of social control enforcement, the unofficial can
be both positive and negative—giving your child an allowance for completing chores is an example of positive enforcement;
spanking or time outs are examples of negative enforcement. Peer pressure and religious doctrine are other informal methods of
enforcement of both norms and laws. Ostracism, or shunning, is yet another.
However, there are times when norm or even law violations don’t result in punishment, but these types of violations are very
specifically defined. For instance, it is generally accepted that if you kill someone in self-defense or in a time of war, the
punishments do not apply.

Figure 2.9.1 - Buddhist temple at Royal Palace in Luong, Prabang

Now, all of these norms and laws can be organized into a set of social institutions. A social institution is a patterned set of
behaviors developed to meet perceived needs. This way people aren’t doing whatever they want whenever they want to meet their
needs. In US culture, we treasure independence, but that independence must be exercised within the constructed social institutions.
That’s not to say that there aren’t people who go outside of these social constraints, they do. That is actually important behavior in
an evolutionary sense as it provides variation of behaviors. It is those behaviors where social change is instigated.
Anthropologists put these patterns of behavior into some general categories, for instance, economic systems, religion, expressive
culture and political organization. The exact pattern varies from group to group, but the needs that are met is pretty much the same.
We’ll be looking at some of these categories later in the quarter.

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As we move through the course and read about other cultures, I’d like you to think about the values and norms of your own culture.
When you have a reaction, particularly a strong reaction, stop and think about what values, norms and laws are being violated. This
will help you have a deeper understanding of the material we cover in the course.

References
Bohannan, Paul and Mark Glazer. 1988. High Points in Anthropology, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc.
Tylor, Edward Burnett. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture. New York: J.P. Putnam’s Sons.

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2.10: Two Views of Culture: ETIC and EMIC
alt

Figure 2.10.1 - 125th Street in East Harlem

In the article, “Workaday World, Crack Economy”, anthropologist Philippe Bourgois uses participant observation to get involved
with the people living in East Harlem. He actually lived there trying to uncover this system, and getting to know the people that he
was observing. His approach displays both emic detail, the stories and explanations given by Primo and Cesar, as well as etic
analysis attributing workplace discrimination to the FIRE (Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate) economy. Both points of view are
rather crucial.

ETIC
An etic view of a culture is the perspective of an outsider looking in. For example, if an American anthropologist went to Africa to
study a nomadic tribe, his/her resulting case study would be from an etic standpoint if he/she did not integrate themselves into the
culture they were observing. Some anthropologists may take this approach to avoid altering the culture that they are studying by
direct interaction. The etic perspective is data gathering by outsiders that yield questions posed by outsiders. One problem that
anthropologists may run in to is that people tend to act differently when they are being observed. It is especially hard for an
outsider to gain access to certain private rituals, which may be important for understanding a culture.
The World Health Organization (WHO) is an example of an “etic” view. The WHO created a group that specializes in Health and
Human Rights. Although the idea that all cultures should have their rights protected in terms of health seems logical, it can also be
dangerous as it is an “etic” view on culture. The WHO posits that “violations or lack of attention to human rights (e.g. harmful
traditional practices, slavery, torture and inhuman and degrading treatment, violence against women) can have serious health
consequences.”[4] Although some cultures may see this as a big step in health care, others could see it as an attack on their way of
life. This problem of right and wrong in terms of crossing cultural lines is a big one. It can be hard for some cultures to watch other
cultures do things that are seen as damaging when to the culture itself it has a purpose and a meaning.

EMIC
An emic view of culture is ultimately a perspective focus on the intrinsic cultural distinctions that are meaningful to the members
of a given society, often considered to be an ‘insider’s’ perspective. While this perspective stems from the concept of immersion in
a specific culture, the emic participant isn’t always a member of that culture or society. Studies done from an emic perspective
often include more detailed and culturally rich information than studies done from an etic point of view. Because the observer
places themselves within the culture of intended study,they are able to go further in-depth on the details of practices and beliefs of a
society that may otherwise have been ignored. However, the emic perspective has its downfalls. Studies done from an emic
perspective can create bias on the part of the participant,especially if said individual is a member of the culture they are studying,
thereby failing to keep in mind how their practices are perceived by others and possibly causing valuable information to be left out.
The emic perspective serves the purpose of providing descriptive in-depth reports about how insiders of a culture understand their
rituals.

References
1. Jump up↑ “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. Jump up↑ “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Jump up↑ Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous
Behavior to Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in
California) accessed Oct 30, 2007
4. Jump up↑ “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization http://www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf)
Accessed June 2009
5. Jump up↑ “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”

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 6. Jump up↑ Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the
Anthropology of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Jump up↑ Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. Jump up↑ courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Jump up↑ Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Jump up↑ Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New
York: Oxford UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Jump up↑ Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/
12. Jump up↑ Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo
Alvarez Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. Jump up↑ American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
14. ^ Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
15. ^ C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
16. ^ Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
17. ^ James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
18. ^ http://www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
19. ^ Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
20. ^ Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by
William Woodville Rockhill, 1900,http://depts.washington.edu/silkroad/texts/carpini.html
21. ^ Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
22. ^ “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <http://www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRace/001_00-
home.htm>.
23. ^ Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.
24. ^ Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and
Reader. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
25. ^ Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.
This page also draws upon the following Wikipedia resources:
anthropology
cultural anthropology
sociology
social science
cultural relativism
female genital cutting

EXTERNAL LINKS
What is Anthropology? – Information from the American Anthropological Association
SLA– Society for Linguistic Anthropology
1. ^ Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York:
Oxford UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
2. ^ Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York:
Oxford UP, Incorporated, 2009. pgs. 332-333

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2.11: Symbols and Culture
alt

Figure 2.11.1 - The Rosetta stone has several different languages carved into it
Symbols are the basis of culture. A symbol is an object, word, or action that stands for something else with no natural relationship
that is culturally defined. Everything one does throughout their life is based and organized through cultural symbolism. Symbolism
is when something represents abstract ideas or concepts. Some good examples of symbols/symbolism would be objects, figures,
sounds, and colors. For example in the Hawaiian culture, the performance of a Lua is a symbol of their land and heritage which is
performed through song and dance [8] . Also, they could be facial expressions or word interpretations. Symbols mean different
things to different people, which is why it is impossible to hypothesize how a specific culture will symbolize something. Some
symbols are gained from experience, while others are gained from culture. One of the most common cultural symbols is language.
For example, the letters of an alphabet symbolize the sounds of a specific spoken language.
Symbolism leads to the “Layers of Meaning” concept. Culture is the meaning that is shared to provide guiding principles for
individual meaning.
Language is the most often used form of symbolism. There are 6,912 known living languages, and the diversity is caused by
isolation. Most languages have a different “symbol” for each letter, word, or phrase. The use of symbols is adaptive, that means that
humans can learn to associate new symbols to a concept or new concepts with a symbol. An example may be drawn from two
populations who speak different languages that come into contact with one another and need to communicate. They form a
language that has a large degree of flexibility in using either language’s symbols (in this case patterns of sound) or a hybrid set of
symbols to communicate messages back and forth. This contact language, or pidgin gradually gives way to a creole with a more
formal set of symbols (words), grammatical rules for their organization, and its own native speakers who transmit the language
from generation to generation.
It is important for anthropologists to consider their own cultural background when looking at symbolism in a different culture. This
is because many symbols, though similar in appearance, can mean drastically different things. These symbols can best be
understood or interpreted though the eyes of the culture that they pertain to, otherwise they may lose their unique significance. One
example of a misinterpreted cultural symbol is the “whirl log” symbol commonly used in Southwestern Native American blanket
weaving. This symbol is almost identical to the Nazi Swastika, and therefore brings a negative response from many Americans.
Although the Native American symbol has nothing to do with Nazi or Germanic symbolism, this design is rarely used on blankets
today because of the symbolic misinterpretation. [9

References
1. “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous Behavior to
Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in California) accessed
Oct 30, 2007
4. “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf) Accessed June 2009
5. “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”
6. Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology
of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/

2.11.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5855

12. Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez
Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
14. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
15. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
16. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
17. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
18. www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
19. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
20. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900,depts.washington.edu/silkroad...s/carpini.html
21. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
22. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRa...01_00-
home.htm>.
23. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.
24. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
25. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.

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2.12: Explore: Learn More about the Anthropologists
Franz Boas: http://www.biography.com/people/franz-boas-9216786
Clyde Kluckhohn: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/...e-KM-Kluckhohn
Alfred Kroeber: http://www.americanethnography.com/article.php?id=10
Ralph Linton: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/...5/Ralph-Linton
E. B. Tylor: http://www.americanethnography.com/article.php?id=9

References
Bohannan, Paul and Mark Glazer. 1988. High Points in Anthropology, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc.
Tylor, Edward Burnett. 1920 [1871]. Primitive Culture. New York: J.P. Putnam’s Sons.

2.12: Explore: Learn More about the Anthropologists is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by
LibreTexts.

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
3: Anthropological Theory
Why learn theory? “Theories are analytical tools for understanding, explaining, and making predictions about a given subject
matter”. Theories help to direct our thinking and provide a common framework from which people can work. Oftentimes through
the process of using a theoretical framework, we discover that it lacks explanatory abilities. When that happens, it is modified or
even abandoned.
3.1: Social Evolution of Anthropological Theory
3.2: Historical Particularism
3.3: Functionalism
3.4: Culture and Personality
3.5: Cultural Ecology
3.6: Structural Anthropology
3.7: Cultural Materialism
3.8: Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology
3.9: Postmodernism
3.10: Feminist Anthropology
3.S: Anthropological Theory (Summary)
Index

Thumbnail image - Franz Boas upload.wikimedia.org/wikiped...Franz_Boas.png See page for author [Public domain], via
Wikimedia Commons

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1 5/12/2022
CHAPTER OVERVIEW
Front Matter
TitlePage
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1 5/12/2022
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3: Anthropological Theory

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3.1: Social Evolution of Anthropological Theory
Why learn theory? “Theories are analytical tools for understanding, explaining, and making predictions about a given subject
matter” (1). Theories help to direct our thinking and provide a common framework from which people can work. Oftentimes
through the process of using a theoretical framework, we discover that it lacks explanatory abilities. When that happens, it is
modified or even abandoned.
There are a number of theoretical approaches used in cultural anthropology. This page highlights some of the major theoretical
approaches used in cultural anthropology. Not all of the theories reviewed are in use any more. Social evolutionism was abandoned
early on in cultural anthropology. Culture and Personality, Cultural Ecology, and Cultural Materialism have all been jumping off
points for more modern theoretical perspectives.

Social Evolution
Proposed in the 19th century, social evolution, which is sometimes referred to as Unilineal Evolution, was the first theory
developed for anthropology. This theory claims that societies develop according to one universal order of cultural evolution, albeit
at different rates, which explained why there were different types of society existing in the world. E. B. Tylor, Lewis Henry
Morgan, and Herbert Spencer (a sociologist) were the most notable of the Nineteenth-century social evolutionists. They
collected data from missionaries and traders; they themselves rarely went to the societies that they were analyzing. They organized
these second-hand data and applied the general theory they developed to all societies.
Social evolutionists identified universal evolutionary stages to classify different societies as in a state of savagery, barbarism, or
civilization. Morgan further subdivided savagery and barbarism into sub-categories: low, middle, and high. The stages were based
primarily on technological characteristics, but included other things such as political organization, marriage, family, and religion.
Since Western societies had the most advanced technology, they put those societies at the highest rank of civilization. Societies at a
stage of savagery or barbarism were viewed as inherently inferior to civilized society. Spencer’s theory of social evolution, which is
often referred to as Social Darwinism but which he called synthetic philosophy, proposed that war promoted evolution, stating that
those societies that conducted more warfare were the most evolved. He also coined the phrase “survival of the fittest” and
advocated for allowing societies to compete, thereby allowing the most fit in society to survive. With these ideas, Spencer opposed
social policy that would help the poor. Eugenicists used Spencer’s ideas to promote intellectual and ethnic cleansing as a ‘natural’
occurrence.
There are two main assumptions embedded in social evolutionism: psychic unity and the superiority of Western cultures. Psychic
unity is a concept that suggests human minds share similar characteristics all over the world. This means that all people and their
societies will go through the same process of development. The assumption of Western superiority was not unusual for the time
period. This assumption was deeply rooted in European colonialism and based on the fact that Western societies had more
technologically sophisticated technology and a belief that Christianity was the true religion.
Nineteenth-century evolutionists contributed to anthropology by providing the first systematic methods for thinking about and
explaining human societies; however, contemporary anthropologists view nineteenth-century evolutionism as too simplistic to
explain the development of societies in the world. In general, the nineteenth-century evolutionists relied on racist views of human
development that were popular at that time. For example, both Lewis Henry Morgan and E. B. Tylor believed that people in various
societies have different levels of intelligence, which leads to societal differences, a view of intelligence that is no longer valid in
contemporary science. Nineteenth-century evolutionism was strongly attacked by historical particularists for being speculative and
ethnocentric in the early twentieth-century. At the same time, its materialist approaches and cross-cultural views influenced Marxist
Anthropology and Neo-evolutionists.

References
1. Darnell, Regna. “Historical Particularism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, edited by
R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 397-401. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
2. Francisconi, Michael J. “Theoretical Anthropology.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 1, edited by
H. James Birx, 442-452. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
3. Frey, Rodney. “Historical-Particularism-as exemplified by Franz Boas (1858-1942).” University of Idaho. Accessed February
27, 2015.http://www.webpages.uidaho.edu/~rfrey/220histpart.htm.

Lumen Learning 3.1.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5577

 4. Graber, Robert Bates. “Social Evolution.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 1, edited by H. James
Birx, 576-585. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
5. Turner, Jonathan. “Spencer, Herbert.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 8, edited by William A. Darity,
57-59. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.

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3.2: Historical Particularism

Figure 3.2.1 - Franz Boas, Father of American Anthropology

Franz Boas and his students developed historical particularism early in the twentieth century. This approach claims that each
society has its own unique historical development and must be understood based on its own specific cultural and environmental
context, especially its historical process. Its core premise was that culture was a “set of ideas or symbols held in common by a
group of people who see themselves as a social group” (Darnell 2013: 399). Historical particularists criticized the theory of the
nineteenth-century social evolution as non-scientific and proclaimed themselves to be free from preconceived ideas. Boas believed
that there were universal laws that could be derived from the comparative study of cultures; however, he thought that the
ethnographic database was not yet robust enough for us to identify those laws. To that end, he and his students collected a vast
amount of first-hand cultural data by conducting ethnographic fieldwork. Based on these raw data, they described particular
cultures instead of trying to establish general theories that apply to all societies.
The Historical particularists valued fieldwork and history as critical methods of cultural analysis. At the same time, the
anthropologists in this theoretical school had different views on the importance of individuals in a society. For example, Frantz
Boas saw each individual as the basic component of a society. He gathered information from individual informants and considered
such data valuable enough for cultural analysis. On the other hand, Alfred Kroeber did not see individuals as the fundamental
elements of a society. He believed a society evolves according to its own internal laws that do not directly originate from its
individuals. He named this cultural aspect superorganic and claimed that a society cannot be explained without considering this
impersonal force.
Historical particularism was a dominant trend in anthropology during the first half of the twentieth century. One of the
achievements of the historical particularists was that they succeeded in excluding racism from anthropology. The nineteenth-
century evolutionists explained cultural similarities and differences by classifying societies into superior and inferior categories.
Historical particularists showed that this labeling is based on insufficient evidence and claimed that societies cannot be ranked by
the value judgment of researchers. Historical particularists were also responsible for showing the need for long-term, intensive
fieldwork in order to produce accurate descriptions of cultures. One important part of doing that was to learn the language of the
study group.

LEARN MORE ABOUT THE ANTHROPOLOGISTS

Lewis Henry Morgan: https://rochester.edu/College/ANT/morgan/bio.html

References
1. Darnell, Regna. “Historical Particularism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, edited by
R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 397-401. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
2. Francisconi, Michael J. “Theoretical Anthropology.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 1, edited by
H. James Birx, 442-452. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
3. Frey, Rodney. “Historical-Particularism-as exemplified by Franz Boas (1858-1942).” University of Idaho. Accessed February
27, 2015.http://www.webpages.uidaho.edu/~rfrey/220histpart.htm.
4. Graber, Robert Bates. “Social Evolution.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 1, edited by H. James
Birx, 576-585. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.

Lumen Learning 3.2.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5578

 5. Turner, Jonathan. “Spencer, Herbert.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 8, edited by William A. Darity,
57-59. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.

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3.3: Functionalism
The roots of functionalism are found in the work of sociologists Herbert Spencer and Émile Durkheim. Functionalism considers
a culture as an interrelated whole, not a collection of isolated traits. Like a human being has various organs that are interconnected
and necessary for the body to function correctly, so society is a system of interconnected parts that make the whole function
efficiently. The Functionalists examined how a particular cultural phase is interrelated with other aspects of the culture and how it
affects the whole system of the society; in other words, cause and effect. The theory of Functionalism emerged in the 1920s and
then declined after World War II because of cultural changes caused by the war. Since the theory did not emphasize social
transformations, it was replaced by other theories related to cultural changes. Even so, the basic idea of Functionalism has become
part of a common sense for cultural analysis in anthropology. Anthropologists generally consider interconnections of different
cultural domains when they analyze cultures, e.g., the connections between subsistence strategies and family organization or
religion.
File:Emile Durkheim.jpg

Figure 3.3.1 - Émile Durkheim

The method of functionalism was based on fieldwork and direct observations of societies. Anthropologists were to describe various
cultural institutions that make up a society, explain their social function, and show their contribution to the overall stability of a
society. At the same time, this functionalist approach was criticized for not considering cultural changes of traditional societies.
Structural functionalism was a form of functionalism that arose in Great Britain. British anthropologist, A.R Radcliffe-Brown,
was its most prominent advocate. In the structural functionalism approach, society, its institutions and roles, was the appropriate
thing to study. Cultural traits supported or helped to preserve social structures. This approach had little interest in the individual,
which contrasts with the approach advocated for by Bronislaw Malinowski.

References
1. Brown, Curtis. “Functionalism.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 3, edited by William A. Darity, Jr.,
231-233. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.
2. Buzney, Catherine and Jon Marcoux. Cultural Materialism. University of Alabama Department of Anthropology
Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students. Accessed March 5, 2015.
anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Materialism.
3. Cooke, Bill. “Postmodernism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, edited by H. James Birx, 1912-1915. Thousand Oaks:
SAGE Reference, 2006.
4. Graber, Robert Bates. “Social Evolution.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2, edited by H. James
Birx, 576-585. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
5. Harris, Marvin and Orna Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson.
6. Harrison, Anthony Kwame. “Thick Description.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2,
edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 860-861. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
7. Johnson, Michelle C. “Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An
Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 841-846. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
8. Kelly, Petrina, Xia Chao, Andrew Scruggs, Lucy Lawrence, and Katherine Mcghee-Snow. “Culture and Personality.” The
University of Alabama Department of Anthropology, Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students.
Accessed March 5, 2015. anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Personality.

Lumen Learning 3.3.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5579

 9. Lukas, Scott A. “Postmodernism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 639-645. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
10. Margolis, Maxine L. “Cultural Materialism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon McGee
and Richard L. Warms, 147-149. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
11. Sullivan, Gerald. “Culture and Personality.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx, 641-645.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
12. Tucker, Bram. “Cultural Ecology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 142-147. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
13. West, Barbara. “Functionalism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1012-1013. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.

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3.4: Culture and Personality
Attributed to anthropologists Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead, the Culture and Personality school of thought drew on the
work of Edward Sapir to explain relationships between childrearing customs and human behaviors in different societies. They
suggested anthropologists could gain an understanding of a national culture through examination of individual personalities. There
were two main themes in this theoretical school. One was about the relationship between culture and human nature. The other was
about the correlation between culture and individual personality.

Figure 3.4.1 - Ruth Benedict

The theory of Culture and Personality also drew on Boas’ cultural relativism and Freud’s psychoanalysis about early childhood. If
we premise that all humans are hereditarily equal, why are people so unique from society to society? The theoretical school
answered this question by using Freud’s psychoanalysis: the differences between people in various societies usually stem from
cultural differences instilled in childhood. In other words, the foundations of personality development are set in early childhood
according to each society’s unique cultural traits. Based on this basis, the theoretical school of Culture and Personality researched
childrearing in different societies and compared the results cross-culturally. They described distinctive characteristics of people in
certain cultures and attributed these unique traits to the different methods of childrearing. The aim of this comparison was to show
the correlation between childrearing practices and adult personality types.
The Culture and Personality proponents were on the cutting edge when it emerged in the early 20th century. Using clinical
interviews, dream analysis, life histories, participant observation, and projective tests (e.g., Rorschach), the culture and personality
analysis of the correlation between childrearing customs and human behaviors was, at that time, a practical alternative to using
racism explanations for analyzing different human behaviors. In fact, the culture and personality school was responsible for greatly
limiting the number of racist, hierarchical descriptions of culture types common during the early to mid-20th century. This
approach to understanding culture was instrumental in moving the focus to the individual in order to understand behaviors within a
culture instead of looking for universal laws of human behavior.

References
1. Brown, Curtis. “Functionalism.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 3, edited by William A. Darity, Jr.,
231-233. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.
2. Buzney, Catherine and Jon Marcoux. Cultural Materialism. University of Alabama Department of Anthropology
Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students. Accessed March 5, 2015.
anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Materialism.
3. Cooke, Bill. “Postmodernism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, edited by H. James Birx, 1912-1915. Thousand Oaks:
SAGE Reference, 2006.
4. Graber, Robert Bates. “Social Evolution.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2, edited by H. James
Birx, 576-585. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
5. Harris, Marvin and Orna Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson.
6. Harrison, Anthony Kwame. “Thick Description.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2,
edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 860-861. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
7. Johnson, Michelle C. “Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An
Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 841-846. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
8. Kelly, Petrina, Xia Chao, Andrew Scruggs, Lucy Lawrence, and Katherine Mcghee-Snow. “Culture and Personality.” The
University of Alabama Department of Anthropology, Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students.
Accessed March 5, 2015. anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Personality.

Lumen Learning 3.4.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5580

 9. Lukas, Scott A. “Postmodernism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 639-645. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
10. Margolis, Maxine L. “Cultural Materialism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon McGee
and Richard L. Warms, 147-149. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
11. Sullivan, Gerald. “Culture and Personality.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx, 641-645.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
12. Tucker, Bram. “Cultural Ecology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 142-147. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
13. West, Barbara. “Functionalism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1012-1013. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.

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3.5: Cultural Ecology
Ecology is a biological term for the interaction of organisms and their environment, which includes other organisms. Cultural
ecology is a theoretical approach that attempts to explain similarities and differences in culture in relation to the environment.
Highly focused on how the material culture, or technology, related to basic survival, i.e., subsistence, cultural ecology was the first
theoretical approach to provide a causal explanation for those similarities and differences. Developed by Julian Steward in the
1930s and 1940s, cultural ecology became an influential approach within anthropology, particularly archaeology. Elements of the
approach are still seen today in ethnoecology, political ecology, human behavioral ecology, and the ecosystems approach (Tucker
2013).
Using Steward’s approach, anthropologists compare cultures in order to determine what factors influence similar cultural
development; in other words, similar adaptations. In cultural ecology, cultures, not individuals, adapt. This approach assumes that
culture is superorganic, a concept Steward learned from Alfred Kroeber (see historical particularism).

Figure 3.5.1 - Julian Steward

Steward proposed that we could begin to understand these adaptations by first examining the cultural core, as this was the critical
cultural component that dealt with the ability of the culture to survive. The cultural core was comprised of the technology,
knowledge, labor, and family organization used to collect resources from the environment (Tucker 2013). He then thought that
examination of behaviors associated with the cultural core was necessary, which included the organization of labor. Thirdly,
Steward advocated for examining how social institutions and belief systems were impacted by subsistence-related behaviors.
According to the cultural ecology school of thought, cultural similarities were explained by adaptations to similar environmental
conditions, causing the approach to be labeled environmental determinism. Cultural changes were due to changing environmental
conditions. Since environmental changes were not predictable, cultures changed in multiple directions. Cultures that may have been
similar at one point might become dissimilar if environmental conditions changed. Conversely, cultures that were dissimilar could
become similar. This idea of multi-directional change is called multilinear evolution and is one of the major departures from earlier
evolutionary explanations of culture. Leslie White was another proponent of cultural ecology, although he was focused primarily
on how cultures harvested energy from the environment and how much energy they used.

References
1. Brown, Curtis. “Functionalism.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 3, edited by William A. Darity, Jr.,
231-233. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.
2. Buzney, Catherine and Jon Marcoux. Cultural Materialism. University of Alabama Department of Anthropology
Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students. Accessed March 5, 2015.
anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Materialism.
3. Cooke, Bill. “Postmodernism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, edited by H. James Birx, 1912-1915. Thousand Oaks:
SAGE Reference, 2006.
4. Graber, Robert Bates. “Social Evolution.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2, edited by H. James
Birx, 576-585. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
5. Harris, Marvin and Orna Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson.
6. Harrison, Anthony Kwame. “Thick Description.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2,
edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 860-861. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
7. Johnson, Michelle C. “Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An
Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 841-846. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
8. Kelly, Petrina, Xia Chao, Andrew Scruggs, Lucy Lawrence, and Katherine Mcghee-Snow. “Culture and Personality.” The
University of Alabama Department of Anthropology, Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students.
Accessed March 5, 2015. anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Personality.

Lumen Learning 3.5.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5581

 9. Lukas, Scott A. “Postmodernism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 639-645. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
10. Margolis, Maxine L. “Cultural Materialism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon McGee
and Richard L. Warms, 147-149. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
11. Sullivan, Gerald. “Culture and Personality.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx, 641-645.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
12. Tucker, Bram. “Cultural Ecology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthroology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 142-147. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
13. West, Barbara. “Functionalism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1012-1013. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.

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3.6: Structural Anthropology
Structural anthropology is a school of anthropology based on Claude Lévi-Strauss’ idea that immutable deep structures exist in
all cultures, and consequently, that all cultural practices have homologous counterparts in other cultures, essentially that all cultures
are equitable.
Lévi-Strauss’ approach arose in large part from dialectics expounded on by Marx and Hegel, though dialectics (as a concept) dates
back to Ancient Greek philosophy. Hegel explains that every situation presents two opposing things and their resolution; Fichte had
termed these “thesis, antithesis, and synthesis.” Lévi-Strauss argued that cultures also have this structure. He showed, for example,
how opposing ideas would fight and were resolved to establish the rules of marriage, mythology and ritual. This approach, he felt,
made for fresh new ideas. He stated:

people think about the world in terms of binary opposites—such as high and low, inside
and outside, person and animal, life and death—and that every culture can be understood
in terms of these opposites. “From the very start,” he wrote, “the process of visual
perception makes use of binary oppositions.[1]
Only those who practice structural analysis are aware of what they are actually trying to do: that is, to reunite perspectives that the
“narrow” scientific outlook of recent centuries believed to be mutually exclusive: sensibility and intellect, quality and quantity, the
concrete and the geometrical, or as we say today, the “etic” and the “emic.”[1]
In South America he showed that there are “dual organizations” throughout Amazon rainforest cultures, and that these “dual
organizations” represent opposites and their synthesis. For instance, Gê tribes of the Amazon were found to divide their villages
into two rival halves; however, the members of opposite halves married each other. This illustrated two opposites in conflict and
then resolved.
Culture, he claimed, has to take into account both life and death and needs to have a way of mediating between the two. Mythology
(see his several-volume Mythologies) unites opposites in diverse ways.
Three of the most prominent structural anthropologists are Lévi-Strauss himself and the British neo-structuralists Rodney Needham
and Edmund Leach. The latter was the author of such essays as “Time and False Noses” [in Rethinking Anthropology].[2]

Influences
Lévi-Strauss took many ideas from structural linguistics, including those of Ferdinand de Saussure, Roman Jakobson, Émile
Durkheim and Marcel Mauss. Saussure argued that linguists needed to move beyond the recording of parole (individual speech
acts) and come to an understanding of langue, the grammar of each language.
Lévi-Strauss applied this distinction in his search for mental structures that underlie all acts of human behavior: Just as speakers
can talk without awareness of grammar, he argued, humans are unaware of the workings of social structures in daily life. The
structures that form the “deep grammar” of society originate in the mind and operate unconsciously (albeit not in a Freudian sense).
Another concept was borrowed from the Prague school of linguistics, which employed so-called binary oppositions in their
research. Roman Jakobson and others analysed sounds based on the presence or absence of certain features, such as “voiceless” vs.
“voiced”. Lévi-Strauss included this in his conceptualization of the mind’s universal structures. For him, opposites formed the basis
of social structure and culture.

Notes
1. a b Lévi-Strauss 1972
2. Leach 1966

References
1. Barnard, A. 2000. History and Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge: CUP.
2. Barnard, Alan; Good, Anthony (1984). Research practices in the study of kinship. Academic Press.
3. Barnes, J.A. (1971). Three Styles in the Study of Kinship. Taylor Francis. ISBN 978-1-136-53500-0.
4. Barnes, J. 1971. Three Styles in the Study of Kinship. London: Butler & Tanner.

Lumen Learning 3.6.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5582

 5. Boyer, P. (31 May 2013). Mccorkle, William W.; Xygalatas, D, eds. Explaining religious concepts. Lévi- Strauss the brilliant
and problematic ancestor. Mental Culture: Classical Social Theory and the Cognitive Science of Religion (Durham, UK:
Acumen). pp. 164–75. ISBN 978-1-84465-664-6.
6. D’Andrade, Roy G. (27 January 1995). The Development of Cognitive Anthropology. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-
521-45976-1.
7. Devlin, D. 2006. Late Modern. Susak Press.
8. Holy, L. 1996. Anthropological Perspectives on Kinship. London: Pluto Press.* Kuper, Adam (1988). The Invention of Primitive
Society: Transformations of an Illusion. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-00903-4.
9. Kuper, A. 1996. Anthropology and Anthropologists. London: Routledge.
10. Layton, Robert (1997). An Introduction to Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-62982-9.
11. Leach, E. 1954. Political Systems of Highland Burma. London: Bell.
12. Leach, E. R. (1966). Rethinking Anthropology. Berg Publishers. ISBN 978-1-84520-004-6.
13. Lévi-Strauss, C. 1969. The Elementary Structures of Kinship.London: Eyre and Spottis-woode.
14. Lévi-Strauss, C. 1963, 1967. Structural Anthropology. Translated by Claire Jacobson and Brooke Grundfest Schoepf. New
York: Doubleday Anchor Books.
15. Lévi-Strauss, Claude (1972). Structuralism and Ecology.

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3.7: Cultural Materialism
Cultural materialism is one of the major anthropological perspectives for analyzing human societies. It incorporates ideas from
Marxism, cultural evolution, and cultural ecology. Materialism contends that the physical world impacts and sets constraints on
human behavior. The materialists believe that human behavior is part of nature and therefore, it can be understood by using the
methods of natural science. Materialists do not necessarily assume that material reality is more important than mental reality.
However, they give priority to the material world over the world of the mind when they explain human societies. This doctrine of
materialism started and developed from the work of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Marx and Engels presented an
evolutionary model of societies based on the materialist perspective. They argued that societies go through the several stages, from
tribalism to feudalism to capitalism to communism. Their work drew little attention from anthropology in the early twentieth-
century. However, since the late 1920s, anthropologists have increasingly come to depend on materialist explanations for analyzing
societal development and some inherent problems of capitalist societies. Anthropologists who heavily rely on the insights of Marx
and Engels include neo-evolutionists, neo-materialists, feminists, and postmodernists.
Cultural materialists identify three levels of social systems that constitute a universal pattern: 1) infrastructure, 2) structure, and 3)
superstructure. Infrastructure is the basis for all other levels and includes how basic needs are met and how it interacts with the
local environment. Structure refers to a society’s economic, social, and political organization, while superstructure is related to
ideology and symbolism. Cultural materialists like Marvin Harris contend that the infrastructure is the most critical aspect as it is
here where the interaction between culture and environment occurs. All three of the levels are interrelated so that changes in the
infrastructure results in changes in the structure and superstructure, although the changes might not be immediate. While this
appears to be environmental determinism, cultural materialists do not disclaim that change in the structure and superstructure
cannot occur without first change in the infrastructure. They do however claim that if change in those structures is not compatible
with the existing infrastructure the change is not likely to become set within the culture.

References
1. Brown, Curtis. “Functionalism.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 3, edited by William A. Darity, Jr.,
231-233. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.
2. Buzney, Catherine and Jon Marcoux. Cultural Materialism. University of Alabama Department of Anthropology
Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students. Accessed March 5, 2015.
anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Materialism.
3. Cooke, Bill. “Postmodernism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, edited by H. James Birx, 1912-1915. Thousand Oaks:
SAGE Reference, 2006.
4. Graber, Robert Bates. “Social Evolution.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2, edited by H. James
Birx, 576-585. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
5. Harris, Marvin and Orna Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson.
6. Harrison, Anthony Kwame. “Thick Description.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2,
edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 860-861. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
7. Johnson, Michelle C. “Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An
Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 841-846. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
8. Kelly, Petrina, Xia Chao, Andrew Scruggs, Lucy Lawrence, and Katherine Mcghee-Snow. “Culture and Personality.” The
University of Alabama Department of Anthropology, Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students.
Accessed March 5, 2015. anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Personality.
9. Lukas, Scott A. “Postmodernism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 639-645. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
10. Margolis, Maxine L. “Cultural Materialism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon McGee
and Richard L. Warms, 147-149. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
11. Sullivan, Gerald. “Culture and Personality.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx, 641-645.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
12. Tucker, Bram. “Cultural Ecology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 142-147. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
13. West, Barbara. “Functionalism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1012-1013. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.

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3.7: Cultural Materialism is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by LibreTexts.

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3.8: Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology
The theoretical school of Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology assumes that culture does not exist beyond individuals.
Rather, culture lies in individuals’ interpretations of events and things around them. With a reference to socially established signs
and symbols, people shape the patterns of their behaviors and give meanings to their experiences. Therefore, the goal of Symbolic
and Interpretive Anthropology is to analyze how people give meanings to their reality and how this reality is expressed by their
cultural symbols. The major accomplishment of symbolic anthropology has been to turn anthropology towards issues of culture and
interpretation rather than grand theories.

Figure 3.8.1 - Clifford Geertz

Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology emerged in the 1960s when Victor Turner, Clifford Geertz, and David Schneider were
at the University of Chicago and is still influential today. Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology does not follow the model of
physical sciences, which focus on empirical material phenomena, but is literary-based. This does not mean that Symbolic and
Interpretive anthropologists do not conduct fieldwork, but instead refers to the practice of drawing on non-anthropological
literature as a primary source of data. The Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropologists view culture as a mental phenomenon and
reject the idea that culture can be modeled like mathematics or logic. When they study symbolic action in cultures, they use a
variety of analytical tools from psychology, history, and literature. This method has been criticized for a lack of objective method.
In other words, this method seems to allow analysts to see meaning wherever and however they wish. In spite of this criticism,
Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology has forced anthropologists to become aware of cultural texts they interpret and of
ethnographic texts they create. In order to work as intercultural translators, anthropologists need to be aware of their own cultural
biases as well as other cultures they research.
There are two schools of thought within Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology. The British school was interested in how
societies maintained cohesion and is illustrated by the work of Victor Turner and Mary Douglas. The American school is
exemplified by Clifford Geertz and Sherry Ortner and was focused on “how ideas shaped individuals subjectivities and actions”
(Johnson 2013: 842). An important contribution of Symbolic and Interpretive anthropologists, specifically Clifford Geertz, is “thick
description,” which encourages rich descriptions and explanations of behaviors with an end goal of understanding their cultural
significance. Geertz borrowed this concept from Gilbert Ryle, an Oxford philosopher. The classic example of thick description is
the difference between a wink and a blink. A blink is an involuntary twitch (thin description) while a wink is a conspiratorial signal
to another person (thick description). The physical movements are identical, but the meaning is different.

References
1. Brown, Curtis. “Functionalism.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 3, edited by William A. Darity, Jr.,
231-233. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.
2. Buzney, Catherine and Jon Marcoux. Cultural Materialism. University of Alabama Department of Anthropology
Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students. Accessed March 5, 2015.
anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Materialism.
3. Cooke, Bill. “Postmodernism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, edited by H. James Birx, 1912-1915. Thousand Oaks:
SAGE Reference, 2006.
4. Graber, Robert Bates. “Social Evolution.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2, edited by H. James
Birx, 576-585. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
5. Harris, Marvin and Orna Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson.
6. Harrison, Anthony Kwame. “Thick Description.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2,
edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 860-861. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.

3.8.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5865

 7. Johnson, Michelle C. “Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An
Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 841-846. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
8. Kelly, Petrina, Xia Chao, Andrew Scruggs, Lucy Lawrence, and Katherine Mcghee-Snow. “Culture and Personality.” The
University of Alabama Department of Anthropology, Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students.
Accessed March 5, 2015. anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Personality.
9. Lukas, Scott A. “Postmodernism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 639-645. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
10. Margolis, Maxine L. “Cultural Materialism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon McGee
and Richard L. Warms, 147-149. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
11. Sullivan, Gerald. “Culture and Personality.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx, 641-645.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
12. Tucker, Bram. “Cultural Ecology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 142-147. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
13. West, Barbara. “Functionalism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1012-1013. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.

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3.9: Postmodernism
Postmodernism is a theoretical approach that arose in the 1980s to explain an historical period, post-modernity, which is generally
accepted to have begun in the late 1960s and early 1970s. This is a period related to the Cold War and social upheaval in many
parts of the world. The postmodernism theoretical approach is difficult to define and delineate. It is generally scoffed at in the
Natural Sciences, debated in the Social Sciences, and more favorably accepted within the Humanities. In the past, debates on the
merits of the postmodern approach have created divisions among faculty and derision between disciplines. The postmodern
approach challenges the “dominating and bullying nature of science and reason” and focuses on “…splitting the truth, the
standards, and the ideal into what has been deconstructed and into what is about to be deconstructed, and denying in advance the
right of any new doctrine, theory, or revelation to take the place of the discarded rules of the past” (Cooke 2006: 2014). It is the
academic equivalent of the social clamor against the establishment that arose in the 1960s and 1970s.
Postmodernists claim that it is impossible for anyone to have objective and neutral knowledge of another culture. This view comes
from the notion that we all interpret the world around us in our own way according to our language, cultural background, and
personal experiences. In other words, everybody has their own views based on his or her social and personal contexts. Because of
this aspect of human nature, anthropologists can never be unbiased observers of other cultures. When postmodern anthropologists
analyze different societies, they are sensitive to this limitation. They do not assume that their way of conceptualizing culture is the
only way. The postmodernists believe that anthropological texts are influenced by the political and social contexts within which
they are written. Therefore, it is unreasonable when authors try to justify their interpretations and underlying biases by using the
concept of objectivity. The postmodernists claim that the acceptance of an interpretation is ultimately an issue of power and wealth.
In other words, we tend to legitimize particular statements represented by those with political and economic advantage. In order to
heighten sensitivity towards those who are not part of mainstream culture, the postmodernists often promote underrepresented
viewpoints, such as those of ethnic minorities, women, and others. Postmodernists also re-introduced a focus on individual
behavior, which has become known as agency theory. Agency approaches examine how individual agents shape culture.
Postmodern anthropologists gave other anthropologists an opportunity to reconsider their approaches of cultural analysis by
ushering in an era of reflexive anthropology. The anthropologist tries to become sensitive to his or her unconscious assumptions.
For example, anthropologists now consider whether they should include in ethnographies different interpretations of culture other
than their own. Furthermore, anthropologists need to determine their own standards for choosing what kind of information can be
counted as knowledge. This reflection leads anthropologists to enrich their work. At the same time, the challenges by
postmodernists often result in backlash from those who feel their understandings are threatened. Some anthropologists claim that
the postmodernists rely on a particular moral model rather than empirical data or scientific methods. This moral model is structured
by sympathy to those who do not possess the same privilege that the mainstream has in Western societies. Therefore,
postmodernism will undermine the legitimacy of anthropology by introducing this political bias.
Another typical criticism on postmodernism comes from the fear of extremely relativistic view. Such critics argue that
postmodernism will lead to nihilism because it does not assume a common ground of understanding. Some opponents claim that
postmodernism will undermine universal human rights and will even justify dictatorship. Postmodernism is an ongoing debate,
especially regarding whether anthropology should rely on scientific or humanistic approaches.

References
1. Brown, Curtis. “Functionalism.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 3, edited by William A. Darity, Jr.,
231-233. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.
2. Buzney, Catherine and Jon Marcoux. Cultural Materialism. University of Alabama Department of Anthropology
Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students. Accessed March 5, 2015.
anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Materialism.
3. Cooke, Bill. “Postmodernism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, edited by H. James Birx, 1912-1915. Thousand Oaks:
SAGE Reference, 2006.
4. Graber, Robert Bates. “Social Evolution.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2, edited by H. James
Birx, 576-585. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
5. Harris, Marvin and Orna Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson.
6. Harrison, Anthony Kwame. “Thick Description.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2,
edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 860-861. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.

3.9.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5866

 7. Johnson, Michelle C. “Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An
Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 841-846. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
8. Kelly, Petrina, Xia Chao, Andrew Scruggs, Lucy Lawrence, and Katherine Mcghee-Snow. “Culture and Personality.” The
University of Alabama Department of Anthropology, Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students.
Accessed March 5, 2015. anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Personality.
9. Lukas, Scott A. “Postmodernism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 639-645. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
10. Margolis, Maxine L. “Cultural Materialism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon McGee
and Richard L. Warms, 147-149. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
11. Sullivan, Gerald. “Culture and Personality.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx, 641-645.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
12. Tucker, Bram. “Cultural Ecology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 142-147. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
13. West, Barbara. “Functionalism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1012-1013. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.

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3.10: Feminist Anthropology
Feminist anthropology is a four-field approach to anthropology (archaeological, biological, cultural, linguistic) that seeks to
reduce male bias in research findings, anthropological hiring practices, and the scholarly production of knowledge.[1]
Simultaneously, feminist anthropology challenges essentialist feminist theories developed in Europe and America. While feminists
practiced cultural anthropology since its inception as an [American discipline]? (see Margaret Meadand Hortense Powdermaker), it
was not until the 1970s that feminist anthropology was formally recognized as a subdiscipline of anthropology. Since then, it has
developed its own subsection of the American Anthropological Association – the Association for Feminist Anthropology – and its
own publication, Voices.

History
Feminist anthropology has unfolded through three historical phases beginning in the 1970s: the anthropology of women, the
anthropology of gender, and finally feminist anthropology.[2]
Prior to these historical phases, feminist anthropologists trace their genealogy to the late 19th century.[3] Erminnie Platt Smith,
Alice Cunningham Fletcher, Matilda Coxe Stevenson, Frances Densmore—many of these women were self-taught anthropologists
and their accomplishments faded and heritage erased by the professionalization of the discipline at the turn of the 20th century.[4]
Prominent among early women anthropologists were the wives of ‘professional’ men anthropologists, some of whom facilitated
their husbands research as translators and transcriptionists. Margery Wolf, for example, wrote her classic ethnography “The House
of Lim” from experiences she encountered following her husband to northern Taiwan during his own fieldwork.[5]
While anthropologists like Margaret Mead and Ruth Benedict are canonical representatives of the next stage in the history of
feminist anthropology, the true theoretical pioneers of the field were women of color and ethnic women anthropologists. Hortense
Powdermaker, for example, a contemporary of Mead’s who studied with British anthropological pioneer Bronislaw Malinowski
conducted political research projects in a number of then atypical settings: reproduction and women in Melanesia (Powdermaker
1933), race in the American South (Powdermaker 1939), gender and production in Hollywood (1950), and class-gender-race
intersectionality in the African Copper Belt (Powdermaker 1962). Similarly, Zora Neale Hurston, a student of Franz Boas, the
father of American anthropology, experimented with narrative forms beyond the objective ethnography that characterized the
proto/pseudo- scientific writings of the time. Other African American women made similar moves at the junctions of ethnography
and creativity, namely Katherine Dunham and Pearl Primus, both of whom studied dance in the 1940s. Also important to the later
spread of Feminist anthropology within other subfields beyond cultural anthropology was physical anthropologist Caroline Bond
Day and archaeologist Mary Leakey.

References
1. Brodkin, Karen; Morgen, Sandra; Hutchinson, Janis (2011). “Anthropology as White Public Space”. American Anthropologist
113 (4). doi:10.1111/j.1548-1433.2011.01368.x.
2. Lewin, Ellen (2006). Feminist anthropology: a reader. Malden: Blackwell. ISBN 1405101962.
Parezo, Nancy (1993). Hidden scholars: women anthropologists and the Native American Southwest. Albuquerque: University
of New Mexico Press. ISBN 0826314287.
3. Gacs, Ute D.; Kahn, Aisha; McIntyre, Jerrie; Weinberg, Ruth (1989). Women anthropologists: selected biographies.
Champagne: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0252060849.
4. Rofel, Lisa (September 2003). “The outsider within: Margery Wolf and feminist anthropology”. American Anthropologist
(American Anthropological Association) 105 (3): 596–604.doi:10.1525/aa.2003.105.3.596.
5. Golde, Peggy (1970). Women in the field: anthropological experiences. Los Angeles: University of California Press.ISBN
0520054229.

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3.S: Anthropological Theory (Summary)
Learn More about the Anthropologists
Ruth Benedict: http://www.americanethnography.com/article.php?id=7
Mary Douglas: http://www.theguardian.com/news/2007...ies.obituaries
Clifford Geertz: http://www.nytimes.com/2006/11/01/ob...pagewanted=all
Marvin Harris: http://www.nytimes.com/2001/10/28/us...pologists.html
Branislaw Malinowski: http://www.nndb.com/people/320/000099023/
Margaret Mead: http://www.interculturalstudies.org/Mead/biography.html
Sherry Ortner: http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/anthro/faculty/ortner/
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown: http://www.nndb.com/people/318/000099021/
David Schneider: http://www.nytimes.com/1995/11/01/us...ead-at-76.html
Julian Steward: http://www.browsebiography.com/bio-julian_steward.html
Victor Turner: www.indiana.edu/~wanthro/theo...ges/Turner.htm
Leslie White: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/...Leslie-A-White

References
1. Brown, Curtis. “Functionalism.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 3, edited by William A. Darity, Jr.,
231-233. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.
2. Buzney, Catherine and Jon Marcoux. Cultural Materialism. University of Alabama Department of Anthropology
Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students. Accessed March 5, 2015.
http://anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Materialism.
3. Cooke, Bill. “Postmodernism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, edited by H. James Birx, 1912-1915. Thousand Oaks:
SAGE Reference, 2006.
4. Graber, Robert Bates. “Social Evolution.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2, edited by H. James
Birx, 576-585. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
5. Harris, Marvin and Orna Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson.
6. Harrison, Anthony Kwame. “Thick Description.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2,
edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 860-861. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
7. Johnson, Michelle C. “Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An
Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon McGee and Richard L. Warms, 841-846. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
8. Kelly, Petrina, Xia Chao, Andrew Scruggs, Lucy Lawrence, and Katherine Mcghee-Snow. “Culture and Personality.” The
University of Alabama Department of Anthropology, Anthropological Theories: A Guide Prepared by Students for Students.
Accessed March 5, 2015. http://anthropology.ua.edu/cultures/...%20Personality.
9. Lukas, Scott A. “Postmodernism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 2, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 639-645. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
10. Margolis, Maxine L. “Cultural Materialism.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon McGee
and Richard L. Warms, 147-149. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
11. Sullivan, Gerald. “Culture and Personality.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx, 641-645.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
12. Tucker, Bram. “Cultural Ecology.” In Theory in Social and Cultural Anthropology: An Encyclopedia, Vol. 1, edited by R. Jon
McGee and Richard L. Warms, 142-147. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2013.
13. West, Barbara. “Functionalism.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1012-1013. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.

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CHAPTER OVERVIEW
Back Matter
Index

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Index
A G N
Allen’s rule Gender Native American Grave Protection and
6.2: Human Adaptations 10: Sex and Gender Repatriation Act (NAGPRA)
Animatism 10.1: Sex and Gender Distinction
13.11: Native American Graves Protection and
12.4: Aspects of Religion Gender ideology Repatriation Act
animism 10.11: Double Burden (Part 1)
12.4: Aspects of Religion Gender Inequality P
10.10: Gender Inequality
Paleolithic Art
B gender role 13.4: Paleolithic Art
10.6: Gender Role
berdache pastoralism
10.7: Two-Spirit
genocide 7.3: Pastoralists
11.9: Genocide
Bergmann’s rule Polytheism
6.2: Human Adaptations
Glass Ceiling 12.5: Patterns of Belief
10.13: Gender and Employment
bilateral descent postmodernism
8.2: Descent Rules
Global Gender Gap Report 3.9: Postmodernism
10.14: The Global Gender Gap Report
Breast Ironing Priest
10.17: Violence Against Women (Part 3)
globalization 12.6: Religious Practitioners
14: Globalization
14.2: Globalization
C R
caste system H race
11.7: Indian Caste System 6: Deconstructing Race
Henotheism
cognatic descent 12.5: Patterns of Belief
Religion
8.2: Descent Rules 12: Supernatural Belief Systems
Herbert Spencer 12.1: Introduction to Religion
Colonialism 3.1: Social Evolution of Anthropological Theory
14.3: Modernization Rite of Passage
Hijra 12.9: Rite of Passage
corporate descent 10.8: Hijra
8.2: Descent Rules
Historical Particularism S
Cultural ecology 3.2: Historical Particularism
3.5: Cultural Ecology Sambia
Human trafficking
Cultural materialism 10.16: Violence Against Women (Part 2)
10.4: Ritual Homosexuality of the Sambia
3.7: Cultural Materialism Sexual dimorphism
culture I 10.1: Sex and Gender Distinction
1.4: What is Culture? Sexual orientation
Inis Beag 10.1: Sex and Gender Distinction
10.3: Inis Beag
D 10.2: Sexual Orientation
Interpretive Anthropology sexuality
double burden 3.8: Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology 10: Sex and Gender
10.11: Double Burden (Part 1)
Shaman
K 12.6: Religious Practitioners
E
Karl Marx skin color
Ethics 3.7: Cultural Materialism 6.3: Skin Color and UV Index
4.4: Ethics
Kennewick Man social evolution
ethnocentrism 13.11: Native American Graves Protection and 3.1: Social Evolution of Anthropological Theory
1.5: Ethnocentrism Repatriation Act Structural Anthropology
export monoculture 3.6: Structural Anthropology
14.3: Modernization L Structural functionalism
Lascaux Cave 3.3: Functionalism
F 13.4: Paleolithic Art survival of the fittest
Female genital mutilation 3.1: Social Evolution of Anthropological Theory
10.17: Violence Against Women (Part 3) M Symbolic Anthropology
Feminist anthropology Margaret Mead 3.8: Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology
3.10: Feminist Anthropology
10.5: Margaret Mead's Gender Studies
foraging Mediums U
7.2: Foraging
12.6: Religious Practitioners untouchables
Friedrich Engels missing women of Asia 11.7: Indian Caste System
3.7: Cultural Materialism
10.18: Missing Women of Asia
functionalism modernization V
3.3: Functionalism
14.3: Modernization Venus of Willendorf
monotheism 13.4: Paleolithic Art
12.5: Patterns of Belief

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Violence against women W
10.15: Violence Against Women (Part 1) Wiccan
vision quest 12.6: Religious Practitioners
12.10: Vision Quest

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
4: Methods
Topic hierarchy
4.1: Methodology
4.2: Ethnography and Ethnology
4.3: Fieldwork
4.4: Ethics
4.5: Structured Interview
4.6: Unstructured Interview

Thumbnail image - Dr. Crystal Patil in Tanzania

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1 5/12/2022
4.1: Methodology
Ethnography is a research strategy where the approach is to get as much information as possible about a particular culture. The
ethnographer, or cultural anthropologist, tries to get information from many angles to see whole picture–again, striving for that
holistic view.
There are multiple methodologies that can be employed:

Figure 4.1.1 - Gillian Harper Ice conducting fieldwork for the Kenyan Grandparents study:
“www.oucom.ohiou.edu/internati...enya/index.htm”
1. Participant Observation – this the hallmark of anthropology. This method was pioneered by Branislaw Malinowski. Using
this method, the ethnographer not only observes but participates in the activities of the culture. In this manner, anthropologists
attempt to record the emic, or insider’s view of the behavior, as opposed to the etic, or outsider’s view. This does not mean that
the emic and etic are mutually exclusive; they can compliment one another by giving both subjective and objective
interpretation.
2. Interviews, Conversation – this works best when the ethnographer has learned the language. Interpreters can and are used;
however, it is always best to be able to learn the language oneself. Not only does it lessen the chance of misinterpretation via a
third person, but it helps build confidence with the culture group being studied.
3. Informant – an informant is a key individual—usually someone with a lot of knowledge about the group being studied. This
individual is interviewed and used as a contact point with the group. The problem with this is that the researcher only gets a
small picture of what’s going on.
4. Genealogical Method – this method is strictly about learning the kinship, family, and marriage patterns of a group. It is a basic
method used to help anthropologists understand social relationships and history.
5. Life Histories – this method relies on getting the personal history of an individual. This can help anthropologists arrive at some
insights into perceptions about a culture. It can help the researcher understand the emic. Ideally, several life histories would be
collected in order to get more balanced information.
6. Interpretive Anthropology – ethnographers produce ethnographies, which are reports on their ethnographic work. Over the
years the approach to writing ethographies has changed. Early ethnographies used the etic approach to portray a scientific,
objective view of the society. This approach is referred to as ethnographic realism. In the 1970s there was a movement to use
an emic approach. This was an endeavor to try to get past the researcher’s ethnocentrism to understand the natives’ viewpoint.
From this, interpretive anthropology arose. Interpretive anthropologyrequires the ethnographer to reflect on what their
presence is doing to the study group as well as what it is in their personal culture that is impacting the interpretation of what
they observe. It also allows for the ethnographer to relate their own feelings and reactions, all in the attempt to understand their
interpretation.
7. Problem-oriented ethnography – cultural anthropologists using a problem-oriented ethnographic approach research a specific
question; they collect data just on that question, e.g., the effects of modernization on social organization, while they are in the

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 field.
8. Ethnohistory – this approach requires library and archival research; ethnohistorians attempt to reconstruct the history of a
people using both their own accounts and those of outside observers. In this manner, ethnohistorians try to understand the
modern condition of a people by understanding the historical events and processes that got the group to where they are now.
9. Ethnology (cross-cultural comparison) – cross-cultural comparison is employed by cultural anthropologists in order to
understand the similarities and differences among cultures; this can help us to better understand the processes of change and
adaptation in human culture.

References
Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Kottak, Conrad Phillip. 2008. Mirror for Humanity, 6th edition. New York: McGraw-Hill.

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4.2: Ethnography and Ethnology

Figure 4.2.1 - By Franz Boas (Science, Vol. 5, No. 108,, p. 171) [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons
The word Ethnography comes from these two Greek words:”Ethnos”, meaning people & “Graphein”, meaning writing. Wolcott
(1999) defines ethnography is a description of “the customary social behaviors of an identifiable group of people”. Ethnography is
often referred to as “culture writing,” and it refers to a type of documentation often employed by Anthropologists in their field
work. This genre of writing uses detailed first-hand written descriptions of a culture based on first-hand research in the field.
Ethnographies often reflect the anthropological desire for holism, the idea that the whole is greater than the sum of the individual
parts. In the case of ethnography, holism refers to the fact that a culture can be best understood through the understanding of as
many aspects of the cultural context as possible.
Cultural anthropologists who write ethnographies are often called ethnographers. Ethnographers who write about what they have
learned from the people that they have been working with often use a research method known as participant-observation.
Participant Observationis a technique of field research used in anthropology by which an anthropologist studies the life of a group
by sharing in its activities.
Ethnographic information can take many different forms. Articles, journals, statistical data, and documentaries are just a few of the
many forms that ethnographic information can be conveyed. A very common form is a book written by the person participating in
the research or observation. A great example of a book would be “Waiting For An Ordinary Day” by Farnaz Fassihi because as a
journalist traveling to Iraq during the Iraq war, she participates in Iraqi daily life and documents her description of it, because of her
methods and style of writing although Fassihi may not consider herself an anthropologist, her book Waiting for an Ordinary Day is
ethnographic. Eventually, she turns all of her journalistic notes into a book which describes certain events that help her define the
Iraqi culture. She uses the participant-observation method, and also uses the concept of holism to explain the whole of Iraqi culture,
rather than just small aspects of it.
Anthropologists, scientists, philosophers, historians and most social scientists have been reexamining assumptions about what
science is and how it works. They have challenged the traditional distinction between hard sciences (such as physics, chemistry,
and biology) and soft sciences (psychology, sociology, and anthropology). They think they have more in common than previously
believed. Anthropologists aid in the effort to study and reconsider what science is all about through gathering information about
diverse cultural views on the process of explanation gained during participant-observation-based fieldwork.

Ethnology
Ethnology is the comparative study of two or more cultures. Ethnology utilizes the data taken from ethnographic research and
applies it to a single cross cultural topic. The ethnographic approach can be used to identify and attempt to explain cross cultural
variation in cultural elements such as marriage, religion, subsistence practices, political organization, and parenting, just to name a
few. Ethnology often compares and contrasts various cultures. Anthropologists who focus on one culture are often called

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ethnographers while those who focus on several cultures are often called ethnologists. The term ethnology is credited to Adam
Franz Kollár who used and defined it in his Historiae ivrisqve pvblici Regni Vngariae amoenitates published in Vienna in 1783.[12]

References
1. “African People & Culture – Ashanti”.
2. “Japanese Hip Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture” Ian Condry
3. Southern California Quarterly “Cinco de Mayo’s First Seventy-Five Years in Alta California: From Spontaneous Behavior to
Sedimented Memory, 1862 to 1937” Spring 2007 (see American observation of Cinco de Mayo started in California) accessed
Oct 30, 2007
4. “Health and Human Rights”, World Health Organization http://www.who.int/hhr/HHRETH_activities.pdf (pdf) Accessed June
2009
5. “Discussion Group 10 Week 2- Marisa Mikelsons”
6. Condry, Ian, 2001 “Japanese Hip-Hop and the Globalization of Popular Culture.” In Urban Life: Readings in the Anthropology
of the City. George Gmelch and Walter Zenner, eds. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland Press.
7. Democracy in Dakar, Nomadic Wax, 2008
8. courses.wwu.edu/webapps/porta...82_1&frame=top
9. Barton Wright Cruz Bay Publishing, Inc. http://www.collectorsguide.com/fa/fa040.shtml
10. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology : A Perspective on the Human Condition. New York: Oxford
UP, Incorporated, 2009.pg.79.
11. Philosophy Home, 2009. http://www.cultural-relativism.com/
12. Zmago Šmitek and Božidar Jezernik, “The anthropological tradition in Slovenia.” In: Han F. Vermeulen and Arturo Alvarez
Roldán, eds. Fieldwork and Footnotes: Studies in the History of European Anthropology. 1995.
13. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race”(May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm
1. Peter L. Berger, Invitation to Sociology: A Humanistic Perspective, Anchor, 1963, ISBN 0385065299
2. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, Oxford University Press, 1961, ISBN 0195133730
3. Louisa Lim, Painful Memories for China’s Footbinding Survivors www.npr.org/templates/story/s...toryId=8966942
4. James A. Crites Chinese Foot Binding, http://www.angelfire.com/ca/beekeeper/foot.html
5. www.allaboutphilosophy.org/cu...relativism.htm
6. Justin Marozzi, The son of the Father of History, 2007, www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/b...f-History.html
7. Introduction to The Journey of Friar John of Pian de Carpine to the Court of Kuyuk Khan, 1245-1247, as translated by William
Woodville Rockhill, 1900,depts.washington.edu/silkroad...s/carpini.html
8. Schultz, Emily A., and Robert H. Lavenda. Cultural Anthropology A Perspective on the Human Condition. 7th ed. New York:
Oxford UP.
9. “RACE – The Power of an Illusion . What Is Race |.” PBS. 08 Mar. 2009 <www.pbs.org/race/001_WhatIsRa...01_00-
home.htm>.
10. Miller, Barabra. Cultural Anthropology. 4th ed. Boston: Pearson Education Inc., 2007.
11. Lorber, Judith. “Night to His Day”: The Social Construction of Gender.” From Inquiry to Academic Writing: A text and Reader.
Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008. 617-30.
12. Bourgois, Philippe. “Workaday World, Crack Economy.” The Nation (1995): 706-11.

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4.3: Fieldwork
Nancy Bonvillain (2010: 54-57) outlines the basic approach to cultural anthropology fieldwork.
The first step is define a problem and choose a field site. Identifying a problem can happen multiple ways; it might stem from
something an anthropologist has read about; it might begin with a long-term interest in a particular region or country, or in the case
of graduate students, it might be a class that captures an interest.
The second step is to do background research. Before leaving for the field it is imperative for anthropologists to do a thorough
literature search. This involves doing library research to determine what research has already been done by other anthropologists. It
also involves learning about the area in which they are going to study–the history, politics, environment, climate, customs, etc. It is
particularly important for anthropologists to find out if there are legal restrictions for working outside of their home country. Many
anthropologists do mini-trips to their research ares to make preliminary contacts, learn the language, and make plans for a longer
stay.
The third step is actually going to the field to conduct research. this can be the most exciting and most nerve-racking part of
anthropological work. Until steeped in the local traditions, there is always a chance that the researcher will unwittingly violate local
norms, making it more difficult to get to know the study group. Being in the field can lead to culture shock. One of the first things
anthropologists will do in the field is find a place to live. Choosing to live in the same place as the study group is the best way to
conduct research, but living in close proximity can make it difficult for the anthropologist to remain neutral local conflicts,
something that is important for the researcher to do.
Once settled in, data collection can begin. Anthropologists can collect both qualitative and quantitative data while in the field.
Qualitative datamight include information gleaned from interviews or participant observation. Quantitative data could be
anything that can be measured statistically, e.g., mortality rates, birth rates, etc.
The interpretation of data occurs both in the field and once the anthropologist returns home. Hopefully, the research will be
published in some form, whether that be in an academic journal or as an ethnography. If the data is not published then it does not
do the academic comunity much good as the information is inaccessible.

References
Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Kottak, Conrad Phillip. 2008. Mirror for Humanity, 6th edition. New York: McGraw-Hill.

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4.4: Ethics
No matter the technique and ethnographic approach, it is obligatory that cultural anthropologists conduct ethical research. This
includes getting informed consent, which means that the group/person under study agree to take part in research. It will probably
include seeking the permission of national government, local government, and individuals. Cultural anthropologists must always
put the welfare and interests of research subjects before their own research.
Part of the challenge in making ethical decisions is the fact that anthropology has always been an activist discipline. E. B. Tylor
claimed that, “the science of culture is essentially a reformer’s science” and Ruth Benedict said that the “purpose of anthropology
was to make the world safe for human difference.” John Bodley has been quoted saying that anthropology is a subversive science.
So where do anthropologists draw the line between cultural relativism and intervention? Cultural relativism is the idea that traits
can only be understood within their cultural context. If we consider cultural relativism on a spectrum, then one extreme holds that
all traits good within their cultural context…as stated by Conrad Kottak in Mirror for Humanity…Nazi Germany would be
evaluated as nonjudgmentally as Athenian Greece using this extreme. On the other end there is the idea that there is no way to be
truly culturally relative because we are all human beings with cultural baggage—have ideas about what are right and wrong. Robert
Reed, a former professor at The Ohio State University once said that we can be culturally relative and still disagree with a behavior
if, and this is an important if, if you try to understand why that behavior exists in the group. In other words, why do people practice
the behavior.
A big question that every cultural anthropologist has to think about is this: What do you do if intervention could change the
culture? Is that our role as researchers? Most anthropologists would say that it isn’t our job to change things; however that doesn’t
mean we can’t give people information that they can use as they will.
Another question that cultural anthropologists face is what to do when a cultural trait interferes with an individual’s human rights?
Where is the ethical line in that situation? Recently in anthropology there was a heated debate about anthropologists working for
the US government in Iraq (click here to read the New York Times article). Since WWII there has been mistrust in the
anthropological community regarding governments and especially the military. In WWII, the military wanted to use
anthropological studies to help develop military strategy against the Axis powers. Many anthropologists had trouble with that as the
information would be used in a manner that did not advance the welfare of the people studied. It’s the same situation today with the
Iraq war.
Perhaps one of the most critical ethical debates in anthropology in general is that of informed consent. Informed consent includes
the “…full disclosure of research goals, research methods, types of analyses, and reporting procedures” (Bonvillain 2010: 62). In
April 2010, the New York Times ran an article about alleged misuse of DNA samples collected from the Havasupi tribe in 1990.
This article highlights the issue of informed consent.
The American Anthropological Association has a number of real ethical dilemmas posted on their web site. These posts also
include comments by other anthropologists— sometimes agreeing with the researchers decision and sometimes not. It’s interesting
information and I urge you to take a look at a couple of the cases.
AAA Code of Ethics

References
Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall.
Kottak, Conrad Phillip. 2008. Mirror for Humanity, 6th edition. New York: McGraw-Hill.

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4.5: Structured Interview
A structured interview (also known as a standardized interview or a researcher-administered survey) is a quantitative research
method commonly employed in survey research. The aim of this approach is to ensure that each interview is presented with exactly
the same questions in the same order. This ensures that answers can be reliably aggregated and that comparisons can be made with
confidence between sample subgroups or between different survey periods.

Structure
Structured interviews are a means of collecting data for a statistical survey. In this case, the data is collected by an interviewer
rather than through a self-administered questionnaire. Interviewers read the questions exactly as they appear on the survey
questionnaire. The choice of answers to the questions is often fixed (close-ended) in advance, though open-ended questions can
also be included within a structured interview.
A structured interview also standardizes the order in which questions are asked of survey respondents, so the questions are always
answered within the same context. This is important for minimizing the impact of context effects, where the answers given to a
survey question can depend on the nature of preceding questions. Though context effects can never be avoided, it is often desirable
to hold them constant across all respondents.

Other Uses
Qualitative Research
Structured interviews can also be used as a qualitative research methodology.[1] These types of interviews are best suited for
engaging in respondent or focus group studies in which it would be beneficial to compare/contrast participant responses in order to
answer a research question.[2] For structured qualitative interviews, it is usually necessary for researchers to develop an interview
schedule which lists the wording and sequencing of questions.[3] Interview schedules are sometimes considered a means by which
researchers can increase the reliability and credibility of research data.[4]

Hiring
Structured interviews have been advocated for use in the hiring process as well,[5] though the practice has not been widely adopted.
The United States Postal Service uses structured interviews for at least some of its hiring, and has printed a guide to structured
interviews that is publicly available online.

References
1. Kvale & Brinkman. 2008. InterViews, 2nd Edition. Thousand Oaks: SAGE. ISBN 978-0-7619-2542-2
2. Lindlof & Taylor. 2002. Qualitative Communication Research Methods, 2nd Edition. Thousand Oaks: SAGE. ISBN 978-0-
7619-2494-4
3. Patton. 1991. Qualitative Research & Evaluation Methods, 3rd Edition. Thousand Oaks: SAGE. ISBN 978-0-7619-1971-1
4. Lindlof & Taylor. 2002. Qualitative Communication Research Methods, 2nd Edition. Thousand Oaks: SAGE. ISBN 978-0-
7619-2494-4
5. “The New-Boy Network”, Malcolm Gladwell, The New Yorker, May 29, 2000

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4.6: Unstructured Interview

Figure 4.6.1 - Television journalists interviewing a cosplayer. Field interviews by journalists are most often than not unstructured,
without many prearranged questions
An unstructured interview or non-directive interview is an interview in which questions are not prearranged.[1] These non-
directive interviews are considered to be the opposite of a structured interview which offers a set amount of standardized questions.
[2]
The form of the unstructured interview varies widely, with some questions being prepared in advance in relation to a topic that
the researcher or interviewer wishes to cover. They tend to be more informal and free flowing than a structured interview, much
like an everyday conversation. Probing is seen to be the part of the research process that differentiates the in-depth, unstructured
interview from an everyday conversation.[3] This nature of conversation allows for spontaneity and for questions to develop during
the course of the interview, which are based on the interviewees’ responses. The chief feature of the unstructured interview is the
idea of probe questions that are designed to be as open as possible.[4] It is a qualitative research method and accordingly prioritizes
validity and the depth of the interviewees’ answers.[5] One of the potential drawbacks is the loss of reliability, thereby making it
more difficult to draw patterns among interviewees’ responses in comparison to structured interviews.[6] Unstructured interviews
are used in a variety of fields and circumstances, ranging from research in social sciences, such as sociology, to college and job
interviews.[6] Fontana and Frey have identified three types of in depth, ethnographic, unstructured interviews – oral history, creative
interviews (an unconventional interview in that it does not follow the rules of traditional interviewing), and post-modern
interviews.[7]

Possible Characteristics of a Less Structured Interview

While the method of the unstructured interview varies widely, the chief feature of the unstructured interview is to reveal
information from the respondent in a more neutral environment with less attached bias from the interviewer.[8] This gives the
unstructured interview an advantage over the structured interview in that it produces more reliable information and may enable the
interview subject to bring forward experiences and knowledge that the interviewer had not previously considered. Each
unstructured depends on the interviewer and interviewee together to create knowledge, and therefore the characteristics of the
interview can vary from one conversation to another [6]

Light Structure and Preparation

To achieve the level of depth and detail sought after using the method of the unstructured interview, the researcher or interviewer
may choose main questions to focus on, probing questions and follow-up questions.[3] A central idea or topic is typically chosen
before beginning an unstructured interview. Because the interview is occurring as a way of collecting data, it is also typical for the
interviewer to gather knowledge of his or her respondent, whether that is about their career, studies, or work, as a place to start and
continue the conversation. While the unstructured interview does not always have all these features, these main topics or questions
serve to provide the conversation’s “skeleton” [9] Sometimes too much preparation is made when attempting to conduct an
unstructured interview, and while not a negative method, such planning may lead to a semi-structured interview rather than an
unstructured interview.

Open Eneded Questions

Open ended questions have no prepared response choices which enables and empower the interviewee to shift the direction of the
interview and to bring in unanticipated information. Whereas closed ended questions require only that the interviewer read the
question and marks the appropriate answer, “open ended questions can require the interview to transcribe a lengthy statement”.[4] It
can require a skillful interviewer to bring a talkative respondent back on topic. However, these open ended questions give the
ability for the respondent to reply about a topic which neither the interviewee nor the interviewer may have thought about before.
Some evidence shows that using open ended questions in interviews “result in greater reporting of sensitive or socially disapproved
behavior than when closed-ended questions on a self-reporting questionnaire are used”.[10]Although open-ended questions can be
used in both quantitative and qualitative studies, they are much more prominent and favored in qualitative work as they produce
information from the respondents with greater detail and depth [10][11]

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Neutral Probes/Non-biased Encouragement
Although the method of the unstructured interview allows for social interaction and different modes of communication between the
interviewer and interviewee, some maintain that it is important that interviewers resist the urge to agree, disagree, or give biased
probes and encouragement to interviewees so that they do not potentially introduce biased topics.[3] Interviewers must remember to
minimize any form of bias within the conversation. This way, the interviewee is able to freely discuss the topic given or their work
from their own point of view, typically something the researcher hopes for in their search for information. Others maintain that the
interviewer may introduce encouraging nods, expressions and non-directive, neutral probes. From the participant, “They are
generally very short, such as ‘Why?’ or ‘Uh, huh’ or ‘That’s interesting.’ The non-directive interview originated in psychotherapy,
intending to neutrally probe the respondent’s deepest and most subjective feelings”.[4] These acknowledgments such as “yeah,”
“right,” “great,” “okay,” and “mhm” show response or influence from the interviewee’s answers can have on interviewer, not
through contributions to the development of the topic but through minimal feedback.[12] If these acknowledgements are not used
then the conversation can be seen as problematic.[12] However, at its extremes, these neutral probes may activate repressed feelings
that the respondent may or may not know he or she had or was not willing to admit to him or herself originally before the
conversation.[4] Typically these probes uncover important issues and topics that can eventually guide future inquiries.

Silence
Silence, being the apparent opposite of speech, is sometimes used in the method of the unstructured or non-directive interview. It is
often suggested that silences may often be seen as awkward and are an enduring feature of human interaction.[13] During more
organized and highly structured interviews, questions are given and answered one after another, typically transcribed with little or
no silences evident in between the responses. Oftentimes, it is up to the interviewer to present their interviewing skills by making
sure the conversation does not hold any silences. However, with the fact that the unstructured interview is more like an everyday
conversation, silence or the use of silence can be observed as a very important aspect of a natural conversation and in fact current
research suggests that being attentive to silences will tell us a lot about how knowledge is constructed.[14] Typically silence is
overlooked in qualitative research, keeping in mind that there are multiple meanings involved in the conversation involving the
interplay between speech and silence, it can be seen as one of the best types of probes used in interviews.[3][13] Silences are
profoundly meaningful as they can signify a withholding or resistance, can reflect a cultural mode of self-representation, or may
represent a topic or idea as unthinkable.[13] Many see the possible utility of silence as a strategic device to enhance data collection,
while others argue that silence can be seen to represent failure on the part of the interviewer to ‘draw out’ information from the
respondent.[15][16]

Advantages
More Complex Issues can be Probed
An unstructured interview allows for the interviewer to build better rapport with the interviewee due to its parallels with a normal
conversation. Unstructured interviews can be particularly useful when asking about personal experiences. In an unstructured
interview the interviewer is able to discover important information which did not seem relevant before the interview and the
interviewer can ask the participant to go further into the new topic. For this reason they are often considered to be a better
methodology for researching sensitive subjects, such as domestic violence, whereas structured interviews are often considered
intimidating due to their formality and can often make the interviewee subject to social desirability bias, a tendency for participants
to answer questions inaccurately to suit response that can be viewed favorably by others.[17][18]

Readability and Validity of the Unstructured Interview

It is argued that the unstructured interview can sometimes be more valid than the highly structured interview.[19] According to
Gorden, more valid responses may be created by letting the respondent follow what he calls “the natural paths of free association”.
[19]
“The universe of discourse” varies from respondent to respondent so that the interviewer must change the question wording to
meet the understanding of each individual participant.[4] Another situation where the unstructured interview is said to be more valid
than the structured interview is where the respondent is experiencing memory failure. The unstructured interview enables the
interviewer to return to the same topic numerous times, allowing the interviewee is able to produce information with stimulated
memory.[4]With the interview being more like an everyday conversation, a safe and relaxed environment can be created within the
space of the interview; unlike the highly structured interview where the respondent may feel stressed in its more hurried and formal
environment and may not respond accurately if they feel the need to move on to the next question.[20]

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Balance in Power Relationships
The in-depth non-directive interviewing method implies an egalitarian relationship between the interviewer and the interviewee.[3]
Rather than focusing on the interview as a method of data retrieval, it is the interviewee’s unique account which is being sought and
highly valued. Instead of entering into the conversation formally with structure where the interviewer holds power over the
conversation and determines how it evolves, “the interviewer attempts to retrieve interviewee’s world by understanding their
perspective in a language that is natural to them”.[3]Ethnographic interviewing methods are a large example of how unstructured
interviews can balance power relationships between the interviewer and interviewee. Ethnographic interviewing originated in
studies of cultural anthropology, emphasizing on the quality of the relationship with respondents.[21]Ethnographic interviews are
normally conducted in the form of the unstructured interview with participants from a particular culture in which the interviewer or
researcher wishes to obtain knowledge from. The key feature to this approach is that the “researcher is there to learn from the
respondent rather than impose an external frame of reference, epitomized in Spradely’s (1979: 34) representation of the
researcher’s posture as being that ‘I want to know what you know in the way that you know it…Will you become my teacher and
help me understand?'”.[21][22] Life history interviews can be seen as a form of the ethnographic interview using the unstructured
interview approach as they often share emphases documenting the respondent’s life, or an aspect of it that has developed over the
life course.[21][23]

Disadvantages
Time Consuming
Unstructured interviews are a lot more time consuming in comparison to other research methods. This is due because there are
typically no prearranged questions asked during an unstructured interview and if there are questions prepared, they are open ended
questions which prioritize elaborated answers. These “open ended questions can require the interview to transcribe a lengthy
statement”, making it difficult to determine and enforce a set time for the unstructured interview to be conducted within.[4][6] As a
result, the unstructured interview is sometimes expensive and only feasible with small samples. With the fact that it is difficult to
interview a large sample, this affects the data’s generalizability and representativeness. However, current research shows there is a
need to take up the unstructured interview regardless of how this research method takes to address unbalanced minority powers in
research methods.[6]

Opportunity for Bias

It is important to understand that bias or the use of bias during an interview from the researcher is an important aspect that greatly
affects validity of the interview’s gathered knowledge. Since the interview is more like an everyday conversation, some claim that
there are opportunities for the interviewer’s bias to be brought into discussion and to intervene than with the structured interview.
[24]
Others maintain that “Although there is invariable potential for the interviewer bias in qualitative interviews, it is offset, at least
to some extent, by the greater participation and involvement of the interviewer in the interaction aimed at reaching greater depth”.
[3]
While the unstructured interview can be seen to be unreliable due to the interviewer, bias can be easily be built into a highly
structured interview.[19] However, it is important to find where one stands with their bias, acknowledging their biases rather than
trying to do away with it. The notion of bias is evident in that anything quantitative already holds bias and biases are already built
into everyday form. “Although typical of the selection process, the research on interviews suggests that unstructured procedures are
vulnerable to a variety of biases that can lower the quality of decisions,” such as gathering information on an applicant’s traits
during a job interview and selecting applicants determined by their qualifications.[25] Any interview can also be subject to
stereotypes and discrimination. Newell and Rice suggest that many of the problems involved with predictive validity during
interviews are due to interpersonal perception, the interpretation of the interviewee’s personality or social identity.[26] Race, gender,
class, religion, [and forms of disabilities] are all aspects of society that feed into the development of our social identity, however
these can also be factors which bias people’s interpretations in an interview.[27]

Perceived Difficulties in Comparing Data

The outcome of unstructured interviews results in diverse types of information collected from interviewees who are asked different
questions. While the data from an unstructured interview has more quality than that obtained from a structured interview, in the
sense that the participant has more of an opportunity to say what they like freely, the data collected in unstructured interviews is
also prone to digression and much of the data collected could be worthless. Some suggest that this limits the comparability of
responses and the outcome is thereby a less systematic and comprehensive set of data which may make organization and analysis of
the data difficult.[28] The data gathered though unstructured interviews are difficulty to analyze because the kind of data obtained
during the interview are unpredictable and open in nature, thereby making it hard to make comparisons across data.[29][30]

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Types of Use in Feminist Research Methods
Feminist researchers often use unstructured interviews as opposed to more structured interview in terms of research techniques
because it attempts to eliminate power imbalances in the relationship between the interviewer and the interviewee.[31] Some
feminist researchers are influenced by the works of writer and researcher, Ann Oakley, who pioneered an interview methodology
based on an anti-oppression framework.[32] Oakley argues that the form of structured interviews positions the interviewee as a
subordinate, which supports the masculine “paradigm of inquiry” and produces a “perfect interview” that is “morally indefensible”.
[33] As an alternative, Oakley writes that “the best way to find out about someone else’s lives is through non-hierarchical

relationships where the interviewer is prepared to invest their own personal identity in the research relationship, answering
questions and sharing knowledge”.[33] Oakley argues that interviews need to be conducted as equal relationships so that the
research can lead to a retrieval of more fruitful and significant data.[33] Together, Howard Becker and Oakley have argued that
interviews should be more natural and more like an everyday conversation.[33][34] Oakley argues that traditional guidelines
contradict the aims of feminist research and that for a feminist interviewing women, the “use of prescribed interviewing practice is
morally indefensible [and] general and irreconcilable contradictions at the heart of the textbook are exposed”.[35] This approach is
viewed by many contemporary researchers as ethically responsible and it is very relevant in terms of developing research
approaches that are grounded by the experience of in minorities.[36] “Feminists have argued that the production of atomistic ‘facts’
and figures fracture people’s lives” and letting others speak for themselves allows work to be produced which challenges
stereotypes, oppression, and exploitation.[37][38][39][40] Only one small part of experience is abstracted typically from structured
interviews and questionnaires as the focus for attention as it is only “a simple matrix of standardized variables which is unable to
convey an in-depth understanding of, feeling of, the people under the study”.[40] To break down imbalances of power within the
relationships of the interviewer and the interviewee, the unstructured interview approach to research maximizes the ability to
explore a full account of life experience. It can be seen that the principle belief of feminist research “must begin with an open-
ended exploration of women’s experiences, since only from that vantage point is it possible to see how their world is organized and
the extent to which it differs from that of men”.[40] It is also important to note that this approach to research is used to explore life
experience from those belonging to all other minority groups.[6]

Notable Examples
Ann Oakley
Distinguished British sociologist, feminist, and writer, Ann Oakley has written numerous academic works focusing on the lives and
roles of women in society. Oakley is a well-known pioneer in the unstructured interview research approach directed towards
qualitative research that challenges existing power imbalances within the relationships of the interviewer and the interviewee.
Oakley sees both issues as interlinked or, as she puts it “no intimacy without reciprocity”.[41] In 1974, Oakley interviewed women
twice before the birth of their children and then twice afterwards.[42] Each woman was interviewed for around nine hours on
average. Interestingly, the women also asked her questions during the interviews and Oakley responded as openly and honestly as
she wished for them to respond.[42] Oakley wanted the respondents to be collaborators in her research rather than just interviewees
causing the women to become increasingly interested in the research and contacting her with any information they thought
important after the interviews. Oakley as well used the unstructured interview approach to study women’s experiences of both
house work and maternity care. Oakley interviewed 40 women about how much housework they did and how they and their
partners organised domestic work.[43] Both unstructured interview studies “were aimed at raising awareness of women’s
experiences and of promoting policy changes – for example, Oakley called for domestic work to be recognized as ‘work’ and to be
given an appropriate status in relation to paid employment”.[43] These are prime examples of the advantages of rapport and the
depth of information even beyond the interview using the unstructured interview research approach.

References
1. Rogers, Carl R. (1945). Frontier Thinking in Guidance. University of California: Science research associates. pp. 105–112.
Retrieved March 18, 2015.
2. Holt, compiled and edited by Richard Thorpe, and Robin (2007). The SAGE Dictionary of Qualitative Management Research.
London: Sage Publications. p. 117. ISBN 1849203415.
3. a b c d e f g Klenke, Karin (2008). Qualitative research in the study of leadership (1st ed.). Bingley, UK: Emerald Group Pub. p.
129. ISBN 0080464106.
4. a b c d e f g Bailey, Kenneth D. (2008). Methods of Social Research (4. ed.). Free Press. p. 194. ISBN 1439118892.

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 5. David, Matthew; Sutton, Carole D. (2009). Social research : the basics (Repr. ed.). London: Sage Publ. p. 87. ISBN
0761973672.
6. a b c d e f Chilisa, Bagele (2012). Indigenous research methodologies. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: SAGE Publications. pp. 206–214.
ISBN 9781412958820.
7. Fontana, Andrea; Frey, James H. (1994). The Handbook of Qualitative Research. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. pp. 361–
376.
8. Bowling, Ann (2014). Research Methods In Health: Investigating Health And Health Services. United Kingdom: McGraw-Hill
Education. p. 398. ISBN 0335262740.
9. Rubin, Herbet J.; Rubin, Irene S. (2011). Qualitative Interviewing: The Art of Hearing Data. Sage publishing. p. 134. ISBN
9781452285863.
10. a b Royse, David (2008). Research methods in social work (5th ed.). Australia: Brooks/Cole-Thomson Learning. p. 183. ISBN
0495115665.
11. Babbie, Allen Rubin, Earl R. (2011). Research methods for social work (7th ed.). Belmont, CA: Brooks/Cole Cengage. p. 134.
ISBN 0495811718.
12. a b Gardner, Rod (1994). Applied Linguistics. University of Sydney: Oxford University Press. pp. 204–205.
13. a b c Poland, Blake; Pederson, Ann (1998). “Reading Between the Lines: Interpreting Silences in Qualitative Research”.
Qualitative Inquiry 4 (2): 293–312.doi:10.1177/107780049800400209.
14. Bierema, Laura L.; Merriam, Sharan B. (2013). Adult learning linking theory and practice (First ed.). San Francisco, Calif.:
Jossey-Bass. ISBN 1118416317.
15. Kvale, Steinar (1996). Interviews : an introduction to qualitative research interviewing.(5. print. ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif.:
Sage. pp. 133–135. ISBN 080395820X.
16. Spradley, James P. (1997). The ethnographic interview([Nachdr.] ed.). Fort Worth [u.a.]: Harcourt College Publishers. ISBN
0030444969.
17. Corbin, Juliet; Morse, Janice M. (2003). “The Unstructured Interactive Interview: Issues of Reciprocity and Risks when
Dealing with Sensitive Topics”. Qualitative Inquiry 9: 335–354. doi:10.1177/1077800403009003001.
18. Bryman, Alan (2012). Social research methods (4th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 227. ISBN 0199588058.
19. a b c Gorden, Raymond L. (1969). Interviewing: Strategy, Techniques, and Tactics. Dorsey Press. pp. 48–50.
20. Taylor, Stephen (2005). People resourcing (3rd ed.). London: Chartered Inst. of Personnel and Development. p. 129. ISBN
1843980770.
21. a b c Jupp, Victor, ed. (2006). The Sage dictionary of social research methods. Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications. p. 99.
ISBN 1847877141.
22. Spradley, James P. (1997). The ethnographic interview([Nachdr.] ed.). Fort Worth [u.a.]: Harcourt College Publishers. p. 34.
ISBN 978-0030444968.
23. Jupp, Victor (2004). The SAGE dictionary of social and cultural research methods (1st ed.). London: SAGE. ISBN
9780761962984.
24. Mathers, Nigel; Fox, Nick; Hunn, Amanda (1998). “Using Interviews in a Research Project” (PDF). Trent Focus for Research
and Development in Primary Health Care: 8.
25. Dipboye, Robert L. (1994). Ferris, Gerald R., ed. Research in personnel and human resources management. (PDF). Greenwich,
Conn.: JAI Press. ISBN 1-55938-733-5.
26. Newell, S.; Rice, C. (1999). Millmore, M., ed. “Assessment, selection and evaluation: problems and pitfalls”. The Irish Journal
of Management. Just How Extensive is the Practice of Strategic Recruitment and Selection?.
27. Lawley, Daniel King, Scott (2012). Organizational behaviour. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 259. ISBN 019960309X.
28. Patton, Michael Quinn (2004). Qualitative research & evaluation methods (3. ed., [Nachdr.] ed.). Thousand Oaks, Calif. [u.a.]:
Sage. p. 349. ISBN 978-0761919711.
29. Allison, Desmond (2002). Approaching English language research (Repr. ed.). Singapore: Singapore Univ. Press, National
Univ. of Singapore. ISBN 9971692589.
30. Zacharias, Nugrahenny T. (2012). Qualitative research methods for second language education: a coursebook. Newcastle upon
Tyne: Cambridge Scholars. p. 100.ISBN 144383551X.
31. Corbin, Juliet; Morse, Janice M. (2003). “The Unstructured Interactive Interview: Issues of Reciprocity and Risks When
Dealing With Sensitive Topics” (PDF). Qualitative Inquiry9(3): 340.
32. Marsh, Ian (2014). Theory and Practice in Sociology. Routledge.ISBN 9781317904847.
33. a b c d Oakley, Ann (1981). Roberts, Helen, ed. Doing feminist research. London: Routledge. pp. 40–41.

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34. Becker, Howard S. (1990). “The Epistemology of Qualitative Research” (PDF).
35. Oakley, Ann, ed. (2005). The Ann Oakley reader : gender, women and social science (1. publ. in Great Britain. ed.). Bristol:
Policy Press. p. 222. ISBN 1861346913.
36. Letherby, Gayle (2003). Feminist research in theory and practice. Philadelphia, PA: Open University Press. p. 84. ISBN 978-
0335200290.
37. Reinharz, Shulamit (1992). Feminist methods in social research. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0195073867.
38. Stanley, L.; Wise, S. (1983). Method, Methodology and Epistemology in Feminist Sociology. London: Routledge.
39. Wilkinson, Sue; Kitzinger, Ceclia (1996). Representing the Other: A Feminism & Psychology Reader. CA: Sage Publications.
ISBN 1446235432.
40. a b c Maynard, edited by Mary; Purvis, June (1994). Researching women’s lives from a feminist perspective. London: Taylor &
Francis. p. 11. ISBN 113534034X.
41. Oakley, Ann (1981). Subject women : [where women stand today – politically, economically, socially, emotionally] (1.
American ed.). New York: Pantheon Books. p. 41.ISBN 0394521706.
42. a b Oakley, Ann (1985). The sociology of housework([New ed.] ed.). Oxford: B. Blackwell. ISBN 0631139249.
43. a b Marsh, Ian (2014). Theory and Practice in Sociology. Routledge.ISBN 1317904842.

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
5: Language
5.1: Linguistic Anthropology
5.2: Language
5.3: Focal Vocabularies
5.4: Non-verbal Communication
5.5: Models of Language and Culture
5.6: Human Language Families Map

Thumbnail: Detail of the Rosetta Stone inscription. Major advances in the decoding were recognition that the stone offered three
versions of the same text; that the demotic text used phonetic characters to spell foreign names; that the hieroglyphic text did so as
well, and had pervasive similarities to the demotic; and that, in addition to being used for foreign names, phonetic characters were
also used to spell native Egyptian words. (CC BY-SA 3.0; Kajk).

5: Language is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

1 5/12/2022
5.1: Linguistic Anthropology
“It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an
incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection” – Edward Sapir

Figure 5.1.1 - Edward Sapir (1184-1939)

As implied from the quote above language and communication are key components of the human experience. Language can be one
of the easiest ways to make connections with other people. It helps us quickly identify the groups to which we belong. It is how we
convey information from one generation to the next. But language is only one way that humans communicate with one another.
Non-verbal forms of communication are as important if not more so. Linguistic anthropology is the sub-discipline that studies
communication systems, particularly language. Using comparative analysis, linguistic anthropologists examine the interaction of
language and culture. They look at the connection between language and thought and how it informs about social values and
norms. Linguistic data has been used to examine worldview, migration patterns, origins of peoples, etc.

References
1. Bilaniuk, Laada. “Anthropology, Linguistic.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, edited by William A.
Darity,Jr., p. 129-130. Detroit: Macmillian Reference, USA, 2008.
2. Gezen, Lisa and Conrad Kottak. Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
3. Hughes, Geoffrey. “Euphemisms.” In An Encyclopedia of Swearing: The Social History of Oaths, Profanity, Foul Language,
and Ethnic Slurs in the English-Speaking World, p. 151-153. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2006.
4. Magga, Ole Henrik. “Diversity in Saami Terminology for Reindeer, Snow, and Ice.” International Social Science Journal 58,
no. 187 (2006): 25-34. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2451.2006.00594.x
5. Miller, Barbara. Cultural Anthropology, 6th edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2011.
6. O’Neil, Dennis. “Language and Culture: An Introduction to Human Communication.” Last updated July 2013.
anthro.palomar.edu/language/Default.htm.
7. Purdy, Elizabeth. “Ape Communication.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by H. James Birx, p. 214-215.
ThousandOaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2006.
8. School of Languages, Cultures, and Linguistics. “Language Varieties.” University of New England (Australia). Accessed April
29, 2015.www.hawaii.edu/satocenter/lan...ons/index.html.
9. Sheppard, Mike. “Proxemics.” Last updated July 1996. http://www.cs.unm.edu/~sheppard/proxemics.htm.
10. Solash, Richard. “Silent Extinction: Language Loss Reaches Crisis Levels.” Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty. Last updated
April 29, 2015.http://www.rferl.org/content/Silent_...s/1963070.html.
11. The Economist. “Tongue Twisters.” The Economist, December 19, 2009.

5.1: Linguistic Anthropology is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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5.2: Language
Language is a set of arbitrary symbols shared among a group. These symbols may be verbal, signed, or written. It is one of the
primary ways that we communicate, or send and receive messages. Non-verbal forms of communication include body language,
body modification, and appearance (what we wear and our hairstyle).
Even non-human primates have a communication system; the difference, as far as we can determine, is that non-human primates
use a call system, which is a system of oral communication that uses a set of sounds in response to environmental factors, e.g., a
predator approaching. They can only signal one thing at a time. For instance, ‘here is food,’ or ‘a leopard is attacking.’ They cannot
signal something like ‘I’ve found food but there’s a leopard here so run away.’

Figure 5.2.1 - Chimpanzee vocalizing

However, primatologists conducting communication studies with great apes raise questions about the great apes’ ability to
communicate. Primatologists like Susan Savage-Rumbaugh, Sally Boysen, and Francine “Penny” Patterson report that they have
been able to have human-like communication with bonobos, chimpanzees, and gorillas through sign language, even conveying
feelings like sympathy. Washoe was the first chimpanzee to learn American Sign Language. Washoe, who was rescued in the wild
after her mother was killed by poachers, learned over three hundred signs, some of which she taught to her adopted son, Loulis,
without any help from human agents. She also told jokes, lied, and swore. Other great apes like Koko, a western lowland gorilla
born at the San Francisco Zoo, have demonstrated linguistic displacement, which is the ability to talk about things that are not
present or even real, by signing for her kitten when it was not present. She also displayed mourning behavior after being told that
actor and comedian Robin Williams died (read more about Koko’s reaction in this Huffington Post article,
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/0...n_5675300.html).

Figure 5.2.2 - China

Linguistic displacement has long been identified as a hallmark of human communication, something that set it apart from non-
human primate communication. Coupled with productivity, human language systems do appear to be more complex then our non-
human primate cousins. Productivity refers to “the ability to create an infinite range of understandable expressions from a finite set
of rules” (Miller 2011: 206). Using combinations of symbols, facial expressions, sounds, written word, signs, and body language,
humans can communicate things in a myriad of ways (for a humorous look at facial expressions, check out “What a Girl’s Facial
Expressions Mean” on YouTube [youtu.be/KAJvUXkIBeo]).
All cultures have language. Most individuals within that culture are fully competent users of the language without being formally
taught it. One can learn a language simply by being exposed to it, which is why foreign language teachers espouse immersion as
the best way to learn.

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No one language has more efficient grammar than another, and there is no correlation between grammatical complexity and social
complexity; some small, homogenous cultures have the most complex language. In December 2009, The Economist named the
Tuyuca language the “hardest” language. The Tuyuca live in the eastern Amazon. It is not as hard to speak as some other languages
as there are simple consonants and a few nasal vowels; however, it is an agglutinative language, so the word hóabãsiriga means “I
do not know how to write.” Hóabãsiriga has multiple morphemes each of which contribute to the word’s meaning. A morpheme is
the smallest sound that has meaning. Consider the word ‘cow.’ It is a single morpheme—if we try to break the word down into
smaller sound units it has no meaning. Same with the word ‘boy.’ Put them together and we have a word with two morphemes
(O’Neil 2013). Morphemes are a part of morphology, which is the grammatical category of analysis concerned with how sounds,
or phonemes, are combined. Morphemes are combined into strings of sounds to create speech, which is grouped into sentences and
phrases. The rules that govern how words should be combined are called syntax, which is the second of two grammar categories of
analysis. In Tuyuca, all statements require a verb-ending to indicate how the speaker knows something. For instance, diga ape-wi
means that the speaker knows the boy played soccer because of direct observation, but diga ape-hiyi means that the speaker
assumed the boy played soccer. Tuyuca has somewhere between fifty and one hundred forty noun classes based on gender,
compared to Spanish which has two noun classes that are based on gender.

References
1. Bilaniuk, Laada. “Anthropology, Linguistic.” In InternationalEncyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, edited by William A.
Darity,Jr., p. 129-130. Detroit: Macmillian Reference, USA, 2008.
2. Gezen, Lisa and Conrad Kottak. Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
3. Hughes, Geoffrey. “Euphemisms.” In An Encyclopedia of Swearing: The Social History of Oaths, Profanity, Foul Language,
and Ethnic Slurs in the English-Speaking World, p. 151-153. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2006.
4. Magga, Ole Henrik. “Diversity in Saami Terminology for Reindeer, Snow, and Ice.” International Social Science Journal 58,
no. 187 (2006): 25-34. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2451.2006.00594.x
5. Miller, Barbara. Cultural Anthropology, 6th edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2011.
6. O’Neil, Dennis. “Language and Culture: An Introduction to Human Communication.” Last updated July 2013.
anthro.palomar.edu/language/Default.htm.
7. Purdy, Elizabeth. “Ape Communication.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by H. James Birx, p. 214-215.
ThousandOaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2006.
8. School of Languages, Cultures, and Linguistics. “Language Varieties.” University of New England (Australia). Accessed April
29, 2015.www.hawaii.edu/satocenter/lan...ons/index.html.
9. Sheppard, Mike. “Proxemics.” Last updated July 1996. http://www.cs.unm.edu/~sheppard/proxemics.htm.
10. Solash, Richard. “Silent Extinction: Language Loss Reaches Crisis Levels.” Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty. Last updated
April 29, 2015.http://www.rferl.org/content/Silent_...s/1963070.html.
11. The Economist. “Tongue Twisters.” The Economist, December 19, 2009.

5.2: Language is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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5.3: Focal Vocabularies

Figure 5.3.1 - A Saami family,Norway, 1897

Every language has a lexicon, or vocabulary. Semantics is the study of a language meaning system. Anthropologists are
particularly interested in ethnosemantics, which is the study of semantics within a specific cultural context. Ethnosemantics helps
anthropologists understand how people perceive, define, and classify their world. Focal vocabularies are sets of words that pertain
to important aspects of the culture. For example, the Saami, the indigenous reindeer hunters in Scandinavia, have numerous words
for reindeer, snow, and ice. Snow and ice terminology is based on the physical condition of the layers as well as changes due to
weather and temperature. Reindeer terminology is based primarily on sex, age, color, and appearance of various body parts, but
may be based on others things such as personality and habits.
Table 5 - Saami Reindeer terminology based on personality and habits (Magga 2006)
Biltu Shy and wild, usually refers to females

Doalli Apt to resist

Male reindeer who keeps apart all summer and is very fat when autumn
Goaisu
comes
Já?as Obstinate, difficult to lead
Láiddas Easy to lead by a rope or rein
Lojat Very tractable driving-reindeer
Lojáš Very tame female reindeer
Láiddot Reindeer which is very láiddas
Female reindeer who slips the lasso over head in order to avoid being
Moggaraš
caught
Female reindeer which is very unmanageable and difficult to hold when
Njirru
tied
Ravdaboazu Reindeer which keeps itself to the edge of the herd
Smallish male reindeer which chases a female out of the herd in order to
Sarat
mate with it
Šlohtur Reindeer which hardly lifts its feet
Stoalut Reindeer which is no longer afraid of the dog

Table 6 - Saami Terminology for Condition and Layers of Snow (Magga 2006)
Čahki Hard lump of snow; hard snowball

Geardni Thin crust of snow

Gska-geardi Layer of crust
Gaska-skárta Hard layer of crust
Goahpálat The kind of snowstorm in which the snow falls thickly and sticks to things
Guoldu A cloud of snow which blows up from the ground when there is a hard

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 frost without very much wind
Luotkku Loose snow
Moarri Brittle crust of snow; thin crust of ice
Njáhcu Thaw
Ruokna Thin hard crust of ice on snow
Seanaš Granular snow at the bottom of the layer of snow
Skárta Thin layer of snow frozen on to the ground
Skáva Very thin layer of frozen snow
Crust of ice on snow, formed in the evening after the sun has thawed the
Skávvi
top of the snow during the day
Soavli Very wet, slushy snow, snow-slush
Skoavdi Empty space between snow and the ground
Loose snow, especially new snow on the top of a layer of older snow or on
Vahca
a road with snow on it

References
1. Bilaniuk, Laada. “Anthropology, Linguistic.” In InternationalEncyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, edited by William A.
Darity,Jr., p. 129-130. Detroit: Macmillian Reference, USA, 2008.
2. Gezen, Lisa and Conrad Kottak. Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
3. Hughes, Geoffrey. “Euphemisms.” In An Encyclopedia of Swearing: The Social History of Oaths, Profanity, Foul Language,
and Ethnic Slurs in the English-Speaking World, p. 151-153. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2006.
4. Magga, Ole Henrik. “Diversity in Saami Terminology for Reindeer, Snow, and Ice.” International Social Science Journal 58,
no. 187 (2006): 25-34. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2451.2006.00594.x
5. Miller, Barbara. Cultural Anthropology, 6th edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2011.
6. O’Neil, Dennis. “Language and Culture: An Introduction to Human Communication.” Last updated July 2013.
anthro.palomar.edu/language/Default.htm.
7. Purdy, Elizabeth. “Ape Communication.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by H. James Birx, p. 214-215.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2006.
8. School of Languages, Cultures, and Linguistics. “Language Varieties.” University of New England (Australia). Accessed April
29, 2015.www.hawaii.edu/satocenter/lan...ons/index.html.
9. Sheppard, Mike. “Proxemics.” Last updated July 1996. http://www.cs.unm.edu/~sheppard/proxemics.htm.
10. Solash, Richard. “Silent Extinction: Language Loss Reaches Crisis Levels.” Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty. Last updated
April 29, 2015.http://www.rferl.org/content/Silent_...s/1963070.html.
11. The Economist. “Tongue Twisters.” The Economist, December 19, 2009.

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5.4: Non-verbal Communication
Cultures also have non-verbal forms of communication, but there are still rules and symbols involved. Kinesics is the study of
communication through body language, including gestures, facial expressions, body movement, and stances. Hand gestures add
emphasis; a facial expression may contradict verbal communication. Voice level and tone add to our communication. Even silence
can be an effective form of communication.

Figure 5.4.1 - Brazil vs. Chile in Mineirão 17

Body language is culture specific. The same body postures and gestures can have different meanings in different cultures. For
instance, holding your hand out, fingers together, and palm facing outward is a symbol for stop in North America. In Greece, the
same gesture is highly insulting. Crossing your fingers for luck in North America is an obscene gesture in Vietnam where the
crossed fingers are thought to resemble female genitalia. A thumbs-up in North America might mean approval, but in Thailand it is
a sign of condemnation usually used by children similar to how children in the United States stick out their tongue. The A-OK
symbol gesture of index finger placed on the thumb might mean everything is OK in the United Kingdom and United States, but in
some Mediterranean countries, Germany, and Brazil it is the equivalent of calling someone an ass.
Bowing in Japan communicates many things depending on how it is done. Ojigi, or Japanese bowing, is used as a greeting, a way
to apologize, and a way to show respect. The degree of the bow indicates the amount of respect. Fifteen degrees is the common
greeting bow for those you already know or are on an equal social level. A thirty-degree bow is used for people who have a higher
social rank, such as a boss, but not someone to whom you are related. The highest respect bow is forty-five degrees and used when
you apologize.

Figure 5.4.2 - Woman bowing to an orca.

Other forms of non-verbal communication include clothing, hairstyles, eye contact, even how close we stand to one another.
Proxemics is the study of cultural aspects of the use of space. This can be both in an individual’s personal and physical territory.
The use of color in one’s physical space is an example of proxemics of physical territory. A health spa is more likely to use
soothing, cool greens and blues rather than reds and oranges to create a relaxing atmosphere. Personal territory refers to the
“bubble” of space we keep between others and ourselves. This varies depending on the other person and the situation, for instance,
in the United States public space is defined as somewhere between twelve to twenty-five feet, and is generally adhered to in public

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speaking situations. Social space, used between business associates and social space such as bus stops, varies between four and ten
feet. Personal space is reserved for friends and family, and queues, and ranges between two and four feet. Intimate space is less
than a foot and usually involves a high probability of touching. We generally feel uncomfortable or violated if any of these spaces
are “invaded” without an invitation.

Figure 5.4.3 - Personal Spaces in Proxemics

References
1. Bilaniuk, Laada. “Anthropology, Linguistic.” In InternationalEncyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, edited by William A.
Darity,Jr., p. 129-130. Detroit: Macmillian Reference, USA, 2008.
2. Gezen, Lisa and Conrad Kottak. Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
3. Hughes, Geoffrey. “Euphemisms.” In An Encyclopedia of Swearing: The Social History of Oaths, Profanity, Foul Language,
and Ethnic Slurs in the English-Speaking World, p. 151-153. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2006.
4. Magga, Ole Henrik. “Diversity in Saami Terminology for Reindeer, Snow, and Ice.” International Social Science Journal 58,
no. 187 (2006): 25-34. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2451.2006.00594.x
5. Miller, Barbara. Cultural Anthropology, 6th edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2011.
6. O’Neil, Dennis. “Language and Culture: An Introduction to Human Communication.” Last updated July 2013.
anthro.palomar.edu/language/Default.htm.
7. Purdy, Elizabeth. “Ape Communication.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by H. James Birx, p. 214-215.
ThousandOaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2006.
8. School of Languages, Cultures, and Linguistics. “Language Varieties.” University of New England (Australia). Accessed April
29, 2015.www.hawaii.edu/satocenter/lan...ons/index.html.
9. Sheppard, Mike. “Proxemics.” Last updated July 1996. http://www.cs.unm.edu/~sheppard/proxemics.htm.
10. Solash, Richard. “Silent Extinction: Language Loss Reaches Crisis Levels.” Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty. Last updated
April 29, 2015.http://www.rferl.org/content/Silent_...s/1963070.html.
11. The Economist. “Tongue Twisters.” The Economist, December 19, 2009.

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5.5: Models of Language and Culture
There are two models used in anthropology to study language and culture. In the early twentieth century, Edward Sapir and
Benjamin Whorf proposed that language influences the way we think. This idea, known as the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis, is the
foundation of the theory of linguistic determinism, which states that it is impossible to fully learn or understand a second language
because the primary language is so fully ingrained within an individual. Consequently, it is impossible to fully understand other
cultures. The Saami concepts of snow listed above serves as an example of the Sapir-Whorf Hypothesis. Someone from the desert
or the tropics who has never experienced snow cannot think about snow. Try to imagine how you would explain snow to someone
who had never experienced snow. It would be necessary to start with a common frame of reference and try to move on from there,
but it would be difficult if not impossible to explain snow.
The second model is sociolinguistics. This is the study of how language is shaped within its cultural context; it is basically how
people use language. This approach has been instrumental in demonstrating how language is used in different social, economic, and
political situations. Sociolinguists contend that language reflects social status, gender, ethnicity, and other forms of social diversity.
In the United States, ethnicity can be expressed through the use of specific words and patterns of speech, e.g., Black English
Vernacular (BEV), African American English (AAE), or African American Vernacular English (AAVE). AAE is used by many
African American youth, particularly in urban centers and conveys an immediate sense of belonging to a group. AAE grew out of
slavery and thus carries the prejudice and discrimination associated with that practice. People speaking AAE instead of American
Mainstream English (AME) are often wrongly seen as less intelligent and less educated. You can learn more about AAE at
http://www.pbs.org/speak/seatosea/americanvarieties/AAVE/.
Languages often blend when two cultures that do not speak the same language come into contact creating a pidgin language.
Many pidgin languages emerged through the process of European colonialism. Bislama (Vanuatu) and Nigerian Pidgin are two
examples. Creole languages evolve from pidgin languages. They have a larger vocabulary and more developed grammar. It
becomes the mother tongue of a people. Tok Pisin was a pidgin language in Papua New Guinea, but is now an officially recognized
language in that country. Other examples of creole languages include Gullah, Jamaican Creole, and Louisiana Creole. Some
confusion can arise with the terms pidgin and creole. In linguistic anthropology they are technical terms as defined above. How
culture groups and individuals use the term can be different. Jamaicans do not refer to their language as creole, but as patwa.
People speaking Hawai’I Creole English call their language pidgin.
Regional dialects frequently emerge within specific areas of countries. Regional dialects may have specific words, phrases,
accents, and intonations by which they are identified. In the United States what you call a fizzy, highly sugared beverage (soda,
pop, Coke) can indicate if you are from the South, Midwest or other region (check out www4.ncsu.edu/~jakatz2/project-
dialect.html for an interactive map of regional words and phrases for the U.S.). Speaking Cockney, Brummy, or Geordie will
immediately inform people of where you are from in Great Britain.
Gender status and roles can be highlighted by language. In the United States, white Euro-American females have three prominent
patterns (Miller 2011: 269):
1. Politeness
2. Rising intonation at the end of sentences
3. Frequent use of tag questions (questions placed at the end of sentences seeking affirmation, e.g., “It’s a nice day, isn’t it?”

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 Figure 5.5.1 - Kogals in Japan
In Japan, female speech patterns also are more polite than males. An honorific “o-“ is attached to nouns, making their speech more
refined, e.g., a book is hon for males and ohon for females. Young Japanese females, or kogals, use language and other forms of
communication to shake up the traditional feminine roles. They use masculine forms of words, talk openly about sex, and are
creating new words using compounds. Heavily influenced by globalization, the kogals are rethinking their traditional roles in
Japanese society.
Language can give us clues as to what is taboo within a society or what makes people uncomfortable without anyone specifically
telling us. Euphemisms are words or phrases used to indirectly infer to a taboo or uncomfortable topic, such as body parts related
to sexual intercourse, pregnancy, disability, mental illness, body shape, and socioeconomic status. Even underclothes have
euphemisms…unmentionables, pants, and underpants. Political correctness is a form of euphemism. Disabled is “differently
abled,” “sex worker” instead of prostitute, and “Caucasian” instead of white people. Minced oaths are another form of euphemism.
These euphemisms reword rude words like “pissed off” into such things as teed off and kissed off.
Euphemisms occur in all languages. Through repeated use they often lose their effectiveness and become a direct part of speech.
Euphemisms for sexual intercourse like consummation, copulation, and intercourse itself become commonplace and must be
replaced with new euphemisms. This is a good example of how language changes as cultures change. Changes can reflect new
conflict and concerns within a culture.
Languages can also go extinct. Recent research suggests that of the approximate 6,700 languages spoken in the word today, about
3,500 of them will be extinct by the year 2100 (Solash 2010). In fact, it is estimated that one indigenous language goes extinct
every two weeks (Gezen and Kottak 2014). While this may make communication easier between people, a vast amount of
knowledge will be lost. More information on endangered indigenous languages can be found at Living Tongues, Institute for
Endangered Languages (http://livingtongues.org/).

Explore: Learn About the Anthropologists

Edward Sapir: http://www.ruf.rice.edu/~kemmer/Found/sapirbio.html
Benjamin Whorf: http://www.notablebiographies.com/su...jamin-Lee.html

References
1. Bilaniuk, Laada. “Anthropology, Linguistic.” In InternationalEncyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, edited by William A.
Darity,Jr., p. 129-130. Detroit: Macmillian Reference, USA, 2008.
2. Gezen, Lisa and Conrad Kottak. Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
3. Hughes, Geoffrey. “Euphemisms.” In An Encyclopedia of Swearing: The Social History of Oaths, Profanity, Foul Language,
and Ethnic Slurs in the English-Speaking World, p. 151-153. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 2006.
4. Magga, Ole Henrik. “Diversity in Saami Terminology for Reindeer, Snow, and Ice.” International Social Science Journal 58,
no. 187 (2006): 25-34. doi:10.1111/j.1468-2451.2006.00594.x
5. Miller, Barbara. Cultural Anthropology, 6th edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2011.
6. O’Neil, Dennis. “Language and Culture: An Introduction to Human Communication.” Last updated July 2013.
anthro.palomar.edu/language/Default.htm.

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 7. Purdy, Elizabeth. “Ape Communication.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 1, edited by H. James Birx, p. 214-215.
ThousandOaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2006.
8. School of Languages, Cultures, and Linguistics. “Language Varieties.” University of New England (Australia). Accessed April
29, 2015.www.hawaii.edu/satocenter/lan...ons/index.html.
9. Sheppard, Mike. “Proxemics.” Last updated July 1996. http://www.cs.unm.edu/~sheppard/proxemics.htm.
10. Solash, Richard. “Silent Extinction: Language Loss Reaches Crisis Levels.” Radio Free Europe Radio Liberty. Last updated
April 29, 2015.http://www.rferl.org/content/Silent_...s/1963070.html.
11. The Economist. “Tongue Twisters.” The Economist, December 19, 2009.

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5.6: Human Language Families Map

Figure 5.6.1

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
6: Deconstructing Race
The concept of race is important in many different areas of the discipline including cross-cultural studies, the way we look at
ourselves vs. people we feel are different from us and many other areas. Race is not biological but it’s supposed to be a way to
classify biological differences by grouping people according to different characteristics that they have. However it’s important to
remember that race is not based on genetic features. There is no biological part of race. It is strictly a concept created by humans to
try to better understand differences between us.
6.1: Deconstructing Race and Racism
6.2: Human Adaptations
6.3: Skin Color and UV Index
6.4: Ethnicity and Race
6.5: Social Constructions of Race
6.6: Eugenics in the United States

Thumbnail depicting (from left): a Berber, a Nubian, an Asiatic, and an Egyptian. An 1820 drawing of a relief from the tomb of Seti
I. upload.wikimedia.org/wikiped...tian_races.jpg See page for author [Public domain], via Wikimedia Commons

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1 5/12/2022
6.1: Deconstructing Race and Racism
Race was created long ago as a tool to separate humans from different areas on the globe in order to justify enslaving and belittling
certain peoples of the world. Since its creation there has been a slow but steady attempt to deconstruct it. Of course there have been
many speed bumps along the way.
Deconstructing the social concept of race has been a major interest of Cultural Anthropology at least since Franz Boas’s work on
race and immigration in the early 1900’s. The concept of race is important in many different areas of the discipline including cross-
cultural studies, the way we look at ourselves vs. people we feel are different from us and many other areas. Race is not biological
but it’s supposed to be a way to classify biological differences by grouping people according to different characteristics that they
have[1]. However it’s important to remember that race is not based on genetic features. There is no biological part of race. It is
strictly a concept created by humans to try to better understand differences between us. The history of the relationship between
anthropology and the concept of race is long and interesting. For more information see the American Anthropological Association
Statement on “Race,” http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm

References
1. American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race” (May 17, 1998) http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm

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6.2: Human Adaptations
Adaptations and Adaptatbility
Humans have biological plasticity, or an ability to adapt biologically to our environment. An adaptation is any variation that can
increase one’s biological fitness in a specific environment; more simply it is the successful interaction of a population with its
environment. Adaptations may be biological or cultural in nature. Biological adaptations vary in their length of time, anywhere
from a few seconds for a reflex to a lifetime for developmental acclimatization or genetics. The biological changes that occur
within an individual’s lifetime are also referred to as functional adaptations. What type of adaptation is activated often depends
on the severity and duration of stressors in the environment. A stressor is anything that disrupts homeostasis, which is a “condition
of balance, or stability, within a biological system…” (Jurmain et al 2013: 322). Stressors can be abiotic, e.g., climate or high
altitude, biotic, e.g., disease, or social, e.g., war and psychological stress. Cultural adaptations can occur at any time and may be as
simple as putting on a coat when it is cold or as complicated as engineering, building, and installing a heating system in a building.

Types of Biological Adaptation

Acclimatization
This form of adaptation can take moments to weeks to occur and is reversible within an individual’s lifetime no matter if it occurs
when one is a child or an adult.
Short-term acclimatization can occur within seconds of exposure to a stressor. This type of response quickly reverses when the
stressor is no longer present. Imagine stepping out of an air-conditioned building or car into a 90 degree day. Your body will
quickly begin to perspire in an attempt to cool your body temperature and return to homeostasis. When the temperature declines, so
will your perspiration. Tanning is another short-term response, in this case to increased UV-radiation exposure especially during
summer months, which can occur within hours. Tans are generally lost during the winter when UV-radiation decreases.

Developmental Acclimatization
Developmental acclimatization occurs during an individual’s growth and development. It’s also called ontological acclimatization
or developmental adjustment. Note that these cannot take place once the individual is fully grown. There is usually a “magic time
window” of when the acclimatization can occur. This adaptation can take months to years to acquire.
A famous example of this is those who have grown up at high altitude vs. those who have moved to high altitude as adults. Those
who were born at high altitude tend to develop larger lung capacities than do those who were not born at high altitude, but moved
there later in life. However, developmental adjustment occurs in response to cultural stressors as well. Intentional body deformation
has been documented throughout human history. The ancient Maya elite used cradle boards to reshape the skull. Foot binding in
China, now an illegal practice, was considered an mark of beauty and enabled girls to find a wealthy spouse.

Genetics
Genetic adaptations can occur when a stressor is constant and lasts for many generations (O’Neil 1998-2013). The presence of the
sickle cell allele in some human populations is one example. Keep in mind that genetic adaptations are environmentally specific.
In other words, while a particular gene may be advantageous to have in one environment (AKA a genetic adaptation), it may be
detrimental to have in another environment.

Human Genetic Adaptations and Human Variation

Skin Color
Click on this link to watch a fantastic video explaining the interplay of skin color, UV, and vitamin D.

Body Size and Shape

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 Figure 6.2.1 - Inuit women
There are two ecological rules, known as Bergmann’s rule and Allen’s rule, that explain the variation in size and shape of bodies
and extremities using latitude and temperature.
Bergmann’s rule: Warm-blooded animals tend to have increasing body size with increasing latitude (toward the poles) and
decreasing average temperatures.
Allen’s rule: A corollary of Bergmann’s rule that applies to appendages. Warm-blooded animals tend to have shorter limbs with
increasing latitude and decreasing average temperatures.
When organisms are more compact, they tend to conserve heat (due to a high mass:surface area ratio). When organisms are more
linear, they tend to lose more heat (due to a low mass:surface area ratio).
This has been applied to humans. The idea is that populations toward the pole tend to be shorter and have shorter limbs than do
people on the equator. For example, the Inuit people of Canada (pictured above) tend to be shorter than the Maasai people of Kenya
(pictured below):

Figure 6.2.2 - Young Maasai men

Race
Technically, a race is a biologically classifiable subspecies. So, when we are asking, “Do human races exist?”, what we’re really
asking is, “Are there biologically classifiable subspecies in humans?”.
Here’s the American Anthropological Association’s statement on race and the American Association of Physical Anthropologists
statement on race. What are they saying?
Basically:
race is an arbitrary categorization, races are not biologically distinct groups (in other words, race is a cultural construct, not a
biological one)
while groups of people who have lived together for a long time may have some alleles in common (for example, those that code
for skin color or hair color), there is more genetic variation within races than there is between races
the concept of race has historically been a tool that some people use to subjugate others
Further explore the concept of race, its history, and human variation.

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References
1. Jurmain R, Kilgore L, Trevathan W. Essentials of physical anthropology, 4th edition. Belmont (CA): Wadsworth, Cengage
Learning; 2013. 437 p.
2. Larsen CS. Our origins: discovering physical anthropology. New York (NY): W.W Norton& Company, Inc.; 2008. 430 p.
3. O’Neil D. Human biological adaptability: an introduction to human responses to common environmental stresses [Internet].
c1998-2013; [cited 2015 June 1]. Available from <anthro.palomar.edu/adapt/default.htm>.
4. Yoshida-Levine B. Human variation and adaptation [Internet]. El Cajon (CA): Grossmont College; c2015 [cited 2015 June 1].
Available from <www.grossmont.edu/people/bonn...daptation.aspx>.

6.2: Human Adaptations is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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6.3: Skin Color and UV Index

Figure 6.3.1 - Map of Skin Color Distribution prior to 1940

Darker skin is found in indigenous populations nearer to the equator. Lighter skin is found in indigenous populations further
from the equator (see map above). There is more UV radiation near the equator (see map below).
The sun’s UV rays can destroy folate levels. Folate is needed for DNA synthesis. Low folate levels contribute to birth defects
such as spina bifida.
UV from the sun is needed for the body to create vitamin D.
Skin has to be dark enough to protect folate levels while light enough to create vitamin D.

Figure 6.3.2 - Solar noon UV Index average for 1996-2002, based on GOME spectrometer data from ESA’s ERS-2 satellite, as
published by KNMI (Royal Netherlands Meteorological Institute).

References
1. Jablonski, N. G., Chaplin, G., N.G.J., & G.C. (2003). Skin Deep. Scientific American Special Edition, 13(2), 72-79.

6.3: Skin Color and UV Index is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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6.4: Ethnicity and Race
Ethnicity & Race
Human beings seem to have an innate need to classify, perhaps due to the sheer volume of information that must be processed on
any given day. This need extends beyond the need to classify the natural world around them, but to classify other human beings as
well. In doing so, clear lines are drawn between themselves and others. These lines serve to identify to whom we have social
obligations and with whom we are competing for resources. Culturally, two ways to do this is through identification of an
individual’s ethnicity or race.
Ethnicity refers to an ethnic group that a person identifies with or feels a part of to the exclusion of other groups. An ethnic group
shares similar values and norms defined by such things as language (e.g., Hispanics), geography (e.g., Somalis), religion (e.g.,
Jews), or race (see discussion of race below). While this seems like a straightforward concept, it can be murky. Children of parents
of different ethnicities may perceive themselves one way and others perceive them as something else. This can occur even among
the siblings of or between generations in mixed-ethnic families.
Ethnic identity is tied to social status, therefore, a person’s ethnic identity may change depending on the context, where one ethnic
identity is used in certain contexts and a different identity is used in another context. This is called the situational negotiation of
identity. Gezen and Kottak (2014: 215) discuss Hispanics as an example of situational negotiation of identity. “Hispanic” as noted
above is an ethnic identity based primarily on language. It includes people of varying skin color and geography. When issues
impacting all Hispanics arise in the United States, people who identify as Mexican American, Cuban American and Puerto Ricans
may act together to address the issue. At other times, they identify as peoples with different interests; e.g., Mexican Americans may
be interested in immigration reform, Puerto Ricans on statehood, and Cuban Americans on lifting of trade sanctions on Cuba.
Ethnic identity is often tied directly to the sociopolitical hierarchy of a country. Ethnic groups become equated with minority
groups who have less power and prestige then the majority group. Ethnic groups are frequently confused with races.
Race is a cultural construct that groups people together based on perceived biological similarities. In the biological sciences, a race
is a “geographically related subdivision of a species” (Gezen and Kottak 2014: 216). This definition does not apply to Homo
sapiens. Genetically, it is clear that human groups have been interbreeding for millennia as we are genetically similar to one
another. This is not to say that there is no diversity in human beings; one only has to look around to see some variability, but at a
genetic level the diversity we see is, well, superficial.

Figure 6.4.1
This tendency to group peoples together based on a perceived similarity is not a new phenomenon. The ancient Greek philosopher,
Hippocrates (460-370 BC), wrote about the essences of organisms, or humors, that determined its physical traits, temperament,
intelligence, and behavior (Brown 2010: 66). Building off of Aristotle’s scale of nature, medieval Europeans created an immutable,
or unchanging, “great chain of being” to categorize the world, placing themselves near the top of the chain following only angels
and God, with the rest of humanity categorized below. This approach is referred to as the essentialist approach.
During the late Renaissance and Enlightenment periods, philosophers and scientists continued to try to categorize human beings.
French philosopher Jean Boudin (1530-1596) followed the Greeks in using humors coupled with skin color to classify humans. In
Boudin’s schema white-skinned Europeans had a predominance of phlegm and were both reflective and rational. Black-skinned

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Africans had black bile and were lethargic and less-intelligent than other peoples. Red-skinned Indians were savage, war-like, and
associated with blood, while Asians were associated with yellow bile, yellow skin, deviousness, and slyness. Carolus Linneaus
(1707-1778) used a similar system when creating his scientific classification system in the 1700s.
Anthropology has contributed to the tenacity of the race concept throughout the years. Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (1752-1840),
the father of physical anthropology, rejected external characteristics such as skin color to focus on skull shape to create five types:
Caucasian, Mongolian, Malayan, Ethiopian, and American. Shortly after Blumenbach published his schema, skin color was
attached to each of the racial types: white, yellow, brown, black, and red. Franz Boas (1858-1942) was the first anthropologist to
challenge the essentialist approach. He pointed out essentialist schemes were based on the faulty assumption that there was a
connection between skin color and temperament. In fact, no biological connection between skin color and temperament had ever
been demonstrated. Boas argued that natural and cultural environment were keys to shaping behavior. Conducting a study of
Sicilian immigrants over a ten-year period, Boas demonstrated that both behavior and biological characteristics could change based
on the natural and cultural environment. The debate on and research into the usefulness, accuracy, and efficacy of the race concept
continues. While all anthropologists acknowledge the inherent flaws in the concept, primarily that there are no biological human
races, forensic anthropologists continue to use the concept to help law enforcement identify human remains. Forensic
anthropologists use measurements from multiple features of the skeleton to predict biological affiliation. Nonetheless, most
American anthropologists support the American Anthropological Association’s position on race:

In the United States both scholars and the general public have been conditioned to
viewing human races as natural and separate divisions within the human species based
on visible physical differences. With the vast expansion of scientific knowledge in this
century, however, it has become clear that human populations are not unambiguous,
clearly demarcated, biologically distinct groups. Evidence from the analysis of genetics
(e.g., DNA) indicates that most physical variation, about 94%, lies within so-called racial
groups. Conventional geographic “racial” groupings differ from one another only in
about 6% of their genes. This means that there is greater variation within “racial” groups
than between them. In neighboring populations there is much overlapping of genes and
their phenotypic (physical) expressions. Throughout history whenever different groups
have come into contact, they have interbred. The continued sharing of genetic materials
has maintained all of humankind as a single species (American Anthropological
Association 1998).
The complete statement is available at http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm.
One may wonder that if there are no biological human races, why does the concept persist? It persists because people live the
experience of race. What this means is that people discriminate based on appearance, which includes not only skin color, but
language, social behavior, etc.

We tend to separate people into ethnic categories, but we often use racial terms to identify
these categories. Thus, one talks about “black” culture or “white” culture as if the color
of one’s skin is somehow connected to one’s behavior. While the connection is clearly not
genetic, it is real nonetheless. An example can be found in the 2008 presidential election
when then-candidate Obama was criticized by some leaders in the African American
community for not being “black enough.” Clearly, they were not talking about his skin
color, but rather his lived experiences as a person of color. Obama didn’t go through the
“typical” black experience of discrimination and the social injustice that goes along with
it, because he was raised by a white family in biologically and ethnically diverse
Hawaii… Using racial labels like “black” or “white” as shorthand for ethnic experiences
may be useful and even necessary for Americans when talking about race. However, it

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 also keeps alive the centuries-old essentialist notions about race and behavior (Brown
2010: 74).
As we have learned, there are many things that contribute to our personal identities. Cultural concepts about ethnicity, race, and
gender create boxes that we are expected to operate within. Breaking free from those expectations can be a difficult and painful
process as we place others into unfamiliar territory where their cultural expectations are negated. This creates conflict for all parties
involved because of fear of the unknown; however, the end result can be one of change for the whole society not just the
individuals involved.

References
1. American Anthropological Association. “Early Classification of Nature.” Race, accessed April 15, 2015.
www.understandingrace.org/his...rly_class.html.
2. American Anthropological Association. “American Anthropological Association Statement on “Race” (May 17, 1998).”
Accessed April 15, 2015. http://www.aaanet.org/stmts/racepp.htm.
3. Ashforth Blake E., and Kristie M. Boudwin. “Initiation Rites.” In Encyclopedia of Group Processes & Intergroup Relations,
edited by John M. Levine and Michael A. Hogg, 448-451. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
4. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2010.
5. Brown, Paul F. “Race and Racism.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 1, edited by H. James Birx, p.
65-75. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
6. Davis-Floyd, Robbie. “Rites of Passage.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 2nd edition, Vol. 7, edited by
William A. Darity, Jr., 256-259. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.
7. Devor, Aaron H. “How many sexes? How many genders? When two are not enough.” Last modified June 29, 2007,
web.uvic.ca/~ahdevor/HowMany/HowMany.html.
8. Fernandes, Luci. “Enculturation.” In Encylopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx, p. 810-811. Thousand Oaks,
CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
9. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
10. Markowitz, Harvey. “Berdache.” In American Indian Culture, edited by Carole A. Barrett and Harvey J. Markowitz, p. 128-
130. Pasadena, CA: Salem Press, 2004.
11. Nanda, Serena. “Hijra.” In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 3: South Asia, p. 96-98. New York: Macmillan Reference
USA, 1996.

6.4: Ethnicity and Race is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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6.5: Social Constructions of Race
Social Constructions
As anthropologists and other evolutionary scientists have shifted away from the language of race to the term population to talk
about genetic differences, historians, cultural anthropologists and other social scientists re-conceptualized the term “race” as a
cultural category or social construct—a particular way that some people talk about themselves and others.
Many social scientists have replaced the word race with the word “ethnicity” to refer to self-identifying groups based on beliefs
concerning shared culture, ancestry and history. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems with “race”, following the Second
World War, evolutionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimination,
apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This questioning gained momentum in the 1960s during the U.S. civil rights movement and the
emergence of numerous anti-colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to believe that race itself is a social construct, a
concept that was believed to correspond to an objective reality but which was believed in because of its social functions.[109]
Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping of the human
genome in 2000. Upon examining the data from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although the genetic variation within the
human species is on the order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%), the types of variations do not support notion of
genetically defined races. Venter said, “Race is a social concept. It’s not a scientific one. There are no bright lines (that would stand
out), if we could compare all the sequenced genomes of everyone on the planet.” “When we try to apply science to try to sort out
these social differences, it all falls apart.”[110]
Stephan Palmié asserted that race “is not a thing but a social relation”;[111]or, in the words of Katya Gibel Mevorach, “a metonym”,
“a human invention whose criteria for differentiation are neither universal nor fixed but have always been used to manage
difference.”[112] As such, the use of the term “race” itself must be analyzed. Moreover, they argue that biology will not explain why
or how people use the idea of race: History and social relationships will.
Imani Perry, a professor in the Center for African American Studies at Princeton University, has made significant contributions to
how we define race in America today. Perry’s work focuses on how race is experienced. Perry tells us that race “is produced by
social arrangements and political decision making.”[113] Perry explains race more in stating, “race is something that happens, rather
than something that is. It is dynamic, but it holds no objective truth.”[114]
The theory that race is merely a social construct has been challenged by the findings of researchers at the Stanford University
School of Medicine, published in the American Journal of Human Genetics as “Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity,
and Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies”.[115] One of the researchers, Neil Risch, noted: “we looked at the
correlation between genetic structure [based on microsatellite markers] versus self-description, we found 99.9% concordance
between the two. We actually had a higher discordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on the X chromosome! So you
could argue that sex is also a problematic category. And there are differences between sex and gender; self-identification may not
be correlated with biology perfectly. And there is sexism.”[116]

Brazil
alt

Figure 6.5.1 - Portrait “Redenção do Can” (1895), showing a Brazilian family each generation becoming “whiter”.
Compared to 19th-century United States, 20th-century Brazil was characterized by a perceived relative absence of sharply defined
racial groups. According to anthropologist Marvin Harris, this pattern reflects a different history and different social relations.
Basically, race in Brazil was “biologized”, but in a way that recognized the difference between ancestry (which determines
genotype) and phenotypic differences. There, racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as the one-drop rule, as it
was in the United States. A Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the racial type of one or both parents, nor were

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there only a very limited number of categories to choose from,[117] to the extent that full siblings can pertain to different racial
groups.[118]
Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in conformity with all the possible combinations of hair color, hair texture, eye
color, and skin color. These types grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and not one category stands significantly
isolated from the rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance, not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of
ancestry, because only a few genes are responsible for someone’s skin color and traits: a person who is considered white may have
more African ancestry than a person who is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about European ancestry.[119] The
complexity of racial classifications in Brazil reflects the extent of miscegenation in Brazilian society, a society that remains highly,
but not strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, because a
minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely to start declaring themselves white or black if socially upward,[120]and being seen
as relatively “whiter” as their perceived social status increases (much as in other regions of Latin America).[121]
Table 1 - Self-reported ancestry of people from Rio de Janeiro, by race or skin color (2000 survey)[122]
Ancestry brancos pardos pretos

European only 48% 6% –

African only – 12% 25%

Amerindian only – 2% –
African and European 23% 34% 31%
Amerindian and European 14% 6% –
African and Amerindian – 4% 9%
African, Amerindian and European 15% 36% 35%
Total 100% 100% 100%
Any African 38% 86% 100%

Fluidity of racial categories aside, the “biologification” of race in Brazil referred above would match contemporary concepts of
race in the United States quite closely, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race as one among, Asian and Indigenous
apart, three IBGE’s census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and people with very high quantities of Amerindian ancestry
are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for those of lower
quantity of Amerindian descent a higher European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped as a pardo. In several genetic
tests, people with less than 60-65% of European descent and 5-10% of Amerindian descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as
reported by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most times
do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was reported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% European and 13% Amerindian).
[123][124][125][126]

If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in the gradation of miscegenation is to be considered (e.g. that would not cluster
people with a balanced degree of African and non-African ancestry in the black group instead of the multiracial one, unlike
elsewhere in Latin America where people of high quantity of African descent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more people
would report themselves as white and pardo in Brazil (47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respectively), because by
research its population is believed to have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European ancestry, in average (also >35% of
European mt-DNA and >95% of European Y-DNA).[123][127][128][129]
Table 2 - Ethnic groups in Brazil (census data)[130]
Ethnic group white black pardo

1872 3,787,289 1,954,452 4,188,737

1940 26,171,778 6,035,869 8,744,365

1991 75,704,927 7,335,136 62,316,064

Table 3 - Ethnic groups in Brazil (1872 and 1890)[131]

Years whites pardos blacks Indians Total Years

1872 38.1% 38.3% 19.7% 3.9% 100% 1872

1890 44.0% 32.4% 14.6% 9% 100% 1890

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This is not surprising, though: While the greatest number of slaves imported from Africa were sent to Brazil, totalizing roughly 3.5
million people, they lived in such miserable conditions that male African Y-DNA there is significantly rare due to the lack of
resources and time involved with raising of children, so that most African descent originarily came from relations between white
masters and female slaves. From the last decades of the Empire until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population increased
significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its neighbor Argentina with
6.4 million,[132] and it received more European immigrants in its colonial history than the United States. Between 1500 and 1760,
700.000 Europeans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled in the United States for the same given time.[133] Thus, the
historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt primarily with gradations between persons of majoritarily European
ancestry and little minority groups with otherwise lower quantity there from in recent times.

European Union
According to European Council:

The European Union rejects theories which attempt to determine the existence of separate
human races.
— Directive 2000/43/EC[134]
The European Union uses the terms racial origin and ethnic origin synonymously in its documents and according to it “the use of
the term ‘racial origin’ in this directive does not imply an acceptance of such [racial] theories”.[134][135] Haney López warns that
using “race” as a category within the law tends to legitimize its existence in the popular imagination. In the diverse geographic
context of Europe, ethnicity and ethnic origin are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by the ideological baggage
associated with “race”. In European context, historical resonance of “race” underscores its problematic nature. In some states, it is
strongly associated with laws promulgated by the Nazi and Fascist governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. Indeed, in
1996, the European Parliament adopted a resolution stating that “the term should therefore be avoided in all official texts”.[136]
The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that human beings can be separated into biologically distinct “races”, an idea
generally rejected by the scientific community. Since all human beings belong to the same species, the ECRI (European
Commission against Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the existence of different “races”. However, in its
Recommendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that those persons who are generally and erroneously perceived as
belonging to “another race” are not excluded from the protection provided for by the legislation. The law claims to reject the
existence of “race”, yet penalize situations where someone is treated less favourably on this ground.[136]

France
Since the end of the Second World War, France has become an ethnically diverse country. Today, approximately five percent of the
French population is non-European and non-white. This does not approach the number of non-white citizens in the United States
(roughly 28–37%, depending on how Latinos are classified; see Demographics of the United States). Nevertheless, it amounts to at
least three million people, and has forced the issues of ethnic diversity onto the French policy agenda. France has developed an
approach to dealing with ethnic problems that stands in contrast to that of many advanced, industrialized countries. Unlike the
United States, Britain, or even the Netherlands, France maintains a “color-blind” model of public policy. This means that it targets
virtually no policies directly at racial or ethnic groups. Instead, it uses geographic or class criteria to address issues of social
inequalities. It has, however, developed an extensive anti-racist policy repertoire since the early 1970s. Until recently, French
policies focused primarily on issues of hate speech—going much further than their American counterparts—and relatively less on
issues of discrimination in jobs, housing, and in provision of goods and services.[137]

United States
In the United States, views of race that see racial groups as defined genetically are common in the biological sciences although
controversial, whereas the social constructionist view is dominant in the social sciences.[138]
The immigrants to the Americas came from every region of Europe, Africa, and Asia. They mixed among themselves and with the
indigenous inhabitants of the continent. In the United States most people who self-identify as African–American have some
European ancestors, while many people who identify as European American have some African or Amerindian ancestors.
Since the early history of the United States, Amerindians, African–Americans, and European Americans have been classified as
belonging to different races. Efforts to track mixing between groups led to a proliferation of categories, such as mulatto and

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octoroon. The criteria for membership in these races diverged in the late 19th century. During Reconstruction, increasing numbers
of Americans began to consider anyone with “one drop” of known “Black blood” to be Black, regardless of appearance.3 By the
early 20th century, this notion was made statutory in many states.4 Amerindians continue to be defined by a certain percentage of
“Indian blood” (called blood quantum). To be White one had to have perceived “pure” White ancestry. The one-drop rule or
hypodescent rule refers to the convention of defining a person as racially black if he or she has any known African ancestry. This
rule meant that those that were mixed race but with some discernible African ancestry were defined as black. The one-drop rule is
specific to not only those with African ancestry but to the United States, making it a particularly African-American experience.[139]
The decennial censuses conducted since 1790 in the United States created an incentive to establish racial categories and fit people
into these categories.[140]
The term “Hispanic” as an ethnonym emerged in the 20th century with the rise of migration of laborers from the Spanish-speaking
countries of Latin America to the United States. Today, the word “Latino” is often used as a synonym for “Hispanic”. The
definitions of both terms are non-race specific, and include people who consider themselves to be of distinct races (Black, White,
Amerindian, Asian, and mixed groups).[141]However, there is a common misconception in the US that Hispanic/Latino is a race[142]
or sometimes even that national origins such as Mexican, Cuban, Colombian, Salvadoran, etc. are races. In contrast to “Latino” or
“Hispanic”, “Anglo” refers to non-Hispanic White Americans or non-Hispanic European Americans, most of whom speak the
English language but are not necessarily of English descent.

References:
1. Anemone, Robert L. (2011). “Race and biological diversity in humans”. Race and Human Diversity: A Bicultural Approach.
Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pretice Hall. pp. 1–10. ISBN 0-131-83876-8.
2. Anemone, Robert L. (2011). “Race as a cultural construction”. Race and Human Diversity: A Bicultural Approach. Upper
Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. pp. 163–183. ISBN 0-131-83876-8.
3. Takezawa, Yasuko I. “Race (human)”. Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Encyclopædia Britannica Inc. Retrieved June 25,
2015.
4. Cartmill, Matt (1998). “The status of the race concept in physical anthropology” (PDF). American
Anthropologist(American Anthropological Association) 100 (3): 651–660. doi:10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.651.
5. “The Race Question” (PDF). UNESCO. July 18, 1950. Retrieved January 10, 2015.
6. Wade, Nicholas (May 9, 2014). “What Science Says About Race and Genetics: The New York Times‘ former science editor
on research showing that evolution didn’t stop when human history began”. Time.com. Retrieved October 24, 2015. delete
character in |title= at position 66 (help)
7. a b “Race2“. Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 5 October 2012. “1. Each of the major division of
humankind, having distinct physical characteristics [example elided]. 1.1. MASS NOUN The fact or condition of belonging
to a racial division or group; the qualities or characteristics associated with this. 1.2. A group of people sharing the same
culture, history, language, etc.; an ethnic group [example elided].” Provides 8 definitions, from biological to literary; only
the most pertinent have been quoted.
8. See:
Lie 2004
Thompson & Hickey 2005
Gordon 1964[page needed]
AAA 1998
Palmié 2007
Mevorach 2007
Segal 1991
Bindon 2005
9. Keita, S. O. Y.; Kittles, R. A.; Royal, C. D. M.; Bonney, G. E.; Furbert-Harris, P.; Dunston, G. M.; Rotimi, C. N. (2004).
“Conceptualizing human variation”. Nature Genetics 36 (11s): S17–S20. doi:10.1038/ng1455. PMID 15507998. Retrieved
September 5, 2015. “Religious, cultural, social, national, ethnic, linguistic, genetic, geographical and anatomical groups
have been and sometimes still are called ‘races’”
10. See:
Montagu 1962
Bamshad & Olson 2003

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11. Sober 2000
12. a b Lee et al. 2008: “We caution against making the naive leap to a genetic explanation for group differences in complex
traits, especially for human behavioral traits such as IQ scores”
13. AAA 1998: “For example, ‘Evidence from the analysis of genetics (e.g., DNA) indicates that most physical variation, about
94%, lies within so-called racial groups. Conventional geographic ‘racial’ groupings differ from one another only in about
6% of their genes. This means that there is greater variation within ‘racial’ groups than between them.'”
14. Keita, S O Y; Kittles, Royal, Bonney, Furbert-Harris, Dunston, Rotimi; Royal, C D M; Bonney, G E; Furbert-Harris, P;
Dunston, G M; Rotimi, C N (2004). “Conceptualizing human variation”. Nature Genetics 36 (11s): S17–S20.
doi:10.1038/ng1455. PMID 15507998. “Modern human biological variation is not structured into phylogenetic subspecies
(‘races’), nor are the taxa of the standard anthropological ‘racial’ classifications breeding populations. The ‘racial taxa’ do
not meet the phylogenetic criteria. ‘Race’ denotes socially constructed units as a function of the incorrect usage of the
term.”
15. Harrison, Guy (2010). Race and Reality. Amherst: Prometheus Books. “Race is a poor empirical description of the patterns
of difference that we encounter within our species. The billions of humans alive today simply do not fit into neat and tidy
biological boxes called races. Science has proven this conclusively. The concept of race (…) is not scientific and goes
against what is known about our ever-changing and complex biological diversity.”
16. Roberts, Dorothy (2011). Fatal Invention. London, New York: The New Press. “The genetic differences that exist among
populations are characterized by gradual changes across geographic regions, not sharp, categorical distinctions. Groups of
people across the globe have varying frequencies of polymorphic genes, which are genes with any of several differing
nucleotide sequences. There is no such thing as a set of genes that belongs exclusively to one group and not to another. The
clinal, gradually changing nature of geographic genetic difference is complicated further by the migration and mixing that
human groups have engaged in since prehistory. Human beings do not fit the zoological definition of race. A mountain of
evidence assembled by historians, anthropologists, and biologists proves that race is not and cannot be a natural division of
human beings.”
17. a b Lieberman, L.; Kaszycka, K. A.; Martinez Fuentes, A. J.; Yablonsky, L.; Kirk, R. C.; Strkalj, G.; Wang, Q.; Sun, L.
(December 2004). “The race concept in six regions: variation without consensus”. Coll Antropol 28 (2): 907–21. PMID
15666627.
18. a b Graves 2001[page needed]
19. a b c d Keita et al. 2004
20. AAPA 1996 “Pure races, in the sense of genetically homogeneous populations, do not exist in the human species today, nor
is there any evidence that they have ever existed in the past.”-p.714
21. Keita, S O Y; Kittles, Royal, Bonney, Furbert-Harris, Dunston, Rotimi; Royal, C D M; Bonney, G E; Furbert-Harris, P;
Dunston, G M; Rotimi, C N (2004). “Conceptualizing human variation”. Nature Genetics 36 (11s): S17–S20.
doi:10.1038/ng1455. PMID 15507998. “Many terms requiring definition for use describe demographic population groups
better than the term ‘race’ because they invite examination of the criteria for classification.”
22. Marks, Jonathan (2003). What it means to be 98% chimpanzee apes, people, and their genes. Berkeley: University of
California Press. ISBN 9780520930766.
23. Templeton, A. R. (1998). “Human Races: A Genetic and Evolutionary Perspective”. American Anthropologist 100 (3): 632–
650. doi:10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.632.
24. Williams, S. M.; Templeton, A. R. (2003). “Race and Genomics”. New England Journal of Medicine 348 (25): 2581–2582.
doi:10.1056/nejm200306193482521.
25. Templeton, A. R. “The genetic and evolutionary significance of human races”. In Race and Intelligence: Separating Science
from Myth. J. M. Fish (ed.), pp. 31-56. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2002.
26. American; Anthropological, Physical. “Statement on Biological Aspects of Race”. American Journal of Physical
Anthropology 569: 1996.
27. Steve Olson, Mapping Human History: Discovering the Past Through Our Genes, Boston, 2002
28. Bamshad, M.; Wooding, S.; Salisbury, B. A.; Stephens, J. C. (2004). “Deconstructing the relationship between genetics and
race”. Nature Reviews Genetics 5 (8): 598–609. doi:10.1038/nrg1401. PMID 15266342.
29. Lee 1997
30. See:
Blank, Dabady & Citro 2004
Smaje 1997

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31. See:
Lee 1997
Nobles 2000
Morgan 1975 as cited in Lee 1997, p. 407
32. See:
Morgan 1975 as cited in Lee 1997, p. 407
Smedley 2007
Sivanandan 2000
Crenshaw 1988
Conley 2007
Winfield 2007: “It was Aristotle who first arranged all animals into a single, graded scale that placed humans at the top
as the most perfect iteration. By the late 19th century, the idea that inequality was the basis of natural order, known as the
great chain of being, was part of the common lexicon.”
33. Lee 1997 citing Morgan 1975 and Appiah 1992
34. See:
Sivanandan 2000
Muffoletto 2003
McNeilly et al. 1996: Psychiatric instrument called the “Perceived Racism Scale” “provides a measure of the frequency
of exposure to many manifestations of racism … including individual and institutional”; also assesses motional and
behavioral coping responses to racism.
Miles 2000
35. Owens & King 1999
36. King 2007: For example, “the association of blacks with poverty and welfare … is due, not to race per se, but to the link that
race has with poverty and its associated disadvantages”–p.75.
37. Schaefer 2008: “In many parts of Latin America, racial groupings are based less on the biological physical features and
more on an intersection between physical features and social features such as economic class, dress, education, and context.
Thus, a more fluid treatment allows for the construction of race as an achieved status rather than an ascribed status as is the
case in the United States”
38. See:
Brace 2000
Gill 2000
Lee 1997: “The very naturalness of ‘reality’ is itself the effect of a particular set of discursive constructions. In this way,
discourse does not simply reflect reality, but actually participates in its construction”
abc
39. Marks 2008, p. 28
ab
40. Smedley 1999
41. Meltzer 1993
42. Takaki 1993
43. Banton 1977
44. For examples see:
Lewis 1990
Dikötter 1992
abc
45. Race, Ethnicity, and Genetics Working Group (October 2005). “The Use of Racial, Ethnic, and Ancestral Categories in
Human Genetics Research”. American Journal of Human Genetics 77 (4): 519–32. doi:10.1086/491747. PMC 1275602.
PMID 16175499. Retrieved September 23, 2013.
46. Todorov 1993
47. Brace 2005, p. 27
48. Slotkin (1965), p. 177.
abc
49. Graves 2001, p. 39
50. Marks 1995
51. Graves 2001, pp. 42–43

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52. Stocking 1968, pp. 38–40
53. Desmond & Moore 2009, pp. 332–341
54. Camilo J. Cela-Conde and Francisco J. Ayala. 2007. Human Evolution Trails from the Past Oxford University Press p. 195
55. Lewin, Roger. 2005. Human Evolution an illustrated introduction. Fifth edition. p. 159. Blackwell
56. Stringer, Chris (2012). Lone Survivors: How We Came to Be the Only Humans on Earth. London: Times Books. ISBN 978-
0805088915.
57. Currell & Cogdell 2006
58. Cravens 2010
59. See:
Cravens 2010
Angier 2000
Amundson 2005
Reardon 2005
60. See:
Smedley 2002
Boas 1912
61. See:
Marks 2002
Montagu 1941
Montagu 1942
62. Wilson & Brown 1953
63. See:
Keita et al. 2004
Templeton 1998
Long & Kittles 2003
64. Haig et al. 2006
65. a b Waples & Gaggiotti 2006
66. a b c d e Templeton 1998
67. See:
Amadon 1949
Mayr 1969
Patten & Unitt 2002
68. a b Wright 1978
69. See:
Keita et al. 2004
Templeton 1998
70. Sesardic 2010
71. “Understanding Race and Human Variation: A Public Education Program”. Anthropology News 47 (2): 7. 2006.
doi:10.1525/an.2006.47.2.7.
72. a b Lieberman & Jackson 1995
73. Brace 1964
74. a b Livingstone & Dobzhansky 1962
75. Ehrlich & Holm 1964
76. Weiss 2005
77. Marks 2002
78. “The Human Family Tree Facts”. National Geographic. Retrieved 3 August 2013.
79. Krulwich, Robert (2009-02-02). “Your Family May Once Have Been A Different Color”. Morning Edition, National Public
Radio.
80. Boyd 1950
81. Lieberman & Kirk 1997, p. 195

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 82. Molnar 1992
83. Human Genome Project 2003
84. a b c Graves 2006
85. Hawks 2013, p. 438 “The shared evolutionary history of living humans has resulted in a high relatedness among all living
people, as indicated for example by the very low fixation index (FST) among living human populations.”
86. Lewontin 1972
87. Woodley, Michael A (19 August 2009). “Is Homo sapiens polytypic? Human taxonomic diversity and its implications.”.
Med. Hypotheses 74 (1): 195–201. doi:10.1016/j.mehy.2009.07.046. PMID 19695787.
88. “Demographic history and genetic differentiation in apes”. Curr. Biol. 16 (11): 1133–8. June 2006.
doi:10.1016/j.cub.2006.04.033. PMID 16753568.
89. Wilson et al. 2001, Cooper, Kaufman & Ward 2003(given in summary by Bamshad et al. 2004, p. 599)
90. (Schwartz 2001), (Stephens 2003) (given in summary by Bamshad et al. 2004, p. 599)
91. Smedley & Smedley 2005, (Helms et al. 2005), [1]. Lewontin, for example argues that there is no biological basis for race
on the basis of research indicating that more genetic variation exists within such races than among them (Lewontin 1972).
92. Smedley, A; Smedley, Brian (2005), “Race as Biology Is Fiction, Racism as a Social Problem Is Real” (PDF), American
Psychologist 60 (1): 16–26, doi:10.1037/0003-066x.60.1.16
93. Long & Kittles 2003
94. Cavalli-Sforza, Luigi Luca (1994). The History and Geography of Human Genes. Princeton University Press. p. 136. ISBN
0691087504.
95. Edwards 2003
96. Dawkins, Richard; Wong, Yan (2005). The Ancestor’s Tale: A Pilgrimage to the Dawn of Evolution. Houghton Mifflin
Harcourt. pp. 406–407. ISBN 9780618619160. “(Summarizing Edwards’ thesis): We can all happily agree that human
racial classification is of no social value and is positively destructive of social and human relations. That is one reason why
I object to ticking boxes on forms and why I object to positive discrimination in job selection. But that doesn’t mean that
race is of “virtually no genetic or taxonomic significance.” This is Edwards’s point, and he reasons as follows. However
small the racial partition of total variation may be, if such racial characteristics as there are highly correlated with other
racial characteristics, they are by definition informative, and therefore of taxonomic significance.”
97. See:
Cavalli-Sforza, Menozzi & Piazza 1994
Bamshad et al. 2004, p. 599
Tang et al. 2004
Rosenberg et al. 2005: “If enough markers are used… individuals can be partitioned into genetic clusters that match
major geographic subdivisions of the globe.”
98. Mountain & Risch 2004
99. Gitschier 2005
100. a b Witherspoon et al. 2007
101. Brace, C. Loring 2005. Race is a four letter word. Oxford University Press.
102. Kaplan, Jonathan Michael (January 2011) “‘Race’: What Biology Can Tell Us about a Social Construct”. In: Encyclopedia
of Life Sciences (ELS). John Wiley & Sons, Ltd: Chichester
103. Kaplan, Jonathan Michael Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt (2014). ‘Realism, Antirealism, and Conventionalism About Race’
Philosophy of Science http://philpapers.org/rec/KAPRAA
104. Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt (2015). “The Genetic Reification of ‘Race’?: A Story of Two Mathematical Methods”(PDF).
Critical Philosophy of Race 2 (2): 204–223.
105. Kaplan, Jonathan Michael, Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt (2012). Prisoners of Abstraction? The Theory and Measure of
Genetic Variation, and the Very Concept of ‘Race’ Biological Theory http://philpapers.org/archive/KAPPOA.14.pdf
106. Weiss, KM; Fullerton, SM (2005). “Racing around, getting nowhere”. Evolutionary Anthropology 14 (5): 165–169.
doi:10.1002/evan.20079.
107. Mills CW (1988) “But What Are You Really? The Metaphysics of Race” in Blackness visible: essays on philosophy and
race, pp. 41-66. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY
108. Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt (2014/2011). The Genetic Reification of Race? A Story of Two Mathematical Methods. Critical
Philosophy of Racehttp://philpapers.org/archive/WINTGR.pdf
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110. “New Ideas, New Fuels: Craig Venter at the Oxonian”. FORA.tv. 2008-11-03. Retrieved 2009-04-18.
111. Palmié, Stephan (May 2007). “Genomics, divination, ‘racecraft'”. American Ethnologist 34 (2): 205–22.
doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.205.
112. Mevorach, Katya Gibel (2007). “Race, racism, and academic complicity”. American Ethnologist 34 (2): 238–241.
doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.238.
113. Imani Perry, More Beautiful and More Terrible: The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the United States
(New York, NY: New York University Press, 2011), 23.
114. Imani Perry, More Beautiful and More Terrible: The Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the United States
(New York, NY: New York University Press, 2011), 24.
115. Tang, H.; Quertermous, T.; Rodriguez, B.; et al. (February 2005). “Genetic Structure, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and
Confounding in Case-Control Association Studies”. American Journal of Human Genetics 76 (2): 268–75.
doi:10.1086/427888. PMC 1196372. PMID 15625622.
116. Risch, N. (July 2005). “The whole side of it–an interview with Neil Risch by Jane Gitschier”. PLoS Genetics 1 (1): e14.
doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.0010014. PMID 17411332.
117. Harris 1980
118. Parra et alli, Color and genomic ancestry in Brazilians. www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/arti...919/#id2601616
119. BBC delves into Brazilians’ roots accessed July 13, 2009
120. RIBEIRO, Darcy. O Povo Brasileiro, Companhia de Bolso, fourth reprint, 2008 (2008).
121. Levine-Rasky, Cynthia. 2002. “Working through whiteness: international perspectives. SUNY Press (p. 73) “Money
whitens” If any phrase encapsulates the association of whiteness and the modern in Latin America, this is it. It is a cliché
formulated and reformulated throughout the region, a truism dependant upon the social experience that wealth is associated
with whiteness, and that in obtaining the former one may become aligned with the latter (and vice versa)”.”
122. Telles, Edward Eric (2004). “Racial Classification”. Race in Another America: The significance of skin color in Brazil.
Princeton University Press. pp. 81–84. ISBN 0-691-11866-3.
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Fernanda de Souza Gomes; Kohlrausch, Fabiana; Magno, Luiz Alexandre Viana; Montenegro, Raquel Carvalho; Moraes,
Manoel Odorico; de Moraes, Maria Elisabete Amaral; de Moraes, Milene Raiol; Ojopi, Élida B.; Perini, Jamila A.;
Racciopi, Clarice; Ribeiro-dos-Santos, Ândrea Kely Campos; Rios-Santos, Fabrício; Romano-Silva, Marco A.; Sortica,
Vinicius A.; Suarez-Kurtz, Guilherme (2011). Harpending, Henry, ed. “The Genomic Ancestry of Individuals from Different
Geographical Regions of Brazil Is More Uniform Than Expected”. PLoS ONE 6 (2): e17063. Bibcode:2011PLoSO…
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124. Negros de origem européia. afrobras.org.br
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Bortolini, Maria Cátira (2009). “Genetic signatures of parental contribution in black and white populations in Brazil”.
Genetics and Molecular Biology 32 (1): 1–11. doi:10.1590/S1415-47572009005000001. PMC 3032968. PMID 21637639.
126. Pena, S.D.J.; Bastos-Rodrigues, L.; Pimenta, J.R.; Bydlowski, S.P. (2009). “Genetic heritage variability of Brazilians in
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127. De Assis Poiares, Lilian; De Sá Osorio, Paulo; Spanhol, Fábio Alexandre; Coltre, Sidnei César; Rodenbusch, Rodrigo;
Gusmão, Leonor; Largura, Alvaro; Sandrini, Fabiano; Da Silva, Cláudia Maria Dornelles (2010). “Allele frequencies of 15
STRs in a representative sample of the Brazilian population”(PDF). Forensic Science International: Genetics 4 (2): e61.
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128. Brazilian DNA is nearly 80% European, indicates study.
129. NMO Godinho O impacto das migrações na constituição genética de populações latino-americanas. PhD Thesis,
Universidade de Brasília (2008).
130. “IBGE teen”. Ibge.gov.br. Retrieved 2011-12-29.
131. Ramos, Arthur (2003). A mestiçagem no Brasil (in Portuguese). Maceió: EDUFAL. p. 82. ISBN 978-85-7177-181-9.
132. Argentina. by Arthur P. Whitaker. New Jersey: Prentice Hall Inc, 1984. Cited in Yale immigration study
133. Renato Pinto Venâncio, “Presença portuguesa: de colonizadores a imigrantes” i.e. Portuguese presence: from colonizers to
immigrants, chap. 3 of Brasil: 500 anos de povoamento (IBGE). Relevant extract available here [2]
134. a b Council of the European Union (July 19, 2000). “Council Directive 2000/43/EC of 29 June 2000 implementing the
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135. “European Union Directives on the Prohibition of Discrimination”. HumanRights.is. Icelandic Human Rights Centre.
136. a b Bell, Mark (2009). Racism and Equality in the European Union (PDF). Oxford University Press.
doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199297849.001.0001. ISBN 9780199297849.
137. Race Policy in France by Erik Bleich, Middlebury College, 2012-05-01
138. Morning, Ann (2011). How Scientists Think and Teach about Human Difference. University of California Press. p. 47. ISBN
9780520950146.
139. Sexton, Jared (2008). Amalgamation Schemes. Univ of Minnesota Press.
140. Nobles 2000
141. “Revisions to the Standards for the Classification of Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity”. Office of Management and
Budget. October 30, 1997. Retrieved March 19, 2009. Also: U.S. Census Bureau Guidance on the Presentation and
Comparison of Race and Hispanic Origin Data and B03002. HISPANIC OR LATINO ORIGIN BY RACE; 2007 American
Community Survey 1-Year Estimates
142. Horsman, Reginald, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Origins of American Radial Anglo-Saxonism, Harvard University
Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1981 p. 210. This reference is speaking in historic terms bt there is not reason to think that
this perception has altered much
143. Kaszycka, Katarzyna A.; Strziko, January (2003). “‘Race’ Still an Issue for Physical Anthropology? Results of Polish
Studies Seen in the Light of the U.S. Findings”. American Anthropologist 105 (1): 116–24. doi:10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.116.
144. Štrkalj, Goran; Wang, Qian (2003). “On the Concept of Race in Chinese Biological Anthropology: Alive and Well” (PDF).
Current Anthropology (The University of Chicago Press) 44 (3): 403. doi:10.1086/374899.
145. Black, Sue; Ferguson, Elidh (2011). Forensic Anthropology: 2000 to 2010. Taylor & Francis. p. 125. ISBN 1-439-84588-3.
146. Štrkalj, Goran (2007). “The Status of the Race Concept in Contemporary Biological Anthropology: A Review” (PDF).
Anthropologist (Kamla-Raj) 9 (1).
147. Kaszycka, Katarzyna A.; Štrkalj, Goran; Strzalko, Jan (2009). “Current Views of European Anthropologists on Race:
Influence of Educational and Ideological Background”. American Anthropologist 111 (1): 43–56. doi:10.1111/j.1548-
1433.2009.01076.x.
148. Race, Class, and Gender in the United States (text only) 7th (Seventh) edition by P. S. Rothenberg p131
149. a b Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism Without Racists (Second Edition) (2006), Rowman and Littlefield
150. The decline of race in American physical anthropologyLeonard Lieberman, Rodney C. Kirk, Michael Corcoran. 2003.
Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Central Michigan University, Mt. Pleasant, MI. 48859, USA
151. Lieberman, Leonard; Kirk, Rodney C.; Littlefield, Alice (2003). “Perishing Paradigm: Race1931-99”. American
Anthropologist 105 (1): 110–113. doi:10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.110.
A following article in the same issue questions the precise rate of decline, but from their opposing perspective agrees that
the Negroid/Caucasoid/Mongoloid paradigm has fallen into near-total disfavor: Cartmill, Matt; Brown, Kaye (2003).
“Surveying the Race Concept: A Reply to Lieberman, Kirk, and Littlefield”. American Anthropologist 105 (1): 114–115.
doi:10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.114.
152. AAA 1998
153. Bindon, Jim. University of Alabama. “Post World War II”. 2005. August 28, 2006.
154. Reynolds, Larry T.; Lieberman, Leonard (1996). Race and Other Misadventures: Essays in Honor of Ashley Montagu in His
Ninetieth Year. Altamira Press. p. 159. ISBN 1-882-28935-8.
155. Lieberman, L. (February 2001). “How “Caucasoids” got such big crania and why they shrank. From Morton to Rushton.”.
Current Anthropology (PDF) |format= requires |url= (help) 42 (1): 69–95. doi:10.1086/318434. PMID 14992214.
156. Štrkalj, Goran (2007). “The Status of the Race Concept in Contemporary Biological Anthropology: A Review” (PDF).
Anthropologist.
157. a b Does race exist? A proponent’s perspective. Gill, G. W. (2000) PBS. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/first/gill.html
158. “NOVA | Does Race Exist?”. Pbs.org. Retrieved 2012-12-30.
159. See:
Gill 2000
Armelagos & Smay 2000
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160. Brace, C. Loring (1995). “Region Does not Mean “Race”–Reality Versus Convention in Forensic Anthropology”. Journal
of Forensic Sciences 40 (2): 29–33.
161. The presentation of human biological diversity in sport and exercise science textbooks: the example of “race.”, Christopher
J. Hallinan, Journal of Sport Behavior, March 1994
162. Frederick P. Rivara and Laurence Finberg, (2001) “Use of the Terms Race and Ethnicity”, Archives of Pediatrics &
Adolescent Medicine 155, no. 2 119. “In future issues of the ARCHIVES, we ask authors to not use race and ethnicity when
there is no biological, scientific, or sociological reason for doing so. Race or ethnicity should not be used as explanatory
variables, when the underlying constructs are variables that can, and should, be measured directly (eg, educational level of
subjects, household income of the families, single vs 2-parent households, employment of parents, owning vs renting one’s
home, and other measures of socioeconomic status). In contrast, the recent attention on decreasing health disparities uses
race and ethnicity not as explanatory variables but as ways of examining the underlying sociocultural reasons for these
disparities and appropriately targeting attention and resources on children and adolescents with poorer health. In select
issues and questions such as these, use of race and ethnicity is appropriate.”
163. See program announcement and requests for grant applications at the NIH website, at nih.gov.
164. Robert S. Schwartz, “Racial Profiling in Medical Research”, The New England Journal of Medicine, 344 (no, 18, May 3,
2001)
165. Reconstructing Race in Science and Society:Biology Textbooks, 1952–2002, Ann Morning, American Journal of Sociology.
2008;114 Suppl:S106-37.
166. Gissis, S. (2008). “When is ‘race’ a race? 1946–2003”. Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in
History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 39 (4): 437–450. doi:10.1016/j.shpsc.2008.09.006. PMID
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167. The conceptualization and operationalization of race and ethnicity by health services researchers, Susan Moscou, Nursing
Inquiry, Volume 15, Issue 2, pages 94–105, June 2008
168. Štrkalj, Goran; Solyali, Veli (2010). “Human Biological Variation in Anatomy Textbooks: The Role of Ancestry”. Studies on
Ethno-Medicine 4 (3): 157–161.
169. “Office of Minority Health”. Minorityhealth.hhs.gov. 2011-08-16. Retrieved 2012-12-30.
170. Risch et al. 2002
171. a b Condit et al. 2003 In summary, they argues that, in order to predict the clinical success of pharmacogenomic research,
scholars must conduct subsidiary research on two fronts: Science, wherein the degree of correspondence between popular
and professional racial categories can be assessed; and society at large, through which attitudinal factors moderate the
relationship between scientific soundness and societal acceptance. To accept race-as-proxy, then, may be necessary but
insufficient to solidify the future of race-based pharmacogenomics.
172. Graves 2011
173. Fullwiley 2011
174. Harpending 2006, p. 458 “On the other hand, information about the race of patients will be useless as soon as we discover
and can type cheaply the underlying genes that are responsible for the associations. Can races be enumerated in any
unambiguous way? Of course not, and this is well known not only to scientists but also to anyone on the street.”
175. Lee et al. 2008
176. Kahn 2011, p. 132 “For example, what are we to make of the fact that African Americans suffer from disproportionately
high rates of hypertension, but Africans in Nigeria have among the world’s lowest rates of hypertension, far lower than the
overwhelmingly white population of Germany? Genetics certainly plays a role in hypertension. But any role it plays in
explaining such differences must surely be vanishingly small. (citing Richard Cooper et al., ‘An International Comparative
Study of Blood Pressure in Populations of European vs. African Descent,’ BMC Medicine 3 (January 5, 2005): 2,
http://www.biomedcentral.com/1741-7015/3/2 (accessed March 9, 2010).)”
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2007. Retrieved 24 September 2014.
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180. Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York, NY: The New Press,
2010), 13.
181. Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (New York, NY: The New Press,
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 182. Abraham 2009
183. Willing 2005
184. a b Sauer 1992
185. Brace, C. L. 1995. Journal of Forensic ScienceMar;40(2) 171-5. “Region does not mean ‘race’: Reality versus convention in
forensic anthropology”.
186. a b Shriver & Kittles 2004
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common pool of Y-chromosome biallelic haplotypes”. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States
of America 97 (12): 6769–74. Bibcode:2000PNAS…97.6769H. doi:10.1073/pnas.100115997. PMC 18733. PMID
10801975.
188. Thomas, M. G.; Skorecki, K; Ben-Ami, H.; Parfitt, T.; Bradman, N.; Goldstein, D. B. (July 1998). “Origins of Old Testament
priests”. Nature 394 (6689): 138–40. Bibcode:1998Natur.394..138T. doi:10.1038/28083. PMID 9671297.
189. El-Haj, Nadia ABU (2007). “Rethinking genetic genealogy: A response to Stephan Palmié”. American Ethnologist34 (2):
223–226. doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.223.
190. Palmié, Stephan (2007). “Rejoinder: Genomic moonlighting, Jewish cyborgs, and Peircian abduction”. American
Ethnologist 34 (2): 245–251. doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.245.
191. a b Frank, Reanne. “Back with a Vengeance: the Reemergence of a Biological Conceptualization of Race in Research on
Race/Ethnic Disparities in Health”. Retrieved 2009-04-18.
192. Rotimi, C. N. (December 2003). “Genetic ancestry tracing and the African identity: a double-edged sword?”. Developing
World Bioethics 3 (2): 151–8. doi:10.1046/j.1471-8731.2003.00071.x. PMID 14768647.
193. Rosenberg, N. A.; Mahajan, S.; Ramachandran, S; Zhao, C.; Pritchard, J. K.; Feldman, M. W. (December 2005). “Clines,
clusters, and the effect of study design on the inference of human population structure”. PLoS Genetics 1 (6): e70.
doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.0010070. PMC 1310579. PMID 16355252.

6.5: Social Constructions of Race is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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6.6: Eugenics in the United States

Figure 6.6.1 - Winning family of a Fitter Family contest stand outside of the Eugenics Building [1] (where contestants register) at
the Kansas Free Fair, in Topeka, KS.
Eugenics, the set of beliefs and practices which aims at improving the genetic quality of the human population[2][3] played a
significant role in the history and culture of the United States prior to its involvement in World War II.[4]
Eugenics was practiced in the United States many years before eugenics programs in Nazi Germany[5] and U.S. programs provided
much of the inspiration for the latter.[6][7][8] Stefan Kühl has documented the consensus between Nazi race policies and those of
eugenicists in other countries, including the United States, and points out that eugenicists understood Nazi policies and measures as
the realization of their goals and demands.[9]
During the Progressive Era of the late 19th and early 20th century, eugenics was considered a method of preserving and improving
the dominant groups in the population; it is now generally associated with racist and nativist elements (as the movement was to
some extent a reaction to a change in emigration from Europe) rather than scientific genetics.

History
Early Proponents

Figure 6.6.1 - Eugenics supporters hold signs criticizing various “genetically inferior” groups. Wall Street, New York, c. 1915.
The American eugenics movement was rooted in the biological determinist ideas of Sir Francis Galton, which originated in the
1880s. Galton studied the upper classes of Britain, and arrived at the conclusion that their social positions were due to a superior
genetic makeup.[10] Early proponents of eugenics believed that, through selective breeding, the human species should direct its own
evolution. They tended to believe in the genetic superiority of Nordic, Germanic and Anglo-Saxon peoples; supported strict
immigration and anti-miscegenation laws; and supported the forcible sterilization of the poor, disabled and “immoral”.[11] Eugenics
was also supported by African Americans intellectuals such as W. E. B. Du Bois, Thomas Wyatt Turner, and many academics at
Tuskegee University, Howard University, and Hampton University; however they believed the best blacks were as good as the best
whites and “The Talented Tenth” of all races should mix.[12] W. E. B. Du Bois believed “only fit blacks should procreate to
eradicate the race’s heritage of moral iniquity.”[12][13]
The American eugenics movement received extensive funding from various corporate foundations including the Carnegie
Institution, Rockefeller Foundation, and the Harriman railroad fortune.[7] In 1906 J.H. Kellogg provided funding to help found the
Race Betterment Foundation in Battle Creek, Michigan.[10] The Eugenics Record Office (ERO) was founded in Cold Spring
Harbor, New York in 1911 by the renowned biologist Charles B. Davenport, using money from both the Harriman railroad fortune
and the Carnegie Institution. As late as the 1920s, the ERO was one of the leading organizations in the American eugenics
movement.[10][14] In years to come, the ERO collected a mass of family pedigrees and concluded that those who were unfit came
from economically and socially poor backgrounds. Eugenicists such as Davenport, the psychologist Henry H. Goddard, Harry H.
Laughlin, and the conservationist Madison Grant (all well respected in their time) began to lobby for various solutions to the
problem of the “unfit”. Davenport favored immigration restriction and sterilization as primary methods; Goddard favored

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segregation in his The Kallikak Family; Grant favored all of the above and more, even entertaining the idea of extermination.
[15]
The Eugenics Record Office later became the Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory.

Figure 6.6.2 - U.S. eugenics poster advocating for the removal of genetic “defectives” such as the insane, “feeble-minded” and
criminals, and supporting the selective breeding of “high-grade” individuals, c. 1926
Eugenics was widely accepted in the U.S. academic community.[7] By 1928 there were 376 separate university courses in some of
the United States’ leading schools, enrolling more than 20,000 students, which included eugenics in the curriculum.[16] It did,
however, have scientific detractors (notably, Thomas Hunt Morgan, one of the few Mendelians to explicitly criticize eugenics),
though most of these focused more on what they considered the crude methodology of eugenicists, and the characterization of
almost every human characteristic as being hereditary, rather than the idea of eugenics itself.[17]
By 1910, there was a large and dynamic network of scientists, reformers and professionals engaged in national eugenics projects
and actively promoting eugenic legislation. The American Breeder’s Association was the first eugenic body in the U.S., established
in 1906 under the direction of biologist Charles B. Davenport. The ABA was formed specifically to “investigate and report on
heredity in the human race, and emphasize the value of superior blood and the menace to society of inferior blood.” Membership
included Alexander Graham Bell, Stanford president David Starr Jordan and Luther Burbank.[18][19] The American Association for
the Study and Prevention of Infant Mortality was one of the first organizations to begin investigating infant mortality rates in terms
of eugenics.[20] They promoted government intervention in attempts to promote the health of future citizens.[21]
Several feminist reformers advocated an agenda of eugenic legal reform. The National Federation of Women’s Clubs, the Woman’s
Christian Temperance Union, and the National League of Women Voters were among the variety of state and local feminist
organization that at some point lobbied for eugenic reforms.[22]
One of the most prominent feminists to champion the eugenic agenda was Margaret Sanger, the leader of the American birth
control movement. Margaret Sanger saw birth control as a means to prevent unwanted children from being born into a
disadvantaged life, and incorporated the language of eugenics to advance the movement.[23][24] Sanger also sought to discourage
the reproduction of persons who, it was believed, would pass on mental disease or serious physical defect. She advocated
sterilization in cases where the subject was unable to use birth control.[23]Unlike other eugenicists, she rejected euthanasia.[25] For
Sanger, it was individual women and not the state who should determine whether or not to have a child.[26][27]
In the Deep South, women’s associations played an important role in rallying support for eugenic legal reform. Eugenicists
recognized the political and social influence of southern club women in their communities, and used them to help implement
eugenics across the region.[28] Between 1915 and 1920, federated women’s clubs in every state of the Deep South had a critical role
in establishing public eugenic institutions that were segregated by sex.[29] For example, the Legislative Committee of the Florida
State Federation of Women’s Clubs successfully lobbied to institute a eugenic institution for the mentally retarded that was
segregated by sex.[30] Their aim was to separate mentally retarded men and women to prevent them from breeding more
“feebleminded” individuals.
Public acceptance in the U.S. was the reason eugenic legislation was passed. Almost 19 million people attended the Panama–
Pacific International Exposition in San Francisco, open for 10 months from February 20 to December 4, 1915.[31][32] The PPIE was
a fair devoted to extolling the virtues of a rapidly progressing nation, featuring new developments in science, agriculture,
manufacturing and technology. A subject that received a large amount of time and space was that of the developments concerning
health and disease, particularly the areas of tropical medicine and race betterment (tropical medicine being the combined study of
bacteriology, parasitology and entomology while racial betterment being the promotion of eugenic studies). Having these areas so
closely intertwined, it seemed that they were both categorized in the main theme of the fair, the advancement of civilization. Thus
in the public eye, the seemingly contradictory areas of study were both represented under progressive banners of improvement and
were made to seem like plausible courses of action to better American society.[33]

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Beginning with Connecticut in 1896, many states enacted marriage laws with eugenic criteria, prohibiting anyone who was
“epileptic, imbecile or feeble-minded”[34] from marrying.
The first state to introduce a compulsory sterilization bill was Michigan, in 1897 but the proposed law failed to garner enough votes
by legislators to be adopted. Eight years later Pennsylvania’s state legislators passed a sterilization bill that was vetoed by the
governor. Indiana became the first state to enact sterilization legislation in 1907,[35] followed closely by Washington and California
in 1909. Sterilization rates across the country were relatively low (California being the sole exception) until the 1927 Supreme
Court case Buck v. Bell which legitimized the forced sterilization of patients at a Virginia home for the mentally retarded. The
number of sterilizations performed per year increased until another Supreme Court case, Skinner v. Oklahoma, 1942, complicated
the legal situation by ruling against sterilization of criminals if the equal protection clause of the constitution was violated. That is,
if sterilization was to be performed, then it could not exempt white-collar criminals.[36] The state of California was at the vanguard
of the American eugenics movement, performing about 20,000 sterilizations or one third of the 60,000 nationwide from 1909 up
until the 1960s.[37]
While California had the highest number of sterilizations, North Carolina’s eugenics program which operated from 1933 to 1977,
was the most aggressive of the 32 states that had eugenics programs.[38] An IQ of 70 or lower meant sterilization was appropriate in
North Carolina.[39] The North Carolina Eugenics Board almost always approved proposals brought before them by local welfare
boards.[39] Of all states, only North Carolina gave social workers the power to designate people for sterilization.[38] “Here, at last,
was a method of preventing unwanted pregnancies by an acceptable, practical, and inexpensive method,” wrote Wallace Kuralt in
the March 1967 journal of the N.C. Board of Public Welfare. “The poor readily adopted the new techniques for birth control.”[39]

IMMIGRATION RESTRICTIONS

Figure 6.6.3 - Anthropometry demonstrated in an exhibit from a 1921 eugenics conference.

The Immigration Restriction League was the first American entity associated officially with eugenics. Founded in 1894 by three
recent Harvard University graduates, the League sought to bar what it considered inferior races from entering America and diluting
what it saw as the superior American racial stock (upper class Northerners of Anglo-Saxon heritage). They felt that social and
sexual involvement with these less-evolved and less-civilized races would pose a biological threat to the American population. The
League lobbied for a literacy test for immigrants, based on the belief that literacy rates were low among “inferior races”. Literacy
test bills were vetoed by Presidents in 1897, 1913 and 1915; eventually, President Wilson’s second veto was overruled by Congress
in 1917. Membership in the League included: A. Lawrence Lowell, president of Harvard, William DeWitt Hyde, president of
Bowdoin College, James T. Young, director of Wharton School and David Starr Jordan, president of Stanford University.[40]
The League allied themselves with the American Breeder’s Association to gain influence and further its goals and in 1909
established a Committee on Eugenics chaired by David Starr Jordan with members Charles Davenport, Alexander Graham Bell,
Vernon Kellogg, Luther Burbank, William Ernest Castle, Adolf Meyer, H. J. Webber and Friedrich Woods. The ABA’s immigration
legislation committee, formed in 1911 and headed by League’s founder Prescott F. Hall, formalized the committee’s already strong
relationship with the Immigration Restriction League. They also founded the Eugenics Record Office, which was headed by Harry
H. Laughlin.[41] In their mission statement, they wrote:

Society must protect itself; as it claims the right to deprive the murderer of his life so it
may also annihilate the hideous serpent of hopelessly vicious protoplasm. Here is where

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 appropriate legislation will aid in eugenics and creating a healthier, saner society in the
future.”[41]
Money from the Harriman railroad fortune was also given to local charities, in order to find immigrants from specific ethnic groups
and deport, confine, or forcibly sterilize them.[7]
With the passage of the Immigration Act of 1924, eugenicists for the first time played an important role in the Congressional debate
as expert advisers on the threat of “inferior stock” from eastern and southern Europe.[42] The new act, inspired by the eugenic belief
in the racial superiority of “old stock” white Americans as members of the “Nordic race” (a form of white supremacy),
strengthened the position of existing laws prohibiting race-mixing.[43] Eugenic considerations also lay behind the adoption of incest
laws in much of the U.S. and were used to justify many anti-miscegenation laws.[44]
Stephen Jay Gould asserted that restrictions on immigration passed in the United States during the 1920s (and overhauled in 1965
with the Immigration and Nationality Act) were motivated by the goals of eugenics. During the early 20th century, the United
States and Canada began to receive far higher numbers of Southern and Eastern European immigrants. Influential eugenicists like
Lothrop Stoddard and Harry Laughlin (who was appointed as an expert witness for the House Committee on Immigration and
Naturalization in 1920) presented arguments they would pollute the national gene pool if their numbers went unrestricted.[45][46] It
has been argued that this stirred both Canada and the United States into passing laws creating a hierarchy of nationalities, rating
them from the most desirable Anglo-Saxon and Nordic peoples to the Chinese and Japanese immigrants, who were almost
completely banned from entering the country.[43][47]
Unfit VS. Fit Individuals
Both class and race factored into eugenic definitions of “fit” and “unfit.” By using intelligence testing, American eugenicists
asserted that social mobility was indicative of one’s genetic fitness.[48] This reaffirmed the existing class and racial hierarchies and
explained why the upper-to-middle class was predominantly white. Middle-to-upper class status was a marker of “superior
strains.”[30] In contrast, eugenicists believed poverty to be a characteristic of genetic inferiority, which meant that that those deemed
“unfit” were predominantly of the lower classes.[30]
Because class status designated some more fit than others, eugenicists treated upper and lower class women differently. Positive
eugenicists, who promoted procreation among the fittest in society, encouraged middle class women to bear more children.
Between 1900 and 1960, Eugenicists appealed to middle class white women to become more “family minded,” and to help better
the race.[49] To this end, eugenicists often denied middle and upper class women sterilization and birth control.[50]
Since poverty was associated with prostitution and “mental idiocy,” women of the lower classes were the first to be deemed “unfit”
and “promiscuous.”[30] These women, who were predominantly immigrants or women of color, were discouraged from bearing
children, and were encouraged to use birth control.
Compulsory Sterilization

In 1907, Indiana passed the first eugenics-based compulsory sterilization law in the world. Thirty U.S. states would soon follow
their lead.[51][52]Although the law was overturned by the Indiana Supreme Court in 1921,[53] the U.S. Supreme Court, in Buck v.
Bell, upheld the constitutionality of the Virginia Sterilization Act of 1924, allowing for the compulsory sterilization of patients of
state mental institutions in 1927.[54]
Some states sterilized “imbeciles” for much of the 20th century. Although compulsory sterilization is now considered an abuse of
human rights, Buck v. Bell was never overturned, and Virginia did not repeal its sterilization law until 1974.[55] The most
significant era of eugenic sterilization was between 1907 and 1963, when over 64,000 individuals were forcibly sterilized under
eugenic legislation in the United States.[56]Beginning around 1930, there was a steady increase in the percentage of women
sterilized, and in a few states only young women were sterilized. From 1930 to the 1960s, sterilizations were performed on many
more institutionalized women than men.[30] By 1961, 61 percent of the 62,162 total eugenic sterilizations in the United States were
performed on women.[30] A favorable report on the results of sterilization in California, the state with the most sterilizations by far,
was published in book form by the biologist Paul Popenoe and was widely cited by the Nazi government as evidence that wide-
reaching sterilization programs were feasible and humane.[57][58]
Men and women were compulsorily sterilized for different reasons. Men were sterilized to treat their aggression and to eliminate
their criminal behavior, while women were sterilized to control the results of their sexuality.[30] Since women bore children,
eugenicists held women more accountable than men for the reproduction of the less “desirable” members of society.[30] Eugenicists

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therefore predominantly targeted women in their efforts to regulate the birth rate, to “protect” white racial health, and weed out the
“defectives” of society.[30]
A 1937 Fortune magazine poll found that 2/3 of respondents supported eugenic sterilization of “mental defectives”, 63% supported
sterilization of criminals, and only 15% opposed both.[59]
In the 1970s, several activists and women’s rights groups discovered several physicians to be performing coerced sterilizations of
specific ethnic groups of society. All were abuses of poor, nonwhite, or mentally retarded women, while no abuses against white or
middle-class women were recorded.[60] Although the sterilizations were not explicitly motivated by eugenics, the sterilizations
were similar to the eugenics movement because they were done without the patients’ consent.
For example, in 1972, United States Senate committee testimony brought to light that at least 2,000 involuntary sterilizations had
been performed on poor black women without their consent or knowledge. An investigation revealed that the surgeries were all
performed in the South, and were all performed on black welfare mothers with multiple children. Testimony revealed that many of
these women were threatened with an end to their welfare benefits until they consented to sterilization.[61] These surgeries were
instances of sterilization abuse, a term applied to any sterilization performed without the consent or knowledge of the recipient, or
in which the recipient is pressured into accepting the surgery. Because the funds used to carry out the surgeries came from the U.S.
Office of Economic Opportunity, the sterilization abuse raised older suspicions, especially amongst the black community, that
“federal programs were underwriting eugenicists who wanted to impose their views about population quality on minorities and
poor women.”[30]
Native American women were also victims of sterilization abuse up into the 1970s.[62] The organization WARN (Women of All
Red Nations) publicized that Native American women were threatened that, if they had more children, they would be denied
welfare benefits. The Indian Health Service also repeatedly refused to deliver Native American babies until their mothers, in labor,
consented to sterilization. Many Native American women unknowingly gave consent, since directions were not given in their
native language. According to the General Accounting Office, an estimate of 3,406 Indian women were sterilized.[62] The General
Accounting Office stated that the Indian Health Service had not followed the necessary regulations, and that the “informed consent
forms did not adhere to the standards set by the United States Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW).”[63]
Euthanasia Programs
One of the methods that was commonly suggested to get rid of “inferior” populations was euthanasia. A 1911 Carnegie Institute
report mentioned euthanasia as one of its recommended “solutions” to the problem of cleansing society of unfit genetic attributes.
The most commonly suggested method was to set up local gas chambers. However, many in the eugenics movement did not
believe that Americans were ready to implement a large-scale euthanasia program, so many doctors had to find clever ways of
subtly implementing eugenic euthanasia in various medical institutions. For example, a mental institution in Lincoln, Illinois fed its
incoming patients milk infected with tuberculosis (reasoning that genetically fit individuals would be resistant), resulting in 30-
40% annual death rates. Other doctors practiced euthanasia through various forms of lethal neglect.[64]
In the 1930s, there was a wave of portrayals of eugenic “mercy killings” in American film, newspapers, and magazines. In 1931,
the Illinois Homeopathic Medicine Association began lobbying for the right to euthanize “imbeciles” and other defectives. The
Euthanasia Society of America was founded in 1938.[65]
Overall, however, euthanasia was marginalized in the U.S., motivating people to turn to forced segregation and sterilization
programs as a means for keeping the “unfit” from reproducing.[66]
Better Baby Contests

Figure 6.6.4 - Contestants get ready for the Better Baby Contest at the 1931 Indiana State Fair.

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Mary deGormo, a former classroom teacher was the first person to combine ideas about health and intelligence standards with
competitions at state fairs, in the form of “better baby” contests. She developed the first such contest, the “Scientific Baby Contest”
for the Louisiana State Fair in Shreveport, in 1908. She saw these contests as a contribution to the “social efficiency” movement,
which was advocating for the standardization of all aspects of American life as a means of increasing efficiency.[20] deGarmo was
assisted by the pediatrician Dr. Jacob Bodenheimer, who helped her develop grading sheets for contestants, which combined
physical measurements with standardized measurements of intelligence.[67] Scoring was based on a deduction system, in that every
child started at 1000 points and then was docked points for having measurements that were below a designated average. The child
with the most points (and the least defections) was ideal.[68]
The topic of standardization through scientific judgment was a topic that was very serious in the eyes of the scientific community,
but has often been downplayed as just a popular fad or trend. Nevertheless, a lot of time, effort, and money were put into these
contests and their scientific backing, which would influence cultural ideas as well as local and state government practices.[69]
The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People promoted eugenics by hosting “Better Baby” contests and the
proceeds would go to its anti-lynching campaign.[12]
Fitter Family for Future
First appearing in 1920 at the Kansas Free Fair, Fitter Family competitions, continued all the way until WWII. Mary T. Watts and
Dr. Florence Brown Sherbon,[70][71] both initiators of the Better Baby Contests in Iowa, took the idea of positive eugenics for
babies and combined it with a determinist concept of biology to come up with fitter family competitions.[72]
There were several different categories that families were judged in: Size of the family, overall attractiveness, and health of the
family, all of which helped to determine the likelihood of having healthy children. These competitions were simply a continuation
of the Better Baby contests that promoted certain physical and mental qualities.[73] At the time, it was believed that certain
behavioral qualities were inherited from your parents. This led to the addition of several judging categories including: generosity,
self-sacrificing, and quality of familial bonds. Additionally, there were negative features that were judged: selfishness, jealousy,
suspiciousness, high temperedness, and cruelty. Feeblemindedness, alcoholism, and paralysis were few among other traits that were
included as physical traits to be judged when looking at family lineage.[74]
Doctors and specialists from the community would offer their time to judge these competitions, which were originally sponsored
by the Red Cross.[74] The winners of these competitions were given a Bronze Medal as well as champion cups called “Capper
Medals.” The cups were named after then Governor and Senator, Arthur Capper and he would present them to “Grade A
individuals”.[75]
The perks of entering into the contests were that the competitions provided a way for families to get a free health check up by a
doctor as well as some of the pride and prestige that came from winning the competitions.[74]
By 1925 the Eugenics Records Office was distributing standardized forms for judging eugenically fit families, which were used in
contests in several U.S. states.[76]
Influence on Nazi Germany

Wir stehen nicht allein: “We do not stand alone”. Nazi propaganda poster from 1936,
supporting Nazi Germany’s 1933 Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased
Offspring (their compulsory sterilization law). The couple is in front of a map of
Germany, surrounded by the flags of nations, including the United States, which had
enacted (to the left) or were considering (bottom and to the right) similar legislation.
After the eugenics movement was well established in the United States, it spread to Germany. California eugenicists began
producing literature promoting eugenics and sterilization and sending it overseas to German scientists and medical professionals.
[66]
By 1933, California had subjected more people to forceful sterilization than all other U.S. states combined. The forced
sterilization program engineered by the Nazis was partly inspired by California’s.[8]
The Rockefeller Foundation helped develop and fund various German eugenics programs,[77] including the one that Josef Mengele
worked in before he went to Auschwitz.[7][78]
Upon returning from Germany in 1934, where more than 5,000 people per month were being forcibly sterilized, the California
eugenics leader C. M. Goethe bragged to a colleague:

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 “You will be interested to know that your work has played a powerful part in shaping the
opinions of the group of intellectuals who are behind Hitler in this epoch-making
program. Everywhere I sensed that their opinions have been tremendously stimulated by
American thought . . . I want you, my dear friend, to carry this thought with you for the
rest of your life, that you have really jolted into action a great government of 60 million
people.”[79]
Eugenics researcher Harry H. Laughlin often bragged that his Model Eugenic Sterilization laws had been implemented in the 1935
Nuremberg racial hygiene laws.[80] In 1936, Laughlin was invited to an award ceremony at Heidelberg University in Germany
(scheduled on the anniversary of Hitler’s 1934 purge of Jews from the Heidelberg faculty), to receive an honorary doctorate for his
work on the “science of racial cleansing”. Due to financial limitations, Laughlin was unable to attend the ceremony and had to pick
it up from the Rockefeller Institute. Afterwards, he proudly shared the award with his colleagues, remarking that he felt that it
symbolized the “common understanding of German and American scientists of the nature of eugenics.”[81]
After 1945, however, historians began to attempt to portray the US eugenics movement as distinct and distant from Nazi eugenics.
[82]
Jon Entine wrote that eugenics simply means “good genes” and using it as synonym for genocide is an “all-too-common
distortion of the social history of genetics policy in the United States.” According to Entine, eugenics developed out of the
Progressive Era and not “Hitler’s twisted Final Solution.”[83]

See Also
Portal icon United States portal

International Federation of Eugenics Organizations

Franz Boas
Human experimentation in the United States
Racism in the United States
American Eugenics Society
North Carolina Eugenics Board
Racial Integrity Act of 1924
Kallikak Family
Skinner v. Oklahoma (1942)
Stump v. Sparkman (1978)
Poe v. Lynchburg Training School and Hospital (1981)
Nazi human experimentation
Tuskegee syphilis experiment
Eugenics in California

References:
Notes
1. Jump up ^ “A social register of fitter families and better babies” The Milwaukee Sentinel . 26 May 1929.
2. Jump up ^ “Eugenics”. Unified Medical Language System (Psychological Index Terms). National Library of Medicine. 26
September 2010.
3. Jump up ^ Galton, Francis (July 1904). “Eugenics: Its Definition, Scope, and Aims”. The American Journal of Sociology
X (1): 82, 1st paragraph. Bibcode:1904Natur..70…82. doi:10.1038/070082a0. Archived from the original on 2007-11-17.
Retrieved 2010-12-27. “Eugenics is the science which deals with all influences that improve the inborn qualities of a race;
also with those that develop them to the utmost advantage.”
4. Jump up ^ Susan Currell (2006). Popular eugenics: national efficiency and American mass culture in the 1930s. Ohio
University Press. pp. 2–3. ISBN 978-0-8214-1691-4. Retrieved July 18, 2011.
5. Jump up ^ Lombardo, 2011: p. 1.
6. Jump up ^ Kühl, Stefan (2002-02-14). The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism.
p. 86. ISBN 978-0-19-534878-1.
7. ^ Jump up to: a b c d e Black, 2003: p. 1.

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 8. ^ Jump up to: a b Murphy & Lappé, 1994: p. 18.
9. Jump up ^ [Kühl, Stefan (2002-02-14). The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National
Socialism. p. 36. ISBN 978-0-19-534878-1. ]
10. ^ Jump up to: a b c Selden, 2005: p. 202.
11. Jump up ^ Ordover, 2003: p. xii.
12. ^ Jump up to: a b c Marilyn M. Singleton (Winter 2014). “The ‘Science’ of Eugenics: America’s Moral Detour” (PDF).
Journal of American Physicians and Surgeons 19 (4). Retrieved January 23,2015.
13. Jump up ^ Dorr G, Logan A. “Quality, not mere quantity counts: black eugenics and the NAACP baby contests.” In:
Lombardo P, ed. A Century of Eugenics in America. Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press; 2011: 68–92.
14. Jump up ^ Bender, 2009: p. 192.
15. Jump up ^ Kevles, 1986: pp. 133–135.
16. Jump up ^ Selden, 2005: p. 204.
17. Jump up ^ Hamilton Cravens, The Triumph of Evolution: American Scientists and the Heredity-Environment Controversy,
1900–1941 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978): 179.
18. Jump up ^ Stern, 2005: pp. 82–91.
19. Jump up ^ Elof Axel Carlson (2001). The Unfit: A history of a bad idea. p. 193. ISBN 978-0-87969-587-3. Retrieved July
14, 2011.
20. ^ Jump up to: a b Selden, 2005: p. 206.
21. Jump up ^ Cameron, M. E. “Book Reviews.” The American Journal of Nursing 13.1 (1912): 75–77. JSTOR. 10 April
2010. [1]
22. Jump up ^ Ziegler, Mary (2008). “Eugenic Feminism: Mental Hygiene, The Women’s Movement, And The Campaign For
Eugenic Legal Reform, 1900–1935”. Harvard Journal of Law & Gender 31(1): 211–236.
23. ^ Jump up to: a b “The Sanger-Hitler Equation”, Margaret Sanger Papers Project Newsletter, #32, Winter 2002/3. New York
University Department of History
24. Jump up ^ Carole Ruth McCann. Birth Control Politics in the United States, 1916–1945. Cornell University Press. p. 100.
25. Jump up ^ Sanger, Margaret (1922). The Pivot of Civilization. Brentano’s. pp. 100–101. “Nor do we believe that the
community could or should send to the lethal chamber the defective progeny resulting from irresponsible and unintelligent
breeding.”
26. Jump up ^ Sanger, Margaret (1919). Birth Control and Racial Betterment (PDF). Birth Control Review. p. 11. “We
maintain that a woman possessing an adequate knowledge of her reproductive functions is the best judge of time and
conditions under which her child should be brought into the world. We maintain that it is her right, regardless of all other
considerations, to determine whether she shall bear children or not, and how many children she shall bear if she chooses to
become a mother.”
27. Jump up ^ Sanger, Margaret (1920). Woman and the New Race. Brentano. p. 100.
28. Jump up ^ Larson, Edward J. (1995). Sex, Race, and Science: Eugenics in the Deep South. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
University Press. p. 74.
29. Jump up ^ Larson, p. 75.
30. ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f g h i j Kluchin, Rebecca M. (2009). Fit to Be Tied: Sterilization and Reproductive Rights in America
1950–1980. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. pp. 17–20.
31. Jump up ^ “1915 San Francisco Panama-Pacific International Exposition: In color!”. National Museum American
History. February 11, 2011. Retrieved July 14, 2011.
32. Jump up ^ “The Panama Pacific Exposition”. Retrieved July 14,2011.
33. Jump up ^ Stern, 2005: pp. 27–31.
34. Jump up ^ “Public Health”. JAMA: the Journal of the American Medical Association (American Medical Association):
1138. June 6, 1896. doi:10.1001/jama.1896.02430750040011.
35. Jump up ^ The Indiana Supreme Court overturned the law in 1921 in Williams v. Smith, 131 NE 2 (Ind.), 1921, text at [2]
36. Jump up ^ On the legal history of eugenic sterilization in the U.S., see Paul Lombardo, “Eugenic Sterilization Laws”, essay
in the Eugenics Archive, available online at http://www.eugenicsarchive.org/html/eugenics/essay8text.html.
37. Jump up ^ Stern, 2005: pp. 84, 144.
38. ^ Jump up to: a b Severson, Kim (9 December 2011). “Thousands Sterilized, a State Weighs Restitution”. New York Times.
Retrieved 10 December 2011.

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39. ^ Jump up to: a b c Helms, Ann Doss and Tomlinson, Tommy (26 September 2011). “Wallace Kuralt’s era of sterilization:
Mecklenburg’s impoverished had few, if any, rights in the 1950s and 1960s as he oversaw one of the most aggressive efforts
to sterilize certain populations”. Charlotte Observer. Retrieved 10 December2011.
40. Jump up ^ McWhorter, 2009: p. 204.
41. ^ Jump up to: a b McWhorter, 2009: p. 205.
42. Jump up ^ Watson, James D.; Berry, Andrew (2003). DNA: The Secret of Life. Alfred A. Knopf. pp. 29–31. ISBN 0-375-
41546-7.
43. ^ Jump up to: a b Lombardo, Paul; “Eugenics Laws Restricting Immigration,”, Eugenics Archive
44. Jump up ^ Lombardo, Paul; “Eugenic Laws Against Race-Mixing”, Eugenics Archive
45. Jump up ^ Contagious Diseases Among Immigrants: Hearings Before the Committee on Immigration and Naturalization,
House of Representatives, Sixty Sixth Congress, Third Session. February 9, 1921. “By setting up a eugenical standard for
admission demanding a high natural excellence of all immigrants regardless of nationality and past opportunities, we can
enhance and improve the national stamina and ability of future Americans. At present, not inferior nationalities but inferior
individual family stocks are tending to deteriorate our national characteristics. Our failure to sort immigrants on the basis
of natural worth is a very serious national menace.”
46. Jump up ^ Statement of Mr. Harry H. Laughlin, Secretary of the Eugenics Research Association, Cold Spring Harbor, Long
Island, N. Y.; Committee on Immigration and Naturalization, House of Representatives, Washington D.C., April 16, 1920.
47. Jump up ^ Gould, Stephen J. (1981) The mismeasure of man. Norton:[page needed]
48. Jump up ^ Dorr, Gregory (2008). Segregation’s Science. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press. p. 10.
49. Jump up ^ Kline, Wendy (2005). Building a Better Race: Gender, Sexuality, and Eugenics From the Turn of the Century to
the Baby Boom. University of California Press. p. 4.
50. Jump up ^ Critchlow, Donald T. (1999). Intended Consequences: Birth Control, Abortion, and the Federal Government in
Modern America. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 15.
51. Jump up ^ Lombardo, 2011: p. ix.
52. Jump up ^ Indiana Supreme Court Legal History Lecture Series, “Three Generations of Imbeciles are Enough:”Reflections
on 100 Years of Eugenics in Indiana, at In.gov
53. Jump up ^ Williams v. Smith, 131 NE 2 (Ind.), 1921, text at
54. Jump up ^ Larson 2004, pp. 194–195 Citing Buck v. Bell 274 U.S. 200, 205 (1927)
55. Jump up ^ Dorr, Gregory Michael. “Encyclopedia Virginia: Buck v Bell”. Retrieved May 3, 2011.
56. Jump up ^ Lombardo, Paul; “Eugenic Sterilization Laws”, Eugenics Archive
57. Jump up ^ J. Mitchell Miller (2009-08-06). 21st Century Criminology: A Reference Handbook, Volume 1. p. 193. ISBN
978-1-4129-6019-9. Retrieved July 15, 2011.
58. Jump up ^ Tukufu Zuberi (2001). Thicker than blood: how racial statistics lie. University of Minnesota Press. p. 69. ISBN
978-0-8166-3909-0. Retrieved July 15, 2011.
59. Jump up ^ McWhorter, 2009: p. 377.
60. Jump up ^ Gordon, Linda (2003). The Moral Property of Women: A History of Birth Control Politics in America. Urbana:
University of Illinois Press. p. 345. ISBN 0-252-07459-9.
61. Jump up ^ Ward, Martha C. (1986). Poor Women, Powerful Men: America’s Great Experiment in Family Planning.
Boulder: Westview Press. p. 95.
62. ^ Jump up to: a b Lawrence, Jane (2000). “he Indian Health Service and the Sterilization of Native American Women”. The
American Indian Quarterly. 3 24 (3): 400–419. doi:10.1353/aiq.2000.0008.
63. Jump up ^ Bruce E. Johansen (September 1998). “Sterilization of Native American Women”. Native Americas.
64. Jump up ^ Black, 2003: p. 2.
65. Jump up ^ Pernick, 2009: p. 161.
66. ^ Jump up to: a b Black, 2003: p. 3.
67. Jump up ^ Selden 2005: p. 207.
68. Jump up ^ Crnic, Meghan. “Better babies: social engineering for ‘a better nation, a better world’.” ScienceDirect 33.1
(2008): Web. [3]
69. Jump up ^ Pernick, 2002
70. Jump up ^ “A social register of fitter families and better babies” The Milwaukee Sentinel . 26 May 1929
71. Jump up ^ “Fitter family contests” eugenics archive.ca
72. Jump up ^ “Fitter Family Contests.” Eugenics Archive. Web. 2 March 2010. [4].

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73. Jump up ^ Boudreau 2005:[page needed]
74. ^ Jump up to: a b c Selden, 2005:[page needed]
75. Jump up ^ Selden, 2005: p. 211.
76. Jump up ^ Bender, 2009: p. 207.
77. Jump up ^ Kühl, Stefan (10 February 1994). “Rockefeller+Foundation”+eugenics The Nazi Connection: Eugenics,
American Racism, and German National Socialism. Oxford University Press. p. 21. ISBN 0-19-508260-5. Retrieved 13 April
2015. Lay summary (18 January 2015). “The Foundation continued to support German eugenicists even after the National
Socialists had gained control of German science.”
78. Jump up ^ Black, 2003: p. 5.
79. Jump up ^ Black, 2003: p. 4.
80. Jump up ^ Jackson, John P. & Weidman, Nadine M. (2005). Race, Racism, and Science: Social Impact and Interaction.
Rutgers University Press. p. 123. ISBN 978-0-8135-3736-8.
81. Jump up ^ Lombardo, 2008: pp. 211–213.
82. Jump up ^ Kühl 2001: p. xiv.
83. Jump up ^ Let’s (Cautiously) Celebrate the “New Eugenics”, Huffington Post, (Oct. 30, 2014).
Bibliography
Bender, Daniel E. (2009). American abyss: savagery and civilization in the age of industry. Cornell University Press. ISBN
978-0-8014-4598-9.
Black, Edwin (November 9, 2003). “Eugenics and the Nazis — the California connection”. San Francisco Chronicle.
Boudreau, Erica Bicchieri (2005). “‘Yea, I have a Goodly Heritage’: Health Versus Heredity in the Fitter Family Contests,
1920–1928”. Journal of Family History 30 (4): 366–87. doi:10.1177/0363199005276359. PMID 16304739.
Engs, Ruth C. (2005). The eugenics movement: an encyclopedia. Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-32791-9.
Kevles, Daniel J. (1986). In the Name of Eugenics: genetics and the uses of human heredity. Harvard University Press.
ISBN 978-0-520-05763-0.
Kühl, Stefan (2001). The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism. Oxford University
Press US. ISBN 978-0-19-514978-4.
Lombardo, Paul A. (2008). Three generations, no imbeciles: eugenics, the Supreme Court, and Buck v. Bell. JHU Press.
ISBN 978-0-8018-9010-9.
Lombardo, Paul A. (2011). A Century of Eugenics in America: From the Indiana Experiment to the Human Genome Era.
Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-22269-5.
McWhorter, Ladelle (2009). Racism and sexual oppression in Anglo-America: a genealogy. Indiana University Press. ISBN
978-0-253-22063-9.
Murphy, Timothy F. & Lappé, Marc, eds. (1994). Justice and the human genome project. University of California Press.
ISBN 978-0-520-08363-9.
Ordover, Nancy (2003). American eugenics: race, queer anatomy, and the science of nationalism. University of Minnesota
Press. ISBN 978-0-8166-3559-7.
Pernick, Martin S. (1999). The Black Stork: Eugenics and the Death of “Defective” Babies in American Medicine and
Motion Pictures Since 1915. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-513539-8.
Pernick, Martin S. (2002). “Taking Better Baby Contests Seriously”. American Journal of Public Health 92 (5): 707–708.
doi:10.2105/ajph.92.5.707. PMC 1447148. PMID 11988430.
Selden, Steven (2005). “Transforming Better Babies into Fitter Families: Archival Resources and the History of the
American Eugenics Movement, 1908–1930”. American Philosophical Society149 (2): 199–225.
Stern, Alexandra (2005). Eugenic nation: faults and frontiers of better breeding in modern America. University of California
Press. ISBN 978-0-520-24444-3.

Further Reading
Allen, Garland E. (1987). “The role of experts in scientific controversy”. In Engelhardt, Hugo Tristram & Caplan, Arthur L.
Scientific controversies: case studies in the resolution and closure of disputes in science and technology. Cambridge
University Press. pp. 169–202. ISBN 978-0-521-27560-6.
Barkan, Elazar (1993). The Retreat of Scientific Racism: Changing Concepts of Race in Britain and the United States
Between the World Wars. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-45875-7.

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 Bashford, Alison & Levine, Philippa, eds. (2010). The Oxford Handbook of the History of Eugenics. Oxford University
Press. ISBN 978-0-19-537314-1.
Bauman, Zygmunt (2000). Modernity and the Holocaust. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-8719-4.
Black, Edwin (2004). War against the weak: eugenics and America’s campaign to create a master race. Thunder’s Mouth
Press. ISBN 978-1-56858-321-1.
Cuddy, Lois A. & Roche, Claire M., eds. (2003). Evolution and eugenics in American literature and culture, 1880–1940:
essays on ideological conflict and complicity. Bucknell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8387-5555-6.
Currell, Susan (2006). Popular eugenics: national efficiency and American mass culture in the 1930s. Ohio University
Press. ISBN 978-0-8214-1692-1.
Dowbiggin, Ian Robert (1997). Keeping America sane: psychiatry and eugenics in the United States and Canada, 1880–
1940. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-8398-1.
Gould, Stephen Jay (1996). The Mismeasure of Man (2nd, revised ed.). W.W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-31425-0.
Haller, Mark H. (1963). Eugenics: Hereditarian Attitudes in American Thought. Rutgers University Press.
Hansen, Randall and King, Desmond (eds.), Sterilized by the State: Eugenics, Race, and the Population Scare in Twentieth-
Century North America. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Hasian, Marouf Arif (1996). The rhetoric of eugenics in Anglo-American thought. University of Georgia Press. ISBN 978-0-
8203-1771-7.
Kline, Wendy (2005). Building a Better Race: Gender, Sexuality, and Eugenics from the Turn of the Century to the Baby
Boom. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-24674-4.
Kohn, Marek (1995). The Race Gallery: The Return of Racial Science. London: Jonathan Cape.
Larson, Edward J. (1996). Sex, Race, and Science: Eugenics in the Deep South. JHU Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-5511-5.
Lusane, Clarence (2002). Hitler’s black victims: the historical experiences of Afro-Germans, European Blacks, Africans,
and African Americans in the Nazi era. Psychology Press. ISBN 978-0-415-93295-0.
Maxwell, Anne (2010). Picture Imperfect: Photography and Eugenics, 1870–1940. Sussex Academic Press. ISBN 978-1-
84519-415-4.
McCann, Carole Ruth (1999). Birth control politics in the United States, 1916–1945. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-
8014-8612-8.
Mendelsohn, Everett (March–April 2000). “The Eugenic Temptation: When ethics lag behind technology”. Harvard
Magazine.
Rafter, Nicole Hahn (1988). White Trash: The Eugenic Family Studies, 1877–1919. Northeastern University Press. ISBN
978-1-55553-030-3.
Reilly, Philip R. (1991). The Surgical Solution: A History of Involuntary Sterilization in the United States. Johns Hopkins
University Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-4096-8.
Rosen, Christine (2004). Preaching eugenics: religious leaders and the American eugenics movement. Oxford University
Press. ISBN 978-0-19-515679-9.
Ross, Loretta (2000). “Eugenics: African-American Case Study–Eugenics and Family Planning”. Routledge International
Encyclopedia of Women: Education: Health to Hypertension. Vol. 2. Psychology Press. p. 638. ISBN 978-0-415-92089-6.
Smith, J. David. (1993). The Eugenic Assault on America: Scenes in Red, White and Black. George Mason University Press.
ISBN 978-0-913969-53-3.
Spiro, Jonathan P. (2009). Defending the Master Race: Conservation, Eugenics, and the Legacy of Madison Grant.
University of Vermont Press. ISBN 978-1-58465-715-6.
Tucker, William H. (2007). The funding of Scientific Racism: Wickliffe Draper and the Pioneer Fund. University of Illinois
Press. ISBN 978-0-252-07463-9. Lay summary.

External Links
The Color of Democracy: A Japanese Public Health Official’s Reconnaissance Trip to the U.S. South Takeuchi-Demirci,
Aiko. Southern Spaces 18 March 2011.
“Eugenics”, Scope Note 28, Bioethics Research Center, Georgetown University
Plotz, David. “The Better Baby Business”, Washington Post, 13 March 2001. Web. 25 April 2010. [5].
Eugenics: Compulsory Sterilization in 50 American States, Kaelber, Lutz (ed.)
Eugenics: A Historical Analysis
Eugenics in the United States and Britain, 1890–1930: a comparative analysis

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 Eugenics in the United States
“Buck v. Bell (1927)” by N. Antonios and C. Raup at the Embryo Project Encyclopedia

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
7: Economic Organization
Topic hierarchy
7.1: Subsistence Strategies
7.2: Foraging
7.3: Pastoralists
7.4: Horticulturists
7.5: Intensive Agriculture
7.6: Neolithic Revolution
7.7: Distribution

Thumbnail: A waste picker is a person who salvages reusable or recyclable materials thrown away by others to sell or for personal
consumption.[1] There are millions of waste pickers worldwide, predominantly in developing countries, but increasingly in post-
industrial countries as well Scavenging in Jakarta, Indonesia (CC BY 2.0; Jonathan McIntosh).

7: Economic Organization is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

1 5/12/2022
7.1: Subsistence Strategies
Economic Organization
All cultures need ways to produce goods and distribute them for consumption. This is the essence of an economic system. The
forms these take vary across the globe and make involve interaction with family or non-family. It many involve work from the
home or it may be with a corporation. Some economic systems support the independence of families, while others result in a
greater, albeit oft unacknowledged, interdependence. In this section we start with the mode of production, including how people get
their food.

Mode of Production
The ways in which food and other material items are collected is called a system of production. Specifically, the manner in which
a group produces its food is referred to as a subsistence strategy. In a capitalist system, money is the key to production. From the
farmer who must purchase land and seed in order to produce food to non-farmers who must have money in order to buy food and
other goods, everybody needs money in order to meet their needs. In kin-based types of economic systems, social obligations fulfill
the role of money.
The primary focus of this section will be subsistence strategies as they influence other types of behavior. Anthropologists
frequently categorize groups by their subsistence strategy, or how they get their food. Through research, anthropologists discovered
that the subsistence strategy oftentimes predicted other forms of behavior, e.g., population size, division of labor, and social
structure.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2010.
2. Campbell, Shirley F. “Horticulture.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1203-1204. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
3. Ember, Carol R., and Melvin Ember. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2011.
4. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
5. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2007.
6. Hutchinson, Pamela Rae. “Haidas.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1126-1134. Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage Reference, 2006.
7. Jones, Kristine L. “Squelches.” In Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, Vol. 6, 2nd edition, edited by Jay
Innsbruck and Erick D. Anger, 37-38. Detroit: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2008.
8. Lavenda, Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGowan Hill Higher
Education, 2010.
9. O’Neil, Dennis. 2006. “Foraging.” Behavioral Sciences Department, Palomar College. Accessed October 9,
2010.anthro.palomar.edu/subsistence/sub_2.htm.
10. Rambo, Karl and Paula Brown. “Chimbu.” In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 2: Oceania, 34-37. New York: Macmillan
Reference USA, 1996.

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7.2: Foraging
For roughly 90% of history, humans were foragers who used simple technology to gather, fish, and hunt wild food resources.
Today only about a quarter million people living in marginal environments, e.g., deserts, the Arctic and topical forests, forage as
their primary subsistence strategy. While studying foraging societies allows anthropologists to understand their cultures in their
own right, the data from these studies provides us with an avenue to understanding past cultures.

General Characteristics
While the resources foraging groups utilize vary depending on the environment, there are some common characteristics among
foragers:
Foragers generally make their own tools using materials available in the local environment, however, through the process of
development and increasing contact with other groups of people, machine made tools are making their way into foraging
societies.
There is a high degree of mobility as the group may follow migrating herds or seasonally available resources.
Group size and population density is small so as not to surpass the carrying capacity of the environment.
Resource use is extensive and temporary. In other words, foragers may use a wide-variety of resources over a large territory;
however, they leave enough resources so that the area can regenerate. Once the resources reach a certain level, the group moves
on.
Permanent settlements are rare.
Production is for personal use or to share and trade.
The division of labor tends to be divided by age and gender.
Kin relations are usually reckoned on both the mother and father’s side.
There is usually no concept of personal ownership, particularly of land.
If left to follow traditional patterns, foraging as a subsistence strategy is highly sustainable.

Types of Foraging Groups

Figure 7.2.1 - Haida village, Wrangel, Alaska circa 1902

Aquatic: Aquatic foragers, like the Ou Haadas, or the Haida, who live in the Queen Charlotte Islands, British Columbia, Canada,
and Prince of Wales Island in Alaska, United States, rely primarily on resources from water. At the time of contact with Europeans,
the Haidu utilized a wide variety of foods from the surrounding waters, including salmon, halibut, crabs, scallops, sea cucumber,
sea lion, otters, and seaweed. They also hunted for land mammals like bear and deer and gathered wild plants such as rhubarb, fern,
and berries.
Pedestrian: As the name implies, pedestrian foragers get their food by collecting on foot. The !Kung San are more properly known
as the Zhu|õasi. They live in the Kalahari desert are one example of a pedestrian foraging group. The Zhu|õasi use about 100
species of animals and over 150 species of plants, although not all are used for food. The primary food source is the mongongo nut
that is high in protein. The Zhu|õasi eat their way out of areas, starting with their favorite food and then the less desirable food.
Once the resources get low, the group will move to a new area. The Zhu|õasi also move seasonally as resources become available.
During the rainy season, the Zhu|õasi live in small groups of 2-3 families. In the dry season, large camps of 20-40 people are
established near permanent water sources.
Equestrian: Equestrian foragers are the most rare type of foraging group, being identified only the Great Plains of North America
and the pampas and steppes of South America. This type of foraging strategy emerged after contact with European settlers who

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reintroduced the horse to the Americas. The Aonikenks live on the Patagonian Steppes of South America. The Aonikenks, also
called the Tehuelche or people of the south, hunted guanaco, an indigenous camelid, in seasonal rounds. They also ate rhea
(sometimes referred to as the South American ostrich), roots, and seeds.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2010.
2. Campbell, Shirley F. “Horticulture.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1203-1204. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
3. Ember, Carol R., and Melvin Ember. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2011.
4. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
5. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2007.
6. Hutchinson, Pamela Rae. “Haidas.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1126-1134. Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage Reference, 2006.
7. Jones, Kristine L. “Squelches.” In Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, Vol. 6, 2nd edition, edited by Jay
Innsbruck and Erick D. Anger, 37-38. Detroit: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2008.
8. Lavenda, Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGowan Hill Higher
Education, 2010.
9. O’Neil, Dennis. 2006. “Foraging.” Behavioral Sciences Department, Palomar College. Accessed October 9,
2010.anthro.palomar.edu/subsistence/sub_2.htm.
10. Rambo, Karl and Paula Brown. “Chimbu.” In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 2: Oceania, 34-37. New York: Macmillan
Reference USA, 1996.

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7.3: Pastoralists
Pastoralism is a subsistence strategy dependent on the herding of animals, particularly sheep, goats and cattle, although there are
pastoralists who herd reindeer, horses, yak, camel, and llamas. This does not mean that the people only eat the animals they raise,
in fact, some pastoralists only eat their animals for special occasions. They often rely on secondary resources from the animals for
food, e.g., blood or milk, or use the by-products like wool to trade for food. Some pastoralists forage for food while others do
small-scale farming to supplement their diet. Like foragers, many pastoralists are forced to live in the world’s marginal
environments all over the world.

General Characteristics
Production is for more than meat and milk. Some animals are used as beasts of burden, while others are used for their fur.
Animal products are for both personal use and trade.
Pastoralism is characterized by extensive land use. Animals are moved to pasture; fodder is not brought to them.
Generally speaking, pastoralists live in extended families in order to have enough people to take care of all of the duties
associated with animal care and other domestic duties.
Division of labor is gender based.
Most pastoralists are monotheistic (but not all of them); usually the belief is tied closely to their animals.
The concept of ownership is restricted to animals, housing and some domestic goods. Land is communal and many pastoralists
contend that they have travel rights over lands because of centuries-old migratory patterns that supersede modern land
ownership.
Wealth is determined by herd size and often the number of wives and offspring a man has.
Kin relations are patrilineal, which means that the father’s side of the family is reckoned as kin.
While some pastoralists are more sedentary, most are nomadic, moving to temporary pastures as needed or seasonally. Semi-
permanent camps are set up with each move. Decisions about when to move are made communally.
Because of the low to moderate consumption rate, the sustainability of pastoralism is high if the herders have access to enough
land.

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 Figure 7.3.1 - Dogon pastoralists
The Ariaal are one example of pastoralists. They live on the plains and slopes of modern Kenya. The Ariaal are successful because
they practice a highly diversified system of animal husbandry with the key being herd diversity (camel, cattle, sheep and goats) and
mobility. The Ariaal split the herd and pasture them in different places, a practice that ensures herd survivability against disease and
drought. The herds are used to encourage growth of seasonal vegetation, which provides the group with trade items.
Sheep and goats are used primarily for food, as is camel milk. The blood of the animals is also used. This is a good adaptation
because blood is a renewable resource and it is highly nutritious. Cattle are used as bride price (more on bride price in the section
on Marriage and Family). The exchange of cattle as part of a marriage helps to maintain herd diversity and distribute the wealth
among the people.
Ariaal settlements are widely dispersed, making it difficult to maintain social cohesion. One way the Ariaal have devised to help
with social cohesion is age-sets. An age set is a group of individuals of roughly the same age that are given specific duties within
the society at large. In the case of the Ariaal, there are three age-sets for each sex: for males the age sets are boy, warrior, elder; for
females, girl, adolescent, married. Each age set has a specific set of clothes, diet, duties and socializing rules. For instance,
adolescent girls are not allowed to associate with any males, including their father while warriors are not allowed to associate with
women, including their mother. This practice not only ensures that labor is distributed among members of the group, but serves as a
form of population control.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2010.
2. Campbell, Shirley F. “Horticulture.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1203-1204. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
3. Ember, Carol R., and Melvin Ember. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2011.
4. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
5. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2007.

Lumen Learning 7.3.2 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5607

 6. Hutchinson, Pamela Rae. “Haidas.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1126-1134. Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage Reference, 2006.
7. Jones, Kristine L. “Squelches.” In Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, Vol. 6, 2nd edition, edited by Jay
Innsbruck and Erick D. Anger, 37-38. Detroit: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2008.
8. Lavenda, Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGowan Hill Higher
Education, 2010.
9. O’Neil, Dennis. 2006. “Foraging.” Behavioral Sciences Department, Palomar College. Accessed October 9, 2010.
anthro.palomar.edu/subsistence/sub_2.htm.
10. Rambo, Karl and Paula Brown. “Chimbu.” In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 2: Oceania, 34-37. New York: Macmillan
Reference USA, 1996.

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7.4: Horticulturists
Horticulturalists are small-scale farmers, but this should not be confused with family farming in industrial regions of the world.
Horticulturalists grow not only crops, but often raise animals and gather economically useful plants. They generally produce only
what they can consume themselves, a practice anthropologists refer to as subsistence farming. Horticulturalists are found in all
areas of the world except the Arctic.

General Characteristics

Figure 7.4.1 - Slash and burn agriculture.

Domestic crops are cultivated using hand tools, which may have been made by hand.
Farming is done in conjunction with foraging activities and/or trade.
There is limited surplus production, although as a result of modern development there may be some surplus production.
Groups have a staple crop around which ritual and social activity takes place. This staple varies from culture to culture, but is
generally a plant that can be stored easily such as tubers, maize, rice, or wheat.
Production is primarily for personal use and trade.
The division of labor is generally by gender, although all members of the groups may be called upon to help with the crops.
Kin relations may are predominantly patrilineal, but occasionally may be matrilineal.
Status is often based on the size of family that can be supported or on how much an individual can give away to gain allies.
In ancient horticultural societies, the belief system was polytheistic with the primary deities focused on rain and crops. Modern
horticulturists follow a variety of different belief systems, but often still have elements of the polytheistic system of old.
Most horticulturalists do not own the land they use to grow food; however, they claim land-use rights to it.
Land use is extensive as fields are often used for only a couple of years and then allowed to lie fallow from anywhere to 2-15
years. This is called shifting field agriculture.
Many horticulturalists practice slash-and burn agriculturewhereby vegetation is cut down and burned. When it rains, nutrients
from the ash seeps into the soil thereby regenerating soil fertility.
Permanent settlements are common.
Horticulturalists may practice polycropping (planting different crops in the same field).
Like foraging and pastoralism, if given enough land to utilize, horticulture is fairly sustainable.
The Chimbu of the central highlands of Papua New Guinea grow sweet potatoes, which are used to feed both people and
domesticated pigs. The Chimbu recognize over 130 different types of sweet potatoes, each grown in its own microclimate and
having its specific use. Sugarcane, bananas, taro, beans and various nuts and fruits are also grown in year-round gardens. Pigs and
sweet potatoes are both important resources for food exchange. Food exchanges were used to foster reciprocal relationships among
people. If an individual did not uphold the reciprocal relationship by repaying the food exchange, they would lose status within the
society. Today, not only is food a part of the exchange, but money earned through the sale of coffee, vegetables and jobs.
The Chimbu reckon descent through the father’s line. Traditionally, men live in communal houses away from women and children.
The men’s communal houses are usually placed in areas that were easily defensible. The women and children live in natal groups
near their gardens where they can keep a close eye on the crops. Women are also responsible for raising pigs. Currently, the
traditional patterns of residence are breaking down and nuclear families are becoming more common.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2010.
2. Campbell, Shirley F. “Horticulture.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1203-1204. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
3. Ember, Carol R., and Melvin Ember. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2011.

Lumen Learning 7.4.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5608

 4. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
5. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2007.
6. Hutchinson, Pamela Rae. “Haidas.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1126-1134. Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage Reference, 2006.
7. Jones, Kristine L. “Squelches.” In Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, Vol. 6, 2nd edition, edited by Jay
Innsbruck and Erick D. Anger, 37-38. Detroit: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2008.
8. Lavenda, Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGowan Hill Higher
Education, 2010.
9. O’Neil, Dennis. 2006. “Foraging.” Behavioral Sciences Department, Palomar College. Accessed October 9, 2010.
anthro.palomar.edu/subsistence/sub_2.htm.
10. Rambo, Karl and Paula Brown. “Chimbu.” In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 2: Oceania, 34-37. New York: Macmillan
Reference USA, 1996.

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7.5: Intensive Agriculture

Figure 7.5.1 - Indian farmer

Intensive agriculture was developed in order to produce greater amounts of food for large populations. It is the most recent form
of subsistence strategy emerging about 10,000 years ago. With the emergence of intensive agriculture major changes occurred in
other areas of culture. Deities in polytheistic cultures began to represent rain and important plants. Power began to become more
centralized as the need arose to organize the growing, harvesting, and distribution of crops. With a changing power structure, social
ranking became the norm. People became more dependent on one another as occupational specialization developed. Urbanization
occurred as there was now a method to feed a large, non-food producing populace. In other words, a class-based society emerges.
There are two basic forms of intensive agriculture: non-industrial and industrial. The former is dependent on human labor and
draft animals, while the latter is reliant on machinery. However, there are characteristics that unite the two forms. Both forms of
intensive agriculture manipulate the landscape. This may entail actual modification of the landscape through clearing tracts of land,
terracing hillsides or digging irrigation systems. Fertilizers are usually required because growing takes place on permanent fields.
The type of fertilizers varies. Non-industrial agriculturalists may use natural fertilizers such as animal dung. Industrial
agriculturalists use chemical fertilizers.
Private ownership is the norm for intensive agriculture. While non-industrial agriculturalists may own the land with extended
family, a single family or corporation owns industrial agricultural land. Permanent residences became the norm.
With the advent of industrial agriculture other changes occurred. Women began to be relegated to the private arena; they became
the homemakers while men engaged in public work, farming, politics, etc. Mass production of food became the primary focus of
agricultural endeavors. Monocropping replaced polycropping. Machinery became common, requiring agriculturalists to have a high
capital investment in their farms, eventually leading to many family farms being bought out by large corporations. Unlike the other
forms of subsistence, intensive agriculture is not sustainable because it destroys habitats, increases erosion, increases water use,
undermines stability of other systems, and encourages high consumption both of fossil fuels and food itself.
All four of the subsistence strategies are in use today. Foragers, pastoralists, and horticulturalists are threatened through
government selling and protecting of areas such as game preserves, thereby restricting land use.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2010.
2. Campbell, Shirley F. “Horticulture.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1203-1204. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
3. Ember, Carol R., and Melvin Ember. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2011.
4. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
5. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2007.
6. Hutchinson, Pamela Rae. “Haidas.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 3, edited by H. James Birx, 1126-1134. Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage Reference, 2006.
7. Jones, Kristine L. “Squelches.” In Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, Vol. 6, 2nd edition, edited by Jay
Innsbruck and Erick D. Anger, 37-38. Detroit: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2008.
8. Lavenda, Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGowan Hill Higher
Education, 2010.
9. O’Neil, Dennis. 2006. “Foraging.” Behavioral Sciences Department, Palomar College. Accessed October 9, 2010.
anthro.palomar.edu/subsistence/sub_2.htm.

Lumen Learning 7.5.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5609

10. Rambo, Karl and Paula Brown. “Chimbu.” In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 2: Oceania, 34-37. New York: Macmillan
Reference USA, 1996.

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7.6: Neolithic Revolution

Figure 7.6.1 - A Sumerian harvester’s sickle dated to 3,000 BC

The Neolithic Revolution or Neolithic Demographic Transition, sometimes called the Agricultural Revolution, was the wide-
scale transition of many human cultures from a lifestyle of hunting and gathering to one of agriculture and settlement, allowing the
ability to support an increasingly large population.[1] These settled communities permitted humans to observe and experiment with
plants to learn how they grow and develop.[2] This new knowledge and ways led to the domestication of plants.[2]
Archaeological data indicates that the domestication of various types of plants and animals evolved in separate locations
worldwide, starting in the geological epoch of the Holocene[3] around 12,500 years ago.[4] It was the world’s first historically
verifiable revolution in agriculture. The Neolithic Revolution greatly narrowed the diversity of foods available, with a switch to
agriculture which led to a downturn in human nutrition.[5]
The Neolithic Revolution involved far more than the adoption of a limited set of food-producing techniques. During the next
millennia it would transform the small and mobile groups of hunter-gatherers that had hitherto dominated human pre-history into
sedentary (non-nomadic) societies based in built-up villages and towns. These societies radically modified their natural
environment by means of specialized food-crop cultivation (e.g.,irrigation and deforestation) which allowed extensive surplus food
production.
These developments provided the basis for densely populated settlements, specialization and division of labour, trading economies,
the development of non-portable art and architecture, centralized administrations and political structures, hierarchical ideologies,
depersonalized systems of knowledge (e.g., writing), and property ownership. Personal land and private property ownership led to
hierarchical society, class struggle and armies. The first fully developed manifestation of the entire Neolithic complex is seen in the
Middle Eastern Sumerian cities (c. 5,500 BP), whose emergence also heralded the beginning of the Bronze Age.
The relationship of the above-mentioned Neolithic characteristics to the onset of agriculture, their sequence of emergence, and
empirical relation to each other at various Neolithic sites remains the subject of academic debate, and varies from place to place,
rather than being the outcome of universal laws of social evolution.[6][7] The Levant followed by Mesopotamia are the sites of the
earliest developments of the Neolithic Revolution from around 10,000 BC. It has been identified as having “inspired some of the
most important developments in human history including the invention of the wheel, the planting of the first cereal crops and the
development of cursive script, mathematics, astronomy and agriculture.”[8][9]

Agricultural Transition

Figure 7.6.2 - Map of the world showing approximate centers of origin of agriculture and its spread in prehistory: the Fertile
Crescent (11,000 BP), the Yangtze and Yellow River basins (9,000 BP) and the New Guinea Highlands (9,000–6,000 BP), Central
Mexico (5,000–4,000 BP), Northern South America (5,000–4,000 BP), sub-Saharan Africa (5,000–4,000 BP, exact location
unknown), eastern North America (4,000–3,000 BP).[10]

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 Figure 7.6.3 - Knap of Howar farmstead on a site occupied from 3,700 BC to 2,800 BC
The term Neolithic Revolution was coined in 1923 by V. Gordon Childe to describe the first in a series of agricultural revolutions in
Middle Eastern history. The period is described as a “revolution” to denote its importance, and the great significance and degree of
change affecting the communities in which new agricultural practices were gradually adopted and refined.
The beginning of this process in different regions has been dated from 10,000 to 8,000 BC in the Fertile Crescent[4][11] and perhaps
8000 BC in the Kuk Early Agricultural Site of Melanesia[12][13] to 2500 BC in Sub-Saharan Africa, with some considering the
developments of 9000–7000 BC in the Fertile Crescent to be the most important. This transition everywhere seems associated with
a change from a largely nomadic hunter-gatherer way of life to a more settled, agrarian-based one, with the inception of the
domestication of various plant and animal species—depending on the species locally available, and probably also influenced by
local culture. Recent archaeological research suggests that in some regions such as the Southeast Asian peninsula, the transition
from hunter-gatherer to agriculturalist was not linear, but region-specific.[14]
There are several competing (but not mutually exclusive) theories as to the factors that drove populations to take up agriculture.
The most prominent of these are:
The Oasis Theory, originally proposed by Raphael Pumpelly in 1908, popularized by V. Gordon Childe in 1928 and
summarised in Childe’s book Man Makes Himself.[15] This theory maintains that as the climate got drier due to the Atlantic
depressions shifting northward, communities contracted to oases where they were forced into close association with animals,
which were then domesticated together with planting of seeds. However, today this theory has little support amongst
archaeologists because subsequent climate data suggests that the region was getting wetter rather than drier.[16]
The Hilly Flanks hypothesis, proposed by Robert Braidwood in 1948, suggests that agriculture began in the hilly flanks of the
Taurus and Zagros mountains, where the climate was not drier as Childe had believed, and fertile land supported a variety of
plants and animals amenable to domestication.[17]
The Feasting model by Brian Hayden[18] suggests that agriculture was driven by ostentatious displays of power, such as giving
feasts, to exert dominance. This required assembling large quantities of food, which drove agricultural technology.
The Demographic theories proposed by Carl Sauer[19] and adapted by Lewis Binford[20] and Kent Flannery posit an
increasingly sedentary population that expanded up to the carrying capacity of the local environment and required more food
than could be gathered. Various social and economic factors helped drive the need for food.
The evolutionary/intentionality theory, developed by David Rindos[21] and others, views agriculture as an evolutionary
adaptation of plants and humans. Starting with domestication by protection of wild plants, it led to specialization of location and
then full-fledged domestication.
Peter Richerson, Robert Boyd, and Robert Bettinger[22] make a case for the development of agriculture coinciding with an
increasingly stable climate at the beginning of the Holocene. Ronald Wright’s book and Massey Lecture Series A Short History
of Progress[23]popularized this hypothesis.
The postulated Younger Dryas impact event, claimed to be in part responsible for megafauna extinction and ending the last
glacial period, could have provided circumstances that required the evolution of agricultural societies for humanity to survive.
[24]
The agrarian revolution itself is a reflection of typical overpopulation by certain species following initial events during
extinction eras; this overpopulation itself ultimately propagates the extinction event.
Leonid Grinin argues that whatever plants were cultivated, the independent invention of agriculture always took place in special
natural environments (e.g., South-East Asia). It is supposed that the cultivation of cereals started somewhere in the Near East: in
the hills of Palestine or Egypt. So Grinin dates the beginning of the agricultural revolution within the interval 12,000 to 9,000
BP, though in some cases the first cultivated plants or domesticated animals’ bones are even of a more ancient age of 14–15
thousand years ago.[25]
Andrew Moore suggested that the Neolithic Revolution originated over long periods of development in the Levant, possibly
beginning during the Epipaleolithic. In “A Reassessment of the Neolithic Revolution”, Frank Hole further expanded the
relationship between plant and animal domestication. He suggested the events could have occurred independently over different
periods of time, in as yet unexplored locations. He noted that no transition site had been found documenting the shift from what

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 he termed immediate and delayed return social systems. He noted that the full range of domesticated animals (goats, sheep,
cattle and pigs) were not found until the sixth millennium at Tell Ramad. Hole concluded that “close attention should be paid in
future investigations to the western margins of the Euphrates basin, perhaps as far south as the Arabian Peninsula, especially
where wadis carrying Pleistocene rainfall runoff flowed.”[26]

Domestication of Plants

Figure 7.6.4 - Neolithic grindstone for processing grain

Once agriculture started gaining momentum, human activity resulted in the selective breeding of cereal grasses (beginning with
emmer, einkorn and barley), and not simply of those that would favour greater caloric returns through larger seeds. Plants that
possessed traits such as small seeds or bitter taste would have been seen as undesirable. Plants that rapidly shed their seeds on
maturity tended not to be gathered at harvest, therefore not stored and not seeded the following season; years of harvesting selected
for strains that retained their edible seeds longer.
Several plant species, the “pioneer crops” or Neolithic founder crops were named by Daniel Zohary, who highlighted importance of
the three cereals, and suggesting domestication of flax, pea, chickpea, bitter vetch and lentilcame a little later. Based on analysis of
the genes of domesticated plants, he preferred theories of a single, or at most a very small number of domestication events for each
taxa that spread in an arc from the Levantine corridoraround the fertile crescent and later into Europe.[27][28]Gordon Hillman and
Stuart Davies carried out experiments with wild wheat varieties to show that the process of domestication would have happened
over a relatively short period of between twenty and two hundred years.[29] Some of these pioneering attempts failed at first and
crops were abandoned, sometimes to be taken up again and successfully domesticated thousands of years later: rye, tried and
abandoned in Neolithic Anatolia, made its way to Europe as weed seeds and was successfully domesticated in Europe, thousands of
years after the earliest agriculture.[30] Wild lentils present a different challenge that needed to be overcome: most of the wild seeds
do not germinate in the first year; the first evidence of lentil domestication, breaking dormancy in their first year, was found in the
early Neolithic at Jerf el Ahmar (in modern Syria), and quickly spread south to the Netiv HaGdud site in the Jordan Valley.[30]This
process of domestication allowed the founder crops to adapt and eventually become larger, more easily harvested, more dependable
in storage and more useful to the human population

Figure 7.6.5 - An “Orange slice” sickle blade element with inverse, discontinuous retouch on each side, not denticulated. Found in
large quantities at Qaraoun II and often with Heavy Neolithic tools in the flint workshops of the Beqaa Valley in Lebanon.
Suggested by James Mellaart to be older than the Pottery Neolithic of Byblos (around 8,400 cal. BP).
Selectively propagated figs, wild barley and wild oats were cultivated at the early Neolithic site of Gilgal I, where in 2006[31]
archaeologists found caches of seeds of each in quantities too large to be accounted for even by intensive gathering, at strata
datable c. 11,000 years ago. Some of the plants tried and then abandoned during the Neolithic period in the Ancient Near East, at
sites like Gilgal, were later successfully domesticated in other parts of the world.
Once early farmers perfected their agricultural techniques like irrigation, their crops would yield surpluses that needed storage.
Most hunter gatherers could not easily store food for long due to their migratory lifestyle, whereas those with a sedentary dwelling
could store their surplus grain. Eventually granaries were developed that allowed villages to store their seeds longer. So with more
food, the population expanded and communities developed specialized workers and more advanced tools.
The process was not as linear as was once thought, but a more complicated effort, which was undertaken by different human
populations in different regions in many different ways.

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Agriculture in the Fertile Crescent
Early agriculture is believed to have originated and become widespread in Southwest Asia around 10,000–9,000 BP, though earlier
individual sites have been identified. The Fertile Crescent region of Southwest Asia is the centre of domestication for three cereals
(einkorn wheat, emmer wheat and barley) four legumes (lentil, pea, bitter vetch and chickpea) and flax.[32] The Mediterranean
climate consists of a long dry season with a short period of rain, which may have favored small plants with large seeds, like wheat
and barley. The Fertile Crescent also had a large area of varied geographical settings and altitudes and this variety may have made
agriculture more profitable for former hunter-gatherers in this region in comparison with other areas with a similar climate .
Finds of large quantities of seeds and a grinding stone at the paleolithic site of Ohalo II in the vicinity of the Sea of Galilee, dated
to around 19,400 BP has shown some of the earliest evidence for advanced planning of plant food consumption and suggests that
humans at Ohalo II processed the grain before consumption.[33][34] Tell Aswad is oldest site of agriculture with domesticated
emmer wheat dated by Willem van Zeist and his assistant Johanna Bakker-Heeres to 8800 BC.[35][36] Soon after came hulled, two-
row barley found domesticated earliest at Jericho in the Jordan valley and Iraq ed-Dubb in Jordan.[37] Other sites in the Levantine
corridor that show the first evidence of agriculture include Wadi Faynan 16 and Netiv Hagdud.[4] Jacques Cauvin noted that the
settlers of Aswad did not domesticate on site, but “arrived, perhaps from the neighbouring Anti-Lebanon, already equipped with
the seed for planting”.[38] The Heavy Neolithic Qaraoun culture has been identified at around fifty sites in Lebanon around the
source springs of the River Jordan, however the dating of the culture has never been reliably determined.[39][40]
Agriculture in China
Northern China appears to have been the domestication center for foxtail millet (Setaria italica) and broomcorn millet (Panicum
miliaceum) with evidence of domestication of these species approximately 8,000 years ago.[41] These species were subsequently
widely cultivated in the Yellow River basin (7,500 years ago).[41] Rice was domesticated in southern China later on.[41] Soybean
was domesticated in northern China 4500 years ago.[42] Orange and peach also originated in China. They were cultivated around
2500 BC.[43][44]
Agriculture in Europe

Figure 7.6.6 - Tilling with Hungarian Grey cattles

The fertile Carpathian Basin was the place where Europeans survived the Ice Age. The territory between the Danube and the Tisza
rivers was the powerhouse of the agricultural knowledge.
Agriculture in Africa
On the African continent, three areas have been identified as independently developing agriculture: the Ethiopian highlands, the
Sahel and West Africa.[45] By contrast, Agriculture in the Nile River Valley is thought to have developed from the original
Neolithic Revolution in the Fertile Crescent. Many grinding stones are found with the early Egyptian Sebilian and Mechian
cultures and evidence has been found of a neolithic domesticated crop-based economy dating around 7,000 BP.[46][47] Unlike the
Middle East, this evidence appears as a “false dawn” to agriculture, as the sites were later abandoned, and permanent farming then
was delayed until 6,500 BP with the Tasian and Badarian cultures and the arrival of crops and animals from the Near East.
Bananas and plantains, which were first domesticated in Southeast Asia, most likely Papua New Guinea, were re-domesticated in
Africa possibly as early as 5,000 years ago. Asian yams and taro were also cultivated in Africa.[45]
The most famous crop domesticated in the Ethiopian highlands is coffee. In addition, khat, ensete, noog, teff and finger millet were
also domesticated in the Ethiopian highlands. Crops domesticated in the Sahel region includesorghum and pearl millet. The kola
nut was first domesticated in West Africa. Other crops domesticated in West Africa include African rice, yams and the oil palm.[45]
Agriculture spread to Central and Southern Africa in the Bantu expansion during the 1st millennium BC to 1st millennium AD.
Agriculture in the Americas

Maize (corn), beans and squash were among the earliest crops domesticated in Mesoamerica, with maize beginning about 7500 BC,
squash, as early as 8000 to 6000 BC and beans by no later than 4000 BC. Potatoes and manioc were domesticated in South
America. In what is now the eastern United States, Native Americans domesticated sunflower, sumpweed and goosefoot around

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2500 BC. At Guilá Naquitz cave in the Mexican highlands, fragments of maize pollen, bottle gourd and pepo squash were
recovered and variously dated between 8000 and 7000 BC. In this area of the world people relied on hunting and gathering for
several millennia to come. Sedentary village life based on farming did not develop until the second millennium BC, referred to as
the formative period.[48]
Agriculture on the New Guinea
Evidence of drainage ditches at Kuk Swamp on the borders of the Western and Southern Highlands of Papua New Guinea shows
evidence of the cultivation of taro and a variety of other crops, dating back to 11,000 BP. Two potentially significant economic
species, taro (Colocasia esculenta) and yam (Dioscorea sp.), have been identified dating at least to 10,200 calibrated years before
present (cal BP). Further evidence of bananas and sugarcane dates to 6,950 to 6,440 BP. This was at the altitudinal limits of these
crops, and it has been suggested that cultivation in more favourable ranges in the lowlands may have been even earlier. CSIRO has
found evidence that taro was introduced into the Solomons for human use, from 28,000 years ago, making taro cultivation the
earliest crop in the world.[49][50] It seems to have resulted in the spread of the Trans–New Guinea languages from New Guinea east
into the Solomon Islands and west into Timor and adjacent areas of Indonesia. This seems to confirm the theories of Carl Sauer
who, in “Agricultural Origins and Dispersals”, suggested as early as 1952 that this region was a centre of early agriculture.

Domestication of Animals
When hunter-gathering began to be replaced by sedentary food production it became more profitable to keep animals close at hand.
Therefore, it became necessary to bring animals permanently to their settlements, although in many cases there was a distinction
between relatively sedentary farmers and nomadic herders. The animals’ size, temperament, diet, mating patterns, and life span
were factors in the desire and success in domesticating animals. Animals that provided milk, such as cows and goats, offered a
source of protein that was renewable and therefore quite valuable. The animal’s ability as a worker (for example ploughing or
towing), as well as a food source, also had to be taken into account. Besides being a direct source of food, certain animals could
provide leather, wool, hides, and fertilizer. Some of the earliest domesticated animals included dogs (East Asia, about 15,000 years
ago),[51] sheep, goats, cows, and pigs.
Domestication of Animals in the Middle East

Figure 7.6.7 - Dromedary camel caravan in Algeria

The Middle East served as the source for many animals that could be domesticated, such as sheep, goats and pigs. This area was
also the first region to domesticate the dromedary camel. Henri Fleisch discovered and termed the Shepherd Neolithic flint industry
from the Bekaa Valley in Lebanon and suggested that it could have been used by the earliest nomadic shepherds. He dated this
industry to the Epipaleolithic or Pre-Pottery Neolithic as it is evidently not Paleolithic, Mesolithic or even Pottery Neolithic.[40][52]
The presence of these animals gave the region a large advantage in cultural and economic development. As the climate in the
Middle East changed and became drier, many of the farmers were forced to leave, taking their domesticated animals with them. It
was this massive emigration from the Middle East that would later help distribute these animals to the rest of Afroeurasia. This
emigration was mainly on an east-west axis of similar climates, as crops usually have a narrow optimal climatic range outside of
which they cannot grow for reasons of light or rain changes. For instance, wheat does not normally grow in tropical climates, just
like tropical crops such as bananas do not grow in colder climates. Some authors, like Jared Diamond, have postulated that this
East-West axis is the main reason why plant and animal domestication spread so quickly from the Fertile Crescent to the rest of
Eurasia and North Africa, while it did not reach through the North-South axis of Africa to reach the Mediterranean climates of
South Africa, where temperate crops were successfully imported by ships in the last 500 years.[53] Similarly, the African Zebu of
central Africa and the domesticated bovines of the fertile-crescent — separated by the dry Sahara desert — were not introduced
into each other’s region.

Consequence

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Social Change
It has long been taken for granted that the introduction of agriculture had been an unequivocal progress. This is now questioned in
view of findings by archaeologists and paleopathologists showing that nutritional standards of Neolithic populations were generally
inferior to that of hunter-gatherers, and that their life expectancy may well have been shorter too, in part due to diseases and harder
work – hunter-gatherers must have covered their food needs with about 20 hours’ work a week, while agriculture required much
more and was at least as uncertain. The hunter-gatherers’ diet was more varied and balanced than what agriculture later allowed.
Average height went down from 5’10” (178 cm) for men and 5’6″ (168 cm) for women to 5’5″ (165 cm) and 5’1″ (155 cm),
respectively, and it took until the twentieth century for average human height to come back to the pre-Neolithic Revolution levels.
[54]Agriculturalists had more anaemias and vitamin deficiencies, more spinal deformations and more dental pathologies.[55]

However, the decrease in individual nutrition was accompanied by an increase in population.

The traditional view is that agricultural food production supported a denser population, which in turn supported larger sedentary
communities, the accumulation of goods and tools, and specialization in diverse forms of new labor. The development of larger
societies led to the development of different means of decision making and to governmental organization. Food surpluses made
possible the development of a social elite who were not otherwise engaged in agriculture, industry or commerce, but dominated
their communities by other means and monopolized decision-making.[56] Jared Diamond (in The World Until Yesterday) identifies
the availability of milk and/or cereal grains as permitting mothers to raise both an older (e.g. 3 or 4 year old) child and a younger
child concurrently, whereas this was not possible previously. The result is that a population can significantly more-rapidly increase
its size than would otherwise be the case, resources permitting.
Recent analyses point out that agriculture also brought about deep social divisions and in particular encouraged inequality between
the sexes.[57]
Subsequent Revolutions

Figure 7.6.8 - Domesticated cow being milked in Ancient Egypt.

Andrew Sherratt has argued that following upon the Neolithic Revolution was a second phase of discovery that he refers to as the
secondary products revolution. Animals, it appears, were first domesticated purely as a source of meat.[58] The Secondary Products
Revolution occurred when it was recognised that animals also provided a number of other useful products. These included:
hides and skins (from undomesticated animals)
manure for soil conditioning (from all domesticated animals)
wool (from sheep, llamas, alpacas, and Angora goats)
milk (from goats, cattle, yaks, sheep, horses and camels)
traction (from oxen, onagers, donkeys, horses, camels and dogs)
guarding and herding assistance (dogs)
Sherratt argues that this phase in agricultural development enabled humans to make use of the energy possibilities of their animals
in new ways, and permitted permanent intensive subsistence farming and crop production, and the opening up of heavier soils for
farming. It also made possible nomadic pastoralism in semi arid areas, along the margins of deserts, and eventually led to the
domestication of both the dromedary and Bactrian camel. Overgrazing of these areas, particularly by herds of goats, greatly
extended the areal extent of deserts. Living in one spot would have more easily permitted the accrual of personal possessions and
an attachment to certain areas of land. From such a position, it is argued, prehistoric people were able to stockpile food to survive
lean times and trade unwanted surpluses with others. Once trade and a secure food supply were established, populations could
grow, and society would have diversified into food producers and artisans, who could afford to develop their trade by virtue of the
free time they enjoyed because of a surplus of food. The artisans, in turn, were able to develop technology such as metal weapons.
Such relative complexity would have required some form of social organisation to work efficiently, so it is likely that populations
that had such organisation, perhaps such as that provided by religion, were better prepared and more successful. In addition, the
denser populations could form and support legions of professional soldiers. Also, during this time property ownership became
increasingly important to all people. Ultimately, Childe argued that this growing social complexity, all rooted in the original
decision to settle, led to a second Urban Revolution in which the first cities were built.

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Disease

Figure 7.6.9 - Llama overlooking the ruins of the Inca city of Machu Picchu.
Throughout the development of sedentary societies, disease spread more rapidly than it had during the time in which hunter-
gatherer societies existed. Inadequate sanitary practices and the domestication of animals may explain the rise in deaths and
sickness following the Neolithic Revolution, as diseases jumped from the animal to the human population. Some examples of
diseases spread from animals to humans are influenza, smallpox, and measles.[59] In concordance with a process of natural
selection, the humans who first domesticated the big mammals quickly built up immunities to the diseases as within each
generation the individuals with better immunities had better chances of survival. In their approximately 10,000 years of shared
proximity with animals, such as cows, Eurasians and Africans became more resistant to those diseases compared with the
indigenous populations encountered outside Eurasiaand Africa.[60] For instance, the population of most Caribbean and several
Pacific Islands have been completely wiped out by diseases. 90% or more of many populations of the Americas were wiped out by
European and African diseases before recorded contact with European explorers or colonists. Some cultures like the Inca Empire
did have a large domestic mammal, the llama, but llama milk was not drunk, nor did llamas live in a closed space with humans, so
the risk of contagion was limited. According to bioarchaeological research, the effects of agriculture on physical and dental health
in Southeast Asian rice farming societies from 4000 to 1500 B.P. was not detrimental to the same extent as in other world regions.
[61]

Technology

During and after the Age of Discovery, European explorers, such as the Spanish conquistadors, encountered other groups of people
who had never or only recently adopted agriculture.In his book Guns, Germs, and Steel, Jared Diamond argues that Europeans and
East Asians benefited from an advantageous geographical location that afforded them a head start in the Neolithic Revolution. Both
shared the temperate climate ideal for the first agricultural settings, both were near a number of easily domesticable plant and
animal species, and both were safer from attacks of other people than civilizations in the middle part of the Eurasian continent.
Being among the first to adopt agriculture and sedentary lifestyles, and neighboring other early agricultural societies with whom
they could compete and trade, both Europeans and East Asians were also among the first to benefit from technologies such as
firearms and steel swords. In addition, they developed resistances to infectious disease, such as smallpox, due to their close
relationship with domesticated animals. Groups of people who had not lived in proximity with other large mammals, such as the
Australian Aborigines and American indigenous peoples, were more vulnerable to infection and largely wiped out by diseases.

Archaeogenetics
The dispersal of Neolithic culture from the Middle East has recently been associated with the distribution of human genetic
markers. In Europe, the spread of the Neolithic culture has been associated with distribution of the E1b1b lineages and Haplogroup
J that are thought to have arrived in Europe from North Africa and the Near East respectively.[62][63] In Africa, the spread of
farming, and notably the Bantu expansion, is associated with the dispersal of Y-chromosome haplogroup E1b1a from West Africa.
[62]

Notes and References:

1. Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel (July 29, 2011). “When the World’s Population Took Off: The Springboard of the Neolithic
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2. a b Pollard, Rosenberg, and Tigor (2015). Worlds together, worlds apart concise edition vol.1. New York: W.W. Norton &
Company. p. 23.ISBN 9780393250930.
3. “International Stratigraphic Chart”. International Commission on Stratigraphy. Retrieved 2012-12-06.

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 abc
4. Graeme Barker (2009). The Agricultural Revolution in Prehistory: Why did Foragers become Farmers?. Oxford
University Press.ISBN 978-0-19-955995-4.[page needed]
5. Armelagos, George J. (2014). “Brain Evolution, the Determinates of Food Choice, and the Omnivore’s Dilemma”. Critical
Reviews in Food Science and Nutrition 54 (10): 1330–1341. doi:10.1080/10408398.2011.635817. ISSN 1040-8398. PMID
24564590.
6. “The Slow Birth of Agriculture”, Heather Pringle*
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15. Gordon Childe (1936). Man Makes Himself. Oxford university press.
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17. Charles E. Redman (1978). Rise of Civilization: From Early Hunters to Urban Society in the Ancient Near East. San
Francisco: Freeman.
18. Hayden, Brian (1992). “Models of Domestication”. In Anne Birgitte Gebauer and T. Douglas Price. Transitions to
Agriculture in Prehistory. Madison: Prehistory Press. pp. 11–18.
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Archaeology. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company. pp. 313–342.
21. Rindos, David (December 1987). The Origins of Agriculture: An Evolutionary Perspective. Academic Press. ISBN 978-0-
12-589281-0.
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the Holocene?”.American Antiquity 66 (3): 387–411. doi:10.2307/2694241. JSTOR 2694241.
23. Wright, Ronald (2004). A Short History of Progress. Anansi. ISBN 0-88784-706-4.
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population decline/settlement reorganization during the early Younger Dryas”. Quaternary International 242 (2): 570–
583.doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2011.04.020.
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(ed.) The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Eurasia. UCL Press Ltd, London, 1996
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Resources and Crop Evolution 46 (2) pp. 133-142
29. Hillman, G. C. and M. S. Davies., Domestication rate in wild wheats and barley under primitive cultivation: preliminary
results and archaeological implications of field measurements of selection coefficient, pp. 124-132 in P. Anderson-Gerfaud
(ed.) Préhistoire de l’agriculture: nouvelles approches expérimentales et ethnographiques. Monographie du CRA 6, Éditions
Centre Nationale Recherches Scientifiques: Paris, 1992
30. a b Weiss, Ehud; Kislev, Mordechai E.; Hartmann, Anat (2006). “Autonomous Cultivation Before Domestication”. Science
312 (5780): 1608–1610. doi:10.1126/science.1127235. PMID 16778044.

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31. “Tamed 11,400 Years Ago, Figs Were Likely First Domesticated Crop”.
32. Brown, T. A.; Jones, M. K.; Powell, W.; Allaby, R. G. (2009). “The complex origins of domesticated crops in the Fertile
Crescent”. Trends in Ecology & Evolution 24 (2): 103. doi:10.1016/j.tree.2008.09.008.
33. Mithen, Steven (2006). After the ice : a global human history, 20.000 – 5.000 BC (1. paperback ed.). Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard Univ. Press. p. 517. ISBN 0-674-01570-3.
34. Compiled largely with reference to: Weiss, E., Mordechai, E., Simchoni, O., Nadel, D., & Tschauner, H. (2008). Plant-food
preparation area on an Upper Paleolithic brush hut floor at Ohalo II, Israel. Journal of Archaeological Science, 35 (8), 2400-
2414.
35. Ozkan, H; Brandolini, A; Schäfer-Pregl, R; Salamini, F (October 2002). “AFLP analysis of a collection of tetraploid wheats
indicates the origin of emmer and hard wheat domestication in southeast Turkey”. Molecular Biology and Evolution 19
(10): 1797–801.doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.molbev.a004002. PMID 12270906.
36. van Zeist, W. Bakker-Heeres, J.A.H., Archaeobotanical Studies in the Levant 1. Neolithic Sites in the Damascus Basin:
Aswad, Ghoraifé, Ramad., Palaeohistoria, 24, 165-256, 1982.
37. Hopf, Maria., “Jericho plant remains” in Kathleen M. Kenyon and T. A. Holland (eds.) Excavations at Jericho 5, pp. 576-
621, British School of Archaeology at Jerusalem, London, 1983.
38. Jacques Cauvin (27 July 2000). The Birth of the Gods and the Origins of Agriculture, p. 53. Cambridge University Press.
ISBN 978-0-521-65135-6. Retrieved 15 August 2012.
39. E. J. Peltenburg; Alexander Wasse; Council for British Research in the Levant (2004). Maya Haïdar Boustani, Flint
workshops of the Southern Beqa’ valley (Lebanon): preliminary results from Qar’oun* in Neolithic revolution: new
perspectives on southwest Asia in light of recent discoveries on Cyprus. Oxbow Books. ISBN 978-1-84217-132-5. Retrieved
18 January 2012.
40. a b L. Copeland; P. Wescombe (1966). Inventory of Stone-Age Sites in Lebanon: North, South and East-Central Lebanon, p.
89. Impr. Catholique. Retrieved 3 March 2011.
41. a b c Fuller, D. Q. (2007). “Contrasting Patterns in Crop Domestication and Domestication Rates: Recent Archaeobotanical
Insights from the Old World”. Annals of Botany100 (5): 903–924. doi:10.1093/aob/mcm048. PMC 2759199. PMID
17495986.
42. Siddiqi, Mohammad Rafiq. Tylenchida: Parasites of Plants and Insects. New York: CABI Pub. 389. p. (2001).
43. Thacker, Christopher (1985). The history of gardens. Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 57. ISBN 978-0-520-
05629-9.
44. Webber, Herbert John (1967–1989). Chapter I. History and Development of the Citrus Industry in ORIGIN OF CITRUS,
Vol. 1. University of California
45. a b c Diamond, Jared (1999). Guns, Germs, and Steel. New York: Norton Press. ISBN 0-393-31755-2.
46. The Cambridge History of Africa
47. Smith, Philip E.L., Stone Age Man on the Nile, Scientific American Vol. 235 No. 2, August 1976: “With the benefit of
hindsight we can now see that many Late Paleolithic peoples in the Old World were poised on the brink of plant cultivation
and animal husbandry as an alternative to the hunter-gatherer’s way of life”.
48. Graeme Barker (25 March 2009). The Agricultural Revolution in Prehistory: Why Did Foragers Become Farmers?, p. 252.
Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-955995-4. Retrieved 4 January 2012.
49. Denham, Tim et al. (received July 2005) “Early and mid Holocene tool-use and processing of taro (Colocasia esculenta),
yam (Dioscoreasp.) and other plants at Kuk Swamp in the highlands of Papua New Guinea” (Journal of Archaeological
Science, Volume 33, Issue 5, May 2006)
50. Hoy, Thomas & Matthew Springs (1992), ” Direct evidence for human use of plants 28,000 years ago: starch residues on
stone artefacts from the northern Solomon Islands” (Antiquity Volume: 66 Number: 253 Page: 898–912)
51. McGourty, Christine (2002-11-22). “Origin of dogs traced”. BBC News. Retrieved 2006-11-29.
52. Fleisch, Henri., Notes de Préhistoire Libanaise : 1) Ard es Saoude. 2) La Bekaa Nord. 3) Un polissoir en plein air. BSPF,
vol. 63.
53. Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. Jared Diamond (1997).
54. Hermanussen, Michael; Poustka, Fritz (July–September 2003). “Stature of early Europeans”. Hormones (Athens) 2 (3):
175–8.doi:10.1159/000079404. PMID 17003019.
55. Shermer, Michael (2001) The Borderlands of Science, Oxford University Press p.250
56. Eagly, Alice H. & Wood, Wendy (June 1999). “The Origins of Sex Differences in Human Behavior: Evolved Dispositions
Versus Social Roles”. American Psychologist 54 (6): 408–423. doi:10.1037/0003-066x.54.6.408.

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 57. Jared Diamond: “The Worst Mistake in the History of the Human Race,” Discover Magazine, May 1987, pp. 64-66.
58. Sherratt 1981
59. Furuse, Y.; Suzuki, A.; Oshitani, H. (2010). “Origin of measles virus: Divergence from rinderpest virus between the 11th
and 12th centuries”. Virology Journal 7: 52. doi:10.1186/1743-422X-7-52. PMC 2838858. PMID 20202190.
60. Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies– Jared Diamond, 1997
61. Halcrow, S.; E., Harris, N. J., Tayles, N., Ikehara‐Quebral, R., & Pietrusewsky, M. (2013). “From the mouths of babes:
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of Physical Anthropology 150 (3): 409–420. doi:10.1002/ajpa.22215. PMID 23359102.
62. a b Semino, O; et al. (2004). “Origin, Diffusion, and Differentiation of Y-Chromosome Haplogroups E and J: Inferences on
the Neolithization of Europe and Later Migratory Events in the Mediterranean Area”. American Journal of Human Genetics
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Bibliography
Bailey, Douglass. (2001). Balkan Prehistory: Exclusions, Incorporation and Identity. Routledge Publishers. ISBN 0-415-
21598-6.
Bailey, Douglass. (2005). Prehistoric Figurines: Representation and Corporeality in the Neolithic. Routledge Publishers.
ISBN 0-415-33152-8.
Balter, Michael (2005). The Goddess and the Bull: Catalhoyuk, An Archaeological Journey to the Dawn of Civilization.
New York: Free Press. ISBN 0-7432-4360-9.
Bellwood, Peter. (2004). First Farmers: The Origins of Agricultural Societies. Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 0-631-20566-7
Bocquet-Appel, Jean-Pierre, editor and Ofer Bar-Yosef, editor, The Neolithic Demographic Transition and its
Consequences, Springer (October 21, 2008), hardcover, 544 pages, ISBN 978-1402085383, trade paperback and Kindle
editions are also available.
Cohen, Mark Nathan (1977)The Food Crisis in Prehistory: Overpopulation and the Origins of Agriculture. New Haven and
London: Yale University Press. ISBN 0-300-02016-3.
Jared Diamond, Guns, germs and steel. A short history of everybody for the last 13’000 years, 1997.
Diamond, Jared (2002). “Evolution, Consequences and Future of Plant and Animal Domestication”. Nature, Vol 418.
Harlan, Jack R. (1992). Crops & Man: Views on Agricultural Origins ASA, CSA, Madison, WI.
www.hort.purdue.edu/newcrop/h...e03/r_3-1.html
Wright, Gary A. (1971). “Origins of Food Production in Southwestern Asia: A Survey of Ideas” Current Anthropology, Vol.
12, No. 4/5 (Oct.–Dec., 1971), pp. 447–477
Bartmen, Jeff M. (2008). Disease.
Evidence for food storage and predomestication granaries 11,000 years ago in the Jordan Valley [2].
Co-Creators How our ancestors used Artificial Selection during the Neolithic Revolution

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7.7: Distribution

Figure 7.7.1 - Men selling various fruit and vegetables at an outdoor market in Zanzibar
Once people have produced goods those goods need to be distributed for consumption. This guided through several principles:
redistribution, reciprocity, and market. These principles are not mutually exclusive and all may be found within the same society.
The market principle is based on the practice of goods bought and sold using money. Profit is a key motivating principle. Value is
theoretically based on demand and supply, but supply can be artificially manipulated to value and, therefore, increase profit margin.
Market economies are the hallmark of large-scale, industrial groups. Other characteristics of market economies include the
accumulation of capital (wealth used to fund more production) and complex economic interactions, including international
components. Market economies are synonymous with intensive agricultural societies. In the modern world, non-market economies
exist under the umbrella of a national market economy; however, there are some cultural groups, e.g., foragers, who have little
interaction with the national economy. Groups such as this are generally left out of economic development plans. In fact, they are
often seen as impediments to modern economic development, leading to marginalization and deprivation as their ability to meet
their needs is impeded.
Non-market economies are based on reciprocity or redistribution. Reciprocity is a direct exchange of goods or services while
redistribution refers to the movement of goods or services from a central authority to the members of the society.
There are three types of reciprocity: generalized, balanced, and negative. Generalized reciprocity refers to an exchange that incurs
no calculation of value or immediate repayment of the goods or services. This usually happens among close kin and friends; e.g.,
!Kung hunters sharing meat with other members of the family or buying a cup of coffee for a friend. It acts as a form of social
security among kin—sharing with family ensures that they in turn will share with you. Generalized reciprocity has an element of
altruism to it. Think about a person who makes a bunch of sandwiches and then hands them out to the homeless. That person is
distributing food without expectation of repayment.
Balanced reciprocity involves calculation of value and repayment of the goods or services within a specified time frame. Some
foragers will exchange wild game for modern hunting implements such as metal knives. Horticulturalists may exchange some of
their product for machetes. Storeowners may exchange goods for services of skilled tradesmen. Gift giving in modern society is
another example of balanced reciprocity. As adults, when gifts are given there is an expectation that we will receive a gift of equal
value in return at a fixed point in the future. For instance, if we receive a birthday gift from a friend, it is expected that we will give
that friend a gift of similar value on their birthday.
Negative reciprocity occurs when one party attempts to get more out of the exchange than the other party. This can happen
through hard-bargaining, deception, stealing, or even selling food at an inflated price because there is no other option; e.g., vendors
at special events.
Redistribution refers to the movement of goods or services to and from a central authority. The authority may be a single
individual, e.g., a chief, or a group of people, e.g., temple priests. The central authority may not be interested in accumulating
wealth for themselves, but use the distribution of goods and services to create interdependence among the parties involved. The Big
Men of Highland Papua New Guinea redistribute goods they have accumulated to create and maintain alliances in an area where
conflict with other groups occur relatively frequently. In industrial societies, progressive income taxes are an example of
redistribution—taxes are collected from individuals dependent on their personal income and then that money is distributed to other
members of society through various government programs. Charitable donations function similarly.

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 Figure 7.7.2 - Dancers in ceremonial dress at a Tlingit potlatch, Klukwan, Alaska, October 15, 1898
The potlatch is a specialized form of redistribution that was common among native cultures of the Pacific Northwest. Native tribes
living in the coastal areas of what is now known as Oregon, Washington, British Columbia, and southern Alaska created a
competitive system involving elaborate feasting and gift giving that was used to increase status of the giver. The giver often took
years to accumulate all of the goods necessary for the potlatch. Statuses were easily determined by who received the most goods.
An element of negative reciprocity was involved in the potlatch as it created an expectation that in the future, receivers would give
back to the giver more than they received. While that suggests that the potlatch impoverished families, the relative continual
redistribution of goods throughout the society ensured that people were taken care of; the potlatch created interdependence among
members of the society.

References
1. Francisconi, Michael Joseph. “Anthropology, Economic.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 5, edited by H. James Birx,
157-165. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
2. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
3. O’Neil, Dennis. “Economic Organization.” Behavioral Sciences Department Palomar College. 2006, accessed February 19,
2015.anthro.palomar.edu/economy/econ_1.htm.

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
8: Kinship
Topic hierarchy
8.1: Kinship Diagrams
8.2: Descent Rules
8.3: Descent Groups
8.4: Kinship Terminology

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1 5/12/2022
8.1: Kinship Diagrams

Figure 8.1.1 - By Sg647112c (Own work) [CC BY-SA 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia
Commons
In this section, we will look at kinship patterns. These patterns determine how we connect with others through descent and
marriage. It is a basic system of social organization. Kin that are related to us through descent (parent to child) are called
consanguine or blood relatives. Anthropologists oftentimes discuss how many links there are between individuals. For instance,
between a father and a daughter there is one link in the chain of familial connections. Between that daughter and her sibling there
are two links, one to the parent and one to the sibling. If that sibling had a child then there would be three links between the
daughter mentioned in the first example: one to the parent, one to the sibling and one to the niece or nephew. Kin that are related
through marriage are called affine. In the United States, we refer to affine as in-laws.

Kinship Diagrams
Anthropologists draw kinship diagrams to illustrate relationships. Kinship diagrams allow cultural anthropologists to quickly
sketch out relationships between people during the interview process. It also provides a means to visually present a culture’s
kinship pattern without resorting to names, which can be confusing, and allows for anonymity for the people.
There are some basic symbols that are used in kinship diagrams. One set of symbols is used to represent people. The other set is
used to represent relationships or connections between people.
In the diagram below, a circle represents a female, a triangle a male, and a square represents a person self-identified as neither sex
or both sexes.
(click on any diagram to enlarge)

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 Figure 8.1.2
To indicate that a person is deceased, a line is placed through the symbol.

Figure 8.1.3
Other kinship symbols indicate relationships.

Figure 8.1.4
Some anthropologists develop their own kinship symbols. This is an accepted practice as long as a key or description of the symbol
is provided.
One individual, usually the informant, is designated as the starting point for the kinship diagram. This person is identified as EGO
on the diagram.

Figure 8.1.5

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Crapo, Richley. 2002. Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves and Others. Boston: McGraw Hill Higher Education.
3. Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember. 2011. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
4. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7thedition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.

Lumen Learning 8.1.2 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5612

 5. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
6. Rassumussen, Susan J. 1996. Tuareg. In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 9., Africa and the Middle East. New York:
Macmillan Reference USA, p. 366-370.
7. Schwimmer, Brian. Turkish Kin Terms. 1995. www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/ar.../turkterm.html, accessed February 24, 2015.
8. Schwimmer, Brian. 2001. Systematic Kinship Terminologies. www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/ar...s/termsys.html, accessed
February 24, 2015.

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8.2: Descent Rules
Cultural recognition of children as kin of one or both parents is basis for the descent concept. Some societies trace through both
parents (e.g., Canada and the United States). Other societies trace descent through only one of the parent’s family line.
There are two basic descent systems: corporate and cognatic. Cognatic descent is also referred to as non-unilineal descent and
there are two types of cognatic descent: bilateral and ambilineal. Anthropological data suggests that cognatic descent arose in
cultures where warfare is uncommon and there is a political organization that can organize and fight on behalf of the members. In
bilateral systems, children are equally descended through both parents. People from both sides of the family are considered
relatives. This is the form of descent practiced in the United States.

Figure 8.2.1
Ambilineal systems require children to choose either the mother or father’s side of the family to be reckoned relatives. Some
Native American tribes use the ambilineal system. In the illustration below, if EGO chooses the father’s side of the family, then
everyone marked in blue would be considered kin. If EGO chooses the mother’s side, then everyone marked in orange would be
considered family

Figure 8.2.2
In corporate descent cultures only one family line is recognized as kin. The group typically owns property together. When family
is reckoned along the father’s line the group is patrilineal. When family is reckoned along the mother’s line the group is
matrilineal. Keep in mind that this is at the cultural level. Individuals in a culture may think of other people as kin even though
they are not formally recognized by the culture itself.

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 Figure 8.2.3 - Patrilineal descent

Figure 8.2.4 - Matrilineal descent

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Crapo, Richley. 2002. Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves and Others. Boston: McGraw Hill Higher Education.
3. Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember. 2011. Cultural Anthropology, 13thedition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
4. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7thedition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
5. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
6. Rassumussen, Susan J. 1996. Tuareg. In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 9., Africa and the Middle East. New York:
Macmillan Reference USA, p. 366-370.
7. Schwimmer, Brian. Turkish Kin Terms. 1995. www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/ar.../turkterm.html, accessed February 24, 2015.
8. Schwimmer, Brian. 2001. Systematic Kinship Terminologies. www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/ar...s/termsys.html, accessed
February 24, 2015.

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8.3: Descent Groups
In all societies there are social groups whose membership is based on descent; members share a common ancestor or living relative.
Descent groups help to define the pool of potential mates, the group of people who are obligated to help in economic and political
issues, and may even dictate which religion is followed, particularly in unilineal descent groups.

Unilineal Descent Groups

Lineages trace lines of descent to the same ancestor. A matriline is traced through the mother’s family line and partrilines are
traced through the father’s. Ambilines are traced through either the mother’s or father’s line; the choice, which might be made
based on friendship or availability of resources, is left open.
Clans are groups who acknowledge a common ancestor but the exact genealogy might not be remembered. Oftentimes, the
ancestor may be so far back in time that history becomes distorted so that the ancestor takes on heroic proportions. For instance,
Native American groups have clans, an ancient lineage that is often just referred to as an animal (wolf, raven). Clans can be quite
big, with a large number of people.
Phratries are groups of clans (at least three clans) who are believed to be related by kinship. There are not usually economic ties
between the clans.
Moieties are also linked clans; however, in this case, there are only two clans involved. There may be economic ties between
moieties.

Non-Unilineal Descent Groups

There is only one type of non-unilineal descent group, the kindred. Kindreds count all individuals from each parent as relatives.
This kind of descent group is usually seen where small family groups are more adaptive than large ones and individual mobility is
high, e.g., industrial societies. Often, kindreds fall apart when the unifying individual dies.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Crapo, Richley. 2002. Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves and Others. Boston: McGraw Hill Higher Education.
3. Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember. 2011. Cultural Anthropology, 13thedition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
4. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7thedition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
5. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
6. Rassumussen, Susan J. 1996. Tuareg. In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 9., Africa and the Middle East. New York:
Macmillan Reference USA, p. 366-370.
7. Schwimmer, Brian. Turkish Kin Terms. 1995. www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/ar.../turkterm.html, accessed February 24, 2015.
8. Schwimmer, Brian. 2001. Systematic Kinship Terminologies. www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/ar...s/termsys.html, accessed
February 24, 2015.

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8.4: Kinship Terminology
“Cross-cultural comparisons of categories of kin terms (words used to identify relatives)
can sometimes reveal basic similarities and differences in worldview and experience”
(Bonvillain 2010: 201).
Terminology systems take a myriad of things into account (although they may not take all of these things into account):
paternal vs. maternal kin
generation
differences in relative age
sex
consanguine vs. affinal ties
person’s descent line vs. linked
descent line
sex of linking relative

Terminology Systems
While the actual form of the words vary from culture to culture, anthropologists have identified only six terminology systems.
The Hawaiian System. This system is the simplest in that it has the fewest terms. The key distinctions are generation and gender.
For example, all the males of the biological father’s generation are called father, while all the females are called mother. The
Hawaiian system is common where nuclear families are dependent on other kin; the system emphasizes cohesion of the extended
family. It is common among Pacific Island peoples.

Figure 8.4.1
The Eskimo System. The nuclear family is emphasized in this system. Relatives outside of the nuclear family are distinguished by
gender. Terms like mother, father, sister, and brother not used for relatives outside of the nuclear family. On the other hand, terms
for aunt, uncle, cousin, grandfather and grandmother are used for both sides of family. The Eskimo system is associated with
societies where nuclear family is economically independent.

Figure 8.4.2
The Omaha System. In this system, terms create a contrast between paternal and maternal relatives. It is found in patrilineal
societies and has a small number of terms to refer to many different kin. On the father’s side of the family, members are groups by
sex and generation. On the mother’s side of the family, members are lumped by sex only; there are no generational distinctions.

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 Figure 8.4.3
The Crow System. This system is the flip side of the Omaha system. It is associated with matrilineal societies. In this system,
relatives on the mother’s side of the family are lumped by sex and generation, while on the father’s side, people are categorized by
sex only.

Figure 8.4.4
The Iroquois System. The Iroquois system, found only in matrilineal societies, has different terms for maternal and paternal
relatives based on sex and generation. It makes distinctions between parental siblings of opposite sexes. What this means is that any
sisters the mother has are also called mother and any brothers of the father are called father. However, brothers of the mother are
called uncle and sisters of the father are called aunt. Offspring of the mother’s sister or father’s brother are consider siblings, while
children of the parents’ siblings of the opposite sex are called cousin.

Figure 8.4.5
The Sudanese System. This is the largest terminology system. It has a descriptive term for each relative. There are nuclear family
terms as well as terms for both maternal and paternal uncles, aunts, and cousins. This type of system is used in cultures that have
both class stratification and occupational specialization along with political complexity (Ember and Ember 2011).

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 Figure 8.4.6
Some anthropologists recognize fictive kin (Bonvillain 2010), or people who are not relatives by descent or marriage. This type of
kin may include adopted relatives, ceremonial relatives such as godparents and occupational brotherhoods and sisterhoods.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Crapo, Richley. 2002. Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves and Others. Boston: McGraw Hill Higher Education.
3. Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember. 2011. Cultural Anthropology, 13thedition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
4. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7thedition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
5. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
6. Rassumussen, Susan J. 1996. Tuareg. In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 9., Africa and the Middle East. New York:
Macmillan Reference USA, p. 366-370.
7. Schwimmer, Brian. Turkish Kin Terms. 1995. www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/ar.../turkterm.html, accessed February 24, 2015.
8. Schwimmer, Brian. 2001. Systematic Kinship Terminologies. www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/ar...s/termsys.html, accessed
February 24, 2015.

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
9: Marriage and Family
Topic hierarchy
9.1: Functions of Marriage
9.2: Forms of Marriage
9.3: Rules for Marriage
9.4: Economic Aspects of Marriage
9.5: Types of Families
9.6: Postmarital Residence Patterns
9.7: Residence Patterns

Thumbnail image - Ethiopian marriage ceremony

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1 5/12/2022
9.1: Functions of Marriage
Marriage
All societies have customs governing how and under what circumstances sex and reproduction can occur–generally marriage plays
a central role in these customs.
Marriage is a socially approved union that united two or more individuals as spouses. Implicit in this union is that there will be
sexual relations, procreation, and permanence in the relationship.

Functions of Marriage

Figure 9.1.1 - Marriage ceremony in Thailand

1. Marriage regulates sexual behavior.
Marriage helps cultural groups to have a measure of control over population growth by providing proscribed rules about when it is
appropriate to have children. Regulating sexual behavior helps to reduce sexual competition and negative effects associate with
sexual competition. This does not mean that there are no socially approved sexual unions that take place outside of marriage. Early
anthropological studies documented that the Toda living in the Nilgiri Mountains of Southern India allowed married women to
have intercourse with male priests with the husband’s approval. In the Philippines, the Kalinda institutionalized mistresses. If a
man’s wife was unable to have children, he could take a mistress in order to have children. Usally his wife would help him choose a
mistress.
2. Marriage fulfills the economic needs of marriage partners.
Marriage provides the framework within which people’s needs are met: shelter, food, clothing, safety, etc. Through the institution
of marriage, people know for whom they are economically and socially responsible.
3. Marriage perpetuates kinship groups.
This is related to the previous function, but instead of simply knowing who is with whom economically and socially, marriage in a
legitimate sense lets people know about inheritance.
4. Marriage provides institution for the care and enculturation of children.
Within the umbrella of the marriage, children begin to learn their gender roles and other cultural norms. Marriage lets everyone
know who is responsible for children. It legitimizes children by socially establishing their birthrights.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Crapo, Richley. 2002. Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves and Others. Boston: McGraw Hill Higher Education.
3. Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember. 2011. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
4. Freedom to Marry. n.d. The Freedom to Marry Internationally. www.freedomtomarry.org/landsc.../international, accessed
February 19, 2015.
5. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.

Lumen Learning 9.1.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5619

 6. Keen, Ian. 2006. Polygyny. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, H. James Birx, ed. Thousand Oak, CA: Sage Reference, p.
1882-1884.
7. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
8. Velioti-Georgopoulos, Maria. 2006. Marriage. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, H. James Birx, ed. Thousand Oak, CA:
Sage Reference, p. 1536-1540.
9. Walker, Anthrony R. 1996. Toda. In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 3, South Asia. New York: Macmillan Refernce USA,
p. 294-298.

9.1: Functions of Marriage is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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9.2: Forms of Marriage

Figure 9.2.1 - Same-sex union laws around the world.

Monogamy, the union between two individuals, is the most common form of marriage. While monogamy traditionally referred to
the union of one man and one woman, there are some countries that recognize same-sex unions. As of early 2015, The Netherlands,
Spain, Canada, South Africa, Norway, Sweden, Portugal, Iceland, Argentina, Denmark, Brazil, France, Uruguay, New Zealand, the
United Kingdom, Luxembourg, and Finland legally allow same-sex marriage. In other countries, the debate continues over
whether or not to legalize same-sex marriage or guarantee rights to homosexuals. For instance, certain states in Mexico allow
same-sex marriage, but not the entire nation. Serial monogamy, where an individual has multiple spouses over their lifetime, but
only one at a time, is quite common in industrial societies.
Polygamy, the union between three or more individuals is the second most common form of marriage. Generally when polygamy
is mentioned by the media, a marriage between a man and multiple women is being referenced; however, the term is being
misused. Polygyny is the correct term for a marriage between a man and multiple women. Polyandryrefers to a marriage between
a woman and multiple men. Polyandry mostly occurs between a woman and brothers, a system referred to as fraternal polyandry.
One reason that polyandry might be the preferred marriage pattern for a group is if there is a shortage of women or land is scarce.
For instance, the Nyinba of Nepal practice fraternal polyandry because there is not enough land to divide between brothers and the
high mortality rate of female child and infant mortality. Male children are preferred, therefore are better cared for then female
offspring (Bonvillain 2010: 218-219).
Polygyny is more common than polyandry. It is generally found in societies where rapid population growth is beneficial to the
survival of the group, such as frontier and warrior societies, or where the ratio of women to men is high. Men with multiple wives
and many children usually have higher status within the group because they have demonstrated that they can afford to support a
large family. Men may also marry several women to help increase his wealth as he will then have more hands helping to bring in
resources to the family. Many groups across the globe have or do practice polygyny, e.g., G/wi, Australian Aborigines, Turkana,
Samburu, and the Tswana.
A question that anthropologists asked was what are the benefits of multiple spouses? What they found were several possible
benefits:
increased social status
a new set of affines (in-laws) gives individuals more people for help w/trade, political alliances, support
a larger labor force
lessens the burden of work because it distributed among several women
better chance children are provided for
Group marriage is a rare form of marriage where several males are married simultaneously to several females. This form of
marriage was once practiced by the Toda; however, it is no longer known in any extant society.
There are a few other types of marriage. A symbolic marriage is one that does not establish economic or social ties, e.g., a
Catholic nun marrying Jesus Christ. Fixed-term marriages are temporary marriages that are entered into for a fixed period of
time. Once the time period is ended, the parties go their separate ways. There may be a financial gain for the woman, however there
are no social ties once the marriage has ended. Fixed-term marriages legitimize sexual relationships for individuals whose culture

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may forbid sexual relationships outside of marriage, e.g., soldiers during times of war or students attending college in a foreign
country.
Some cultures have developed special rules for marriage if a married family member dies. The levirate obliges a man to marry his
deceased brother’s wife; e.g., Orthodox Judaism (although rarely practiced today, the widow must perform the chalitzah ceremony
before she can remarry). The brother is then responsible for his brother’s widow and children. This helps keep the children and
other resources the deceased had collected within the family. The sororate is the flip side of the levirate. In this system, a woman
must marry the husband of her deceased sister. The Nuer practice a form of the levirate called ghost marriage. If an elder brother
dies without fathering children, one of his younger brothers must marry his widow. Children resulting from the ghost marriage are
considered the offspring of the deceased brother (Bonvillain 2010).

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Crapo, Richley. 2002. Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves and Others. Boston: McGraw Hill Higher Education.
3. Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember. 2011. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
4. Freedom to Marry. n.d. The Freedom to Marry Internationally. www.freedomtomarry.org/landsc.../international, accessed
February 19, 2015.
5. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
6. Keen, Ian. 2006. Polygyny. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, H. James Birx, ed. Thousand Oak, CA: Sage Reference, p.
1882-1884.
7. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
8. Velioti-Georgopoulos, Maria. 2006. Marriage. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, H. James Birx, ed. Thousand Oak, CA:
Sage Reference, p. 1536-1540.
9. Walker, Anthrony R. 1996. Toda. In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 3, South Asia. New York: Macmillan Refernce USA,
p. 294-298.

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9.3: Rules for Marriage
For the societies that practice marriage there are rules about whom one can marry and cannot marry (note: not all groups marry;
traditionally the Na in Southwest China do not marry). All societies have some form of an incest taboo that forbids sexual
relationships with certain people. This is variable from culture to culture. Several explanations have been preferred to explain the
origins of incest taboos. One cites biological reasons. Non-human primates seem to have an instinctual aversion to having sex with
near relatives, so perhaps the same happens for humans. Another biological reason is that the incest taboo was established to
maintain biological diversity. This suggests that people understood the consequences of breeding with relatives.
Another theory suggests that familiarity breeds contempt, while yet another suggests that incest taboos were developed to ensure
that alliances were made outside of the family. Whatever the case may be, there have been culturally approved violations of the
incest taboo usually in royal families such as those in pre-contact Hawaii, ancient Peru and Egypt (Bonvillain 2010).
Exogamy stipulates that an individual must marry outside of a kin, residential, or other specified group. For instance, the
Yanomami must marry outside of their residential village. Endogamy, on the other hand, stipulates that an individual must marry
within a specified kinship categories or social group. The classic example of endogamy is the Indian caste system. Arranged
marriages are quite common among human societies. With arranged marriages, family elders, usually the parents, choose spouses
for their children. Arranged marriages promote political, social, and economic ties.
Sometimes within the practices outlined above, other rules that single out certain kin as ideal marriage partners are adhered to.
Cross-cousin marriage unites cousins linked by parents of opposite sex (brother/sister) while parallel-cousin marriage unites the
children of siblings of the same sex. The benefits of these types of marriages is that it helps to maintain the family lineage.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Crapo, Richley. 2002. Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves and Others. Boston: McGraw Hill Higher Education.
3. Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember. 2011. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
4. Freedom to Marry. n.d. The Freedom to Marry Internationally. www.freedomtomarry.org/landsc.../international, accessed
February 19, 2015.
5. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
6. Keen, Ian. 2006. Polygyny. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, H. James Birx, ed. Thousand Oak, CA: Sage Reference, p.
1882-1884.
7. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
8. Velioti-Georgopoulos, Maria. 2006. Marriage. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, H. James Birx, ed. Thousand Oak, CA:
Sage Reference, p. 1536-1540.
9. Walker, Anthrony R. 1996. Toda. In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 3, South Asia. New York: Macmillan Refernce USA,
p. 294-298.

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9.4: Economic Aspects of Marriage

Figure 9.4.1 - Economic Aspects of Marriage (from Ember and Ember 2011: 195)
Most marriages have some type of economic exchange associated with them. Only about 25% of marriages do not have an
economic aspect (Ember and Ember 2011: 195).
Anthropologists have identified the following practices:
Bridewealth or Bride price: In this practice goods are transferred from the groom’s family to bride’s family in compensation for
losing the productive and reproductive services of one of their daughters.
Bride service: This entails the groom performing a service for the family of the bride. Bride service could take several months or
even years to complete.
Dowry: Dowry generally is practiced in cultures where women’s roles are less valued then men. This practice requires the transfer
of goods from the bride’s family to the groom to compensate for acceptance of the responsibility of her support. This is most
common in pastoral or agricultural societies where a market exchange is prevalent. Hypergamyoccurs when a woman uses her
dowry to “marry up” and increase her and subsequently her children’s social status. Indirect dowry is a little like bride price. With
this custom, the groom’s family gives goods to the bride’s father who in turn gifts them to his daughter.
Woman exchange: With woman exchange, no gifts are exchanged by the families but each family gives a bride to the other family;
each family loses a daughter but gains a daughter-in-law.
Gift exchange: In this practice, the families of the betrothed exchange gifts of equal value.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Crapo, Richley. 2002. Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves and Others. Boston: McGraw Hill Higher Education.
3. Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember. 2011. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
4. Freedom to Marry. n.d. The Freedom to Marry Internationally. www.freedomtomarry.org/landsc.../international, accessed
February 19, 2015.
5. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
6. Keen, Ian. 2006. Polygyny. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, H. James Birx, ed. Thousand Oak, CA: Sage Reference, p.
1882-1884.
7. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
8. Velioti-Georgopoulos, Maria. 2006. Marriage. In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 4, H. James Birx, ed. Thousand Oak, CA:
Sage Reference, p. 1536-1540.
9. Walker, Anthrony R. 1996. Toda. In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 3, South Asia. New York: Macmillan Refernce USA,
p. 294-298.

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9.5: Types of Families

Figure 9.5.1 - Flathead family (United States)

What constitutes a family varies across the globe depending on a variety of factors including subsistence practices and economic
behaviors. Family defines obligations that group members have to one another, both economically and socially. Generally, family
members live together, but that is not always the case.

Family Types
Nuclear family: This is also known as the conjugal family or family of procreation. Nuclear families are comprised of married
partners and their offspring. This is common in industrial societies, but it is not the most common type of family in the world,
although the practice is spreading through modern development. Some anthropologists identify a second type of nuclear family, the
non-conjugal family. In this type of nuclear family, there is one parent with dependent children. Additionally, there is the
polygymous family, which is comprised of multiple spouses and dependent children (Lavenda and Schultz 2010; note that Lavenda
and Schultz refer to a polygynous family, not a polygymous family, but that term does not encompass a married woman living with
multiple husbands and dependent children).
Extended family: The extended family is the most common type of family in the world. Extended families include at least three
generations: grandparents, married offspring, and grandchildren.
Joint family: Joint families are composed of sets of siblings, theirs spouses, and their dependent children.
Blended family: Blended families are becoming more common, especially in industrial societies like the United States. A blended
family is formed when divorced or widowed parents who have children marry.
Family by Choice: A relatively newly recognized type of family, again especially in industrial countries like the United States, is
the family by choice. The term was popularized by the LGBTQ (Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender, Queer) community to
describe a family not recognized by the legal system. Family by choice can include adopted children, live-in partners, kin of each
member of the household, and close friends. Increasingly family by choice is being practiced by unmarried people and families
who move away from the consanguine family.

References
1. Ahern, Susan and Kent G. Bailey. 1996. Family By Choice, Creating Family in a World of Stranger. Minneapolis: Fairview
Press.
2. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc. Crapo, Richley. 2002. Cultural
Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves and Others. Boston: McGraw Hill Higher Education.
3. Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember. 2011. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
4. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
5. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
6. Newcomb, Rachel. 2007. North Africa. In Encyclopedia of Women & Islamic Cultures, Vol. 4, Afsaneh Najmabadi, Jacqueline
Siapno and Jane Smith, eds. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, p. 525-527.
7. Schlegel, Alica. 1996. Hopi. In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 1, North America, David Levinson and Timothy O’Leary,
eds. New York: macmillan Reference USA, p. 148-151.

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 8. Wynn, Lisa. 2007. The Gulf. In Encyclopedia of Women & Islamic Cultures, Vol. 4, Afsaneh Najmabadi, Jacqueline Siapno and
Jane Smith, eds. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, p. 523-524.

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9.6: Postmarital Residence Patterns
Family
According to Bonvillain (2010: 211), family is a “basic unit of economic cooperation and stability” that generally includes at least
one parent or parent substitute and children. Families provide both economic and social support for its members. It is the primary
group responsible for rearing children and is where the enculturation process begins (enculturation refers to the process of learning
the culture we are born into). The children in the family are not always the biological offspring. Through the process of adoption,
other family members or strangers may adopt children who have lost their biological parents. This practice ensures that children
without parents are cared for and not a burden on the rest of society. In some places, children are “adopted out” due to economic
hardships facing the family.

Postmarital Residence Patterns

One thing that may help define a family is their place of residence after the parents are married. There are several types of
residence patterns:
Patrilocal: In this residence pattern the newlyweds live with or near the husband’s family. This is the most common form found in
the world. It is common in societies where solidarity of the male group is important; e.g., where there is heavy labor to be done or
frequent warfare. Many cultures in the Persian Gulf region and North Africa are patrilocal.
Matrilocal: This, the 2nd most common residence pattern, is found in societies where the newly married couple moves in with or
near the bride’s family. This is found in gardening societies (horticulturalists) or groups where warfare occurs with distant peoples
and not near neighbors. The Hopi of the American Southwest are one example of a matrilocal group.
Bilocal (ambilocal): This type of residence pattern is the bilocal or ambilocal pattern. In this practice the bride and groom pick
which family to go live with or near. It is found in societies where extended kin networks important and where land may be limited.
The !Kung Bushmen are bilocal.
Neolocal: For this residence pattern, which is common in industrial societies, newlyweds live separate from both the bride and
groom’s parents. They are economically independent from their parents. With the export of American culture through modern
development, the neolocal residence pattern is becoming increasingly widespread.
Avunculocal: This residence pattern is found only in matrilineal societies like the Trobriand Islanders where men of the family
must be cohesive. Usually it forms when warfare is not uncommon, but the threat is at some distance. This pattern is characterized
by the newlyweds living in or near the house of groom’s mother’s brother.

References
1. Ahern, Susan and Kent G. Bailey. 1996. Family By Choice, Creating Family in a World of Stranger. Minneapolis: Fairview
Press.
2. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
3. Crapo, Richley. 2002. Cultural Anthropology: Understanding Ourselves and Others. Boston: McGraw Hill Higher Education.
4. Ember, Carol R. and Melvin Ember. 2011. Cultural Anthropology, 13th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
5. Harris, Marvin and Oran Johnson. 2007. Cultural Anthropology, 7th edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
6. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
7. Newcomb, Rachel. 2007. North Africa. In Encyclopedia of Women & Islamic Cultures, Vol. 4, Afsaneh Najmabadi, Jacqueline
Siapno and Jane Smith, eds. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, p. 525-527.
8. Schlegel, Alica. 1996. Hopi. In Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 1, North America, David Levinson and Timothy O’Leary,
eds. New York: macmillan Reference USA, p. 148-151.
9. Wynn, Lisa. 2007. The Gulf. In Encyclopedia of Women & Islamic Cultures, Vol. 4, Afsaneh Najmabadi, Jacqueline Siapno and
Jane Smith, eds. Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, p. 523-524.

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9.7: Residence Patterns

Figure 9.7.1 - A wooden wagon (Doli) in which a bride is taken to her husband’s home. Although this is a thing of past now, the
administration of Chandigarh depicted this in its annual Chandigarh carnival 2005.
After getting married the couple needs to live somewhere. And where the couple ends up varies, depending on their culture. There
are four major residence patterns, Neolocal, Patrilocal, Matrilocal, and Avunculocal.
1. Neolocal Residence is most common with North American couples. This is where the couple finds their own house,
independent from all family members.
2. Patrilocal Residence is most commonly used with herding and farming societies. It’s where the married couple lives with the
husband’s father’s family. By living with the husband’s family, it lets all the men, (the father, brothers, and sons) continue to
work together on the land.
3. Matrilocal Residence is most familiar among horticultural groups. It’s where the couple moves to live where the wife grew up;
usually found with matrilineal kinship systems.
4. Avunculocal Residence is also related in matrilineal societies however in this case the couple moves to live with the husband’s
mother’s brother. They live with the most significant man, his uncle, because it’s who they will later inherit everything from.
There are two other forms of residence however they aren’t as common. There’s Ambilocal residence where the couple lives with
one family for awhile and then moves to live with the other spouse’s family. Eventually they have to decide who to live with
permanently. And then there’s Duolocal residence where lineage membership is so important to both the husband and wife that
even though the couple is married they still live apart from one another and reside with their families.

Figure 9.7.2 - A Hindu Kush woman in the Northeastern part of India in the Himalayan Region.
The division of labor by sex largely determines where a couple resides after marriage. If the male predominates in the division of
labor than the couple’s residence tends to be an Avunculocal and Patrilocal residence. However if the females predominates than
they tend to live in matrilocal residence. And if neither sex predominates in the division of labor than their residence tends to be
more ambilocal or neolocal residence.
In the mountains of the Hindu Kush Himalayan region the domination of society by males is prevalent throughout the region. And
because the males are so dominate in this region, the main pattern of living is Patrilocal Residence. Once couples are married the
women are forced to live with the husband and the rest of his family, in unfamiliar surroundings. Marriages are generally arranged
by the parents, so the women have to learn to live with strangers, without any family support that she once enjoyed at home.

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
10: Sex and Gender
10.1: Sex and Gender Distinction
10.2: Sexual Orientation
10.3: Inis Beag
10.4: Ritual Homosexuality of the Sambia
10.5: Margaret Mead's Gender Studies
10.6: Gender Role
10.7: Two-Spirit
10.8: Hijra
10.9: Gender and Language
10.10: Gender Inequality
10.11: Double Burden (Part 1)
10.12: Double Burden (Part 2)
10.13: Gender and Employment
10.14: The Global Gender Gap Report
10.15: Violence Against Women (Part 1)
10.16: Violence Against Women (Part 2)
10.17: Violence Against Women (Part 3)
10.18: Missing Women of Asia

Thumbnail: The rainbow flag is a symbol of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) pride and LGBT social movements in
use since the 1970s. (CC BY 2.0; Ludovic Bertron).

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1 5/12/2022
10.1: Sex and Gender Distinction
The distinction between sex and gender differentiates sex (the anatomy of an individual’s reproductive system, and secondary sex
characteristics) from gender, which can refer to either social roles based on the sex of the person (gender role) or personal
identification of one’s own gender based on an internal awareness (gender identity).[1][2] In some circumstances, an individual’s
assigned sex and gender do not align, and the person may be transgender,[1] non-binary, or gender-nonconforming.
The sex and gender distinction is not universal. In ordinary speech, sexand gender are often used interchangeably.[3][4] Some
dictionaries and academic disciplines give them different definitions while others do not.
Among scientists, the term sex differences (as compared to gender differences) is typically applied to sexually dimorphic traits that
are hypothesized to be evolved consequences of sexual selection.[5][6]
Sexual dimorphism is the condition where the two sexes of the same species exhibit different characteristics beyond the
differences in their sexual organs.

References
1. a b Prince, Virginia. 2005. “Sex vs. Gender.” International Journal of Transgenderism. 8(4).
2. Neil R., Carlson (2010). Psychology: The science of behavior. Fourth Canadian edition. Pearson. pp. 140–141. ISBN 978-1-
57344-199-5.
3. a b Udry, J. Richard (November 1994). “The Nature of Gender” (PDF). Demography 31 (4): 561–573.
doi:10.2307/2061790.JSTOR 2061790. PMID 7890091.
4. a b c Haig, David (April 2004). “The Inexorable Rise of Gender and the Decline of Sex: Social Change in Academic Titles,
1945–2001″(PDF). Archives of Sexual Behavior 33 (2): 87–96. doi:10.1023/B:ASEB.0000014323.56281.0d. PMID 15146141.
5. a b Mealey, L. (2000). Sex differences. NY: Academic Press.
6. a b Geary, D. C. (2009) Male, Female: The Evolution of Human Sex Differences. Washington, D.C.: American Psychological
Association

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10.2: Sexual Orientation
Sexual orientation is the pattern of sexual and emotional attraction based on the gender of one’s partner. Heterosexuality refers to
the emotional and sexual attraction between men and women. In the contemporary American culture, heterosexuality is the only
sexual orientation to receive complete social and legal legitimacy. Though heterosexuality is viewed as the “norm” in the United
States, many other cultures maintain a very diverse perspective on sexuality and sexual orientation. Various types of sexual
orientation are defined below, and can be found in many different cultures across the globe.
Homosexuality: Being emotionally and sexually attracted to those of the same sex. “Lesbian” is used to refer to a woman being
attracted to other women; “Gay” is used to refer to a man being attracted to other men.
Bisexuality: Being both emotionally and sexually attracted to both males and females.
Pansexuality: The potential for attraction to people, regardless of their biological sex or gender. This includes a possibility for
attraction to those who fall outside the gender binary of male/female.
Asexual: One without sex-linked features, lacking any apparent sex or sex organs or one that does not experience or represses
any sexual attraction.
Transgender: Not a sexual orientation, but the state of one’s own gender identity not matching their assigned sex. Transgender
people may identify as any sexual orientation listed above.

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10.3: Inis Beag
Coordinates: alt53.399°N 9.897°W Inis Beag (Irish: “Little Island”) is a remote island off the coast of Connemara, Ireland, near
the Aran Islands. It contains a small, isolated Irish-speaking Catholic community which cultural anthropologist John Cowan
Messenger observed in his study “Sex and Repression in an Irish Folk Community”. During the period of his study between 1958
and 1966, Inis Beag supported a population of around 350, mostly living by subsistence farming and fishing. The name “Inis Beag”
is a name made up by researchers to protect the privacy of the island’s people. Its true identity is Inisheer.[1][2]
Messenger’s study of this community has often been cited by anthropologists and sexologists as an example of extreme sexual
repression. Inis Beag had no formal sex education, and sexual intercourse was treated by both sexes as a necessary evil which must
be endured for the sake of reproduction. Phenomena such as menstruation and menopause were regarded with fear and disgust.
Breast-feeding was avoided. Not only was premarital sex almost non-existent, but kissing, caressing, and any affection was seen as
too sexual and was therefore prohibited. Nudity was extremely private, to the extent that even a married couple conducted
intercourse in the dark and fully clothed, except for genitals. Sex was also practiced only in the missionary position. Any variation
of sex was seen as deviant and sinful.
Bathing was also “unknown” and the average age at marriage was 36 for men and 25 for women. A man was considered a “boy”
until age 40. Dogs were also whipped for licking their genitals.[3] The repressive atmosphere, according to the researchers, led to
high levels of masturbation, drinking, and alcohol-fueled fights.[3]

References
1. Rural Community Studies in Europe. Pergamon Press. 1981. p. 88. “Inis Beag – a fictional name for Inisheer”
2. Ó Giolláin, Diarmuid (2000). Locating Irish Folklore: Tradition, Modernity, Identity. p. 183.
3. a b Jonathan Margolis, “O: The intimate history of the orgasm”, 2003. P219

Bibliography
A more recent edition, with an ISBN number, is: Messenger, John C. Inis Beag: Isle of Ireland. Long Grove: IL: Waveland
Press, 1983. ISBN 0-88133-051-5, OCLC 10578752
John C. Messenger, “Sex and Repression in an Irish Folk Community”, in Donald S. Marshall and Robert C. Suggs, eds.,
Human Sexual Behavior: Variations in the Ethnographic Spectrum, 1971. Basic Books, New York.
John C. Messenger, Ines Beag Revisited: The Anthropologist as Observant Participator. Publisher: Salem, Wisconsin:
Sheffield, 1989. ISBN 0-88133-408-1
John Messenger, Peasants, Proverbs, and Projection. Central Issues in Anthropology April 1991, Vol. 9, No. 1: pp. 99–105
doi:10.1525/cia.1991.9.1.100

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10.4: Ritual Homosexuality of the Sambia
The Sambia are a tribe of mountain-dwelling, hunting and horticultural people who inhabit the fringes of the Eastern Highlands
Province of Papua New Guinea, and are extensively described by the American anthropologist Gilbert Herdt.[1][2] The Sambia — a
pseudonym created by Herdt himself — are well known by cultural anthropologists for their acts of “ritualized homosexuality” and
semen ingestion practices with pubescent boys. In his studies of the Sambia, Herdt describes the people in light of their sexual
culture and how their practices shape the masculinities of adolescent Sambia boys.[1]
According to Monahan and Just, for the Sambia of highland New Guinea, homosexuality and heterosexuality were not opposed,
but were understood to be stages in a single sequence of normal male development. As the Sambia saw it, boys lacked a crucial
substance necessary to develop muscle, stature, bravery, and the other characteristics of a successful warrior. This substance,
jurungdu, was concentrated in semen, which the boys would ingest in the course of homosexual acts during several stages of
initiation. As a boy progressed in his initiation he would change from being a receiver of semen to a donor of semen, as younger
initiates would perform oral sex on him. At the end of the initiation process the adult man would marry and eventually maintain
exclusively heterosexual relations.[3]

Notes
1. a b Herdt 1981
2. Herdt 1982
3. Social and Cultural Anthropology: A Very Short Introduction 2000

References
Herdt, Gilbert H. (1981). Guardians of the Flutes: Idioms of Masculinity. New York: McGraw-Hill.
Herdt, Gilbert H. (1982). Rituals of Manhood: Male Initiation in Papua New Guinea. Berkeley: University of California Press.

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10.5: Margaret Mead's Gender Studies
Coming of Age in Samoa (1928)
In the foreword to Coming of Age in Samoa, Mead’s advisor, Franz Boas, wrote of its significance:

Courtesy, modesty, good manners, conformity to definite ethical standards are universal,
but what constitutes courtesy, modesty, very good manners, and definite ethical standards
is not universal. It is instructive to know that standards differ in the most unexpected
ways.[1]
Mead’s findings suggested that the community ignores both boys and girls until they are about 15 or 16. Before then, children have
no social standing within the community. Mead also found that marriage is regarded as a social and economic arrangement where
wealth, rank, and job skills of the husband and wife are taken into consideration.

Figure 10.5.1 - Samoan girl, c. 1896

Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (1935)

Another influential book by Mead was Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies.[2] This became a major cornerstone of
the feminist movement, since it claimed that females are dominant in the Tchambuli (now spelled Chambri) Lake region of the
Sepik basin of Papua New Guinea (in the western Pacific) without causing any special problems. The lack of male dominance may
have been the result of the Australian administration’s outlawing of warfare. According to contemporary research, males are
dominant throughout Melanesia (although some believe that female witches have special powers). Others have argued that there is
still much cultural variation throughout Melanesia, and especially in the large island of New Guinea. Moreover, anthropologists
often overlook the significance of networks of political influence among females. The formal male-dominated institutions typical
of some areas of high population density were not, for example, present in the same way in Oksapmin, West Sepik Province, a
more sparsely populated area. Cultural patterns there were different from, say, Mt. Hagen. They were closer to those described by
Mead.
Mead stated that the Arapesh people, also in the Sepik, were pacifists, although she noted that they do on occasion engage in
warfare. Her observations about the sharing of garden plots among the Arapesh, the egalitarian emphasis in child rearing, and her
documentation of predominantly peaceful relations among relatives are very different from the “big man” displays of dominance
that were documented in more stratified New Guinea cultures – e.g. by Andrew Strathern. They are a different cultural pattern.
In brief, her comparative study revealed a full range of contrasting gender roles:
“Among the Arapesh, both men and women were peaceful in temperament and neither men nor women made war.
“Among the Mundugumor, the opposite was true: both men and women were warlike in temperament.
“And the Tchambuli were different from both. The men ‘primped’ and spent their time decorating themselves while the women
worked and were the practical ones – the opposite of how it seemed in early 20th century America.”

References
1. Franz Boas, “Preface” in Margaret Mead, Coming of Age in Samoa
2. Mead, Margaret (2003). Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies (1st Perennial ed.). New York: Perennial an impr. of
HarperCollins Publ. ISBN 978-0060934958.

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10.6: Gender Role
A gender role is a set of societal norms dictating what types of behaviors are generally considered acceptable, appropriate, or
desirable for a person based on their actual or perceived sex. These are usually centered around opposing conceptions of femininity
and masculinity, although there are myriad exceptions and variations. The specifics regarding these gendered expectations may
vary substantially among cultures, while other characteristics may be common throughout a range of cultures. There is ongoing
debate as to what extent gender roles and their variations are biologically determined, and to what extent they are socially
constructed.
Various groups have led efforts to change aspects of prevailing gender roles that they believe are oppressive or inaccurate, most
notably the feminist movement.
The term ‘gender role’ was first coined by John Money in 1955 during the course of his study of intersex individuals to describe
the manners in which these individuals express their status as a male or female, in a situation where no clear biological assignment
exists.

Background
The World Health Organization (WHO) defines gender roles as “socially constructed roles, behaviours, activities and attributes that
a given society considers appropriate for men and women”.[1] However debate continues as to what extent gender and its roles are
socially constructed (i.e. non-biologically influenced), and to what extent “socially constructed” may be considered synonymous
with “arbitrary” or “malleable”.[2][3][4][5][6]Therefore, a concise authoritative definition of gender roles or gender itself is elusive.
Some systems of classification, unlike the WHO, are non-binary or gender queer, listing multiple possible genders including
transgender and intersex as distinct categories.[7][8] Gender roles are culturally specific, and while most cultures distinguish only
two (boy and girl or man and woman), others recognize more. Androgyny, for example, has been proposed as a third gender.[9]
Other societies have claimed to see more than five genders,[10] and some non-Western societies have three genders – man, woman
and third gender.[11] Some individuals (not necessarily being from such a culture) identify with no gender at all.[12]
Gender role – defined as referring in some sense to cultural expectations according to an understood gender classification – should
not be confused with gender identity, the internal sense of one’s own gender, which may or may not align with categories offered
by societal norms. The point at which these internalized gender identities become externalized into a set of expectations is the
genesis of a gender role.[13][14]
Gender roles are usually referenced in a pejorative sense, as an institution that restricts freedom of behavior and expression, or are
used as a basis for discrimination.
Because of the prevailing gender role of general subordination, women were not granted the right to vote in many parts of the
world until the 19th or 20th centuries, some well into the 21st.[15] Women throughout the world, in myriad respects, do not enjoy
full freedom and protection under the law. Contrariwise because of the prevailing perception of men as primarily breadwinners,
they are seldom afforded the benefit of paternity leave.[16]

References
1. “What do we mean by “sex” and “gender”?”. WHO.int. World Health Organization. 2015. Archived from the original on
2015-08-18. Retrieved 2015-08-18.
2. The social construction of race. The Atlantic. www.theatlantic.com/national/...f-race/275974/
3. Henry, S. (2009) Social construction of crime. In J. Miller (Ed.), 21st Century criminology: A reference handbook. (pp. 296-
306). Thousand Oaks: SAGE Publications, Inc.doi:10.4135/9781412971997.n34
4. Hacking, I (1999) The social construction of what?. Harvard University Press.
5. www.aifs.gov.au/conferences/aifs7/francis.html
6. Francis, B. (2000) Is gender a social construct or a biological imperative? Family Futures : Issues in Research and Policy 7th
Australian Institute of Family Studies Conferencewww.aifs.gov.au/con...7/francis.html
7. Federation of Gay Games 2010 Gay Games VIII Gender Identity Policywww.transgenderlaw.org/...amesPolicy.pdf
8. Sykes, H. (2006) Transsexual and Transgender Policies in Sports WSPAJ Vol. 15, No. 1
9. Eleanor Emmons, Maccoby (1966). “Sex differences in intellectual functioning”. The Development of Sex Differences. Stanford,
Calif.: Stanford University Press. pp. 25–55. ISBN 978-0-8047-0308-6.
10. Graham, Sharyn (2001), Sulawesi’s fifth gender, Inside Indonesia, April–June 2001.

Lumen Learning 10.6.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5631

11. Roscoe, Will (2000). Changing Ones: Third and Fourth Genders in Native North America. Palgrave Macmillan (June 17, 2000)
ISBN 0-312-22479-6
See also: Trumbach, Randolph (1994). London’s Sapphists: From Three Sexes to Four Genders in the Making of Modern
Culture.In Third Sex, Third Gender: Beyond Sexual Dimorphism in Culture and History, edited by Gilbert Herdt, 111-36. New
York: Zone (MIT). ISBN 978-0-942299-82-3
12. “LGBTQ Needs Assessment” (PDF). Encompass Network. April 2013. pp. 52–53. Retrieved 06 March
2015.encompassnetwork.org.uk/uploa...utelyfinal.pdf
13. Adler, P.; Kless, S.; Adler, P (1992) Socialization to gender roles: Popularity among elementary school boys and girls.
Sociology of education vol. 65 pp. 169-087
14. Acker, J (1992) From sex roles to gendered institutions. Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews vol. 21 no. 565-569
15. “In Saudi Arabia, a Quiet Step Forward for Women”. The Atlantic. Oct 26 2011
16. James Poniewozik (10 June 2014). “it’s time for paternity leave for working fathers”. TIME.com. Retrieved 14 June 2015.

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10.7: Two-Spirit
Two-Spirit (also two spirit or twospirit) is a modern umbrella term used by some indigenous North Americans to describe
gender-variant individuals in their communities.[1] The term was adopted in 1990 at an Indigenous lesbian and gay international
gathering to encourage the replacement of the anthropological term berdache.[2] It is a spiritual role that is recognized and
confirmed by the Two-Spirit’s indigenous community. While some have found the term a useful tool for intertribal organizing, not
all Native cultures conceptualize gender this way, and most tribes use names in their own languages.[2][3] While pan-Indian terms
are not always appropriate or welcome, the term has generally received more acceptance and use than the term it replaced.[2]

Figure 10.7.1 - Two-spirited marchers at San Francisco Pride 2014.

Third and fourth gender roles traditionally embodied by two-spirit people include performing work and wearing clothing associated
with both men and women. Not all tribes/nations have rigid gender roles, but, among those that do, some consider there to be at
least four genders: feminine woman, masculine woman, feminine man, masculine man.[4]
The presence of male-bodied two-spirits “was a fundamental institution among most tribal peoples”[5] and, according to Will
Roscoe, both male- and female-bodied two-spirits have been documented “in over 130 North American tribes, in every region of
the continent.”[6]

Terminology
Before the late twentieth-century, non-Native (i.e. non-Native American/Canadian) anthropologists used the generic term
berdache/bərˈdæʃ/ to identify an indigenous individual fulfilling one of many mixed gender roles in their tribe, but that term has
now fallen out of favor. Anthropologists primarily used it to identify feminine Native men. Its etymology, however, has meant that
it is now considered outdated and potentially offensive: it derives from the French bardache (English equivalent: “bardash”)
meaning “passive homosexual”, “catamite”[7] or even “male prostitute”. Bardache, in turn, derived from the Persian ‫ﺑﺮده‬barda
meaning “captive”, “prisoner of war”, “slave”.[8][9][10][11][12] Spanish explorers who encountered two-spirits among the Chumash
people called them “joyas“, the Spanish for “jewels”.[13]
Use of berdache has generally been replaced by the self-chosen two-spirit, which, in 1990, gained widespread popularity during the
third annual intertribal Native American/First Nations gay and lesbian conference in Winnipeg.[14] Two-spirit is a term chosen to
express the Native/First Nations’ distinct approach to gender identity and variance in contrast to the imposed non-Native in
addition to replacing the otherwise imposed and non-Native terms of berdache and gay.[15][16][17]
“Two-spirited” or “two-spirit” usually indicates a Native person who feels their body simultaneously manifests both a masculine
and a feminine spirit, or a different balance of masculine and feminine characteristics than usually seen in masculine men and
feminine women.
Most Indigenous communities have specific terms in their own languages for the gender-variant members of their communities and
the social and spiritual roles these individuals fulfill — including Lakota: wíŋkte and Navajo: nádleehé.[18]

Definition and Historic Societal Role

Two-spirit individuals are viewed in some tribes as having two identities occupying one body. Their dress is usually a mixture of
traditionally male and traditionally female articles, or they may dress as a man one day, and a woman on another. According to Dr.
Sabine Lang, a German anthropologist, many tribes have distinct gender and social roles.[19] Some specific roles sometimes held by
male assigned at birth two-spirits include:
conveyors of oral traditions and songs (Yuki);
foretellers of the future (Winnebago, Oglala Lakota);
conferrers of lucky names on children or adults (Oglala Lakota, Tohono O’odham);
potters (Zuni, Navajo, Tohono O’odham);
matchmakers (Cheyenne, Omaha, Oglala Lakota);
makers of feather regalia for dances (Maidu);

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 special role players in the Sun Dance (Crow, Hidatsa, Oglala Lakota).
Some studies of two spirit identities among biological males explain them as a “form of social failure, women-men are seen as
individuals who are not in a position to adapt themselves to the masculine role prescribed by their culture”[20] and that two-spirit
people lost masculine power socially, so they took on female social roles to climb back up the social ladder within the tribe.
However, Lang argues that the problem with the “failure” approach “probably lies, inter alia, in the fact that the women-men’s
ambivalence in both role and status is over-looked”.[21] Lang disputes a supposed example of women being considered inferior to
men in Lakota society from R. B. Hassrick’s studies:

That Lakota men did not like to be called “heart of a woman” in council meetings
(Hassrick 1989:133) is less likely to mean that women were regarded as inferior than that
the warrior’s role was sharply set off from the woman’s role (see DeMallie 1983): a
warrior clearly held the status of “man”. Because the Lakota winkte (upon whom
Hassrick’s interpretations are based) were culturally defined as “non-men”, the norms
valid for the masculine role were therefore not applied to them.[21]
Lang later says “men made to wear women’s clothes for the purposes of humiliation are everywhere … distinguished from women-
men”.[22]

Figure 10.7.2 - Detail from Dance to the Berdashe by George Catlin.

Cross dressing of two-spirit people was not always an indicator of gender identity. Lang believes “the mere fact that a male wears
women’s clothing does not say something about his role behavior, his gender status, or even his choice of partner…”[23]
Male-bodied two-spirit people, regardless of gender identification, can go to war and have access to male activities such as male-
only sweat lodge ceremonies.[24] However, they may also take on “feminine” activities such as cooking and other domestic
responsibilities.[25]
Two-spirits might have relationships with people of either sex.[26]According to Lang, female assigned at birth two-spirits usually
have sexual relations or marriages with only females.[27]
Partners of two-spirits do not receive any special recognition, although some believed that after having sexual relations with a two-
spirit they would obtain magical abilities, be given obscene nicknames by the two-spirited person which they believed held “good
luck,” or in the case of male partners, receive a boost to their masculinity. Examples of sexual relationships between two-spirited
individuals are absent in the historical literature (with the sole exception of the Tewa tribe),[28] yet are a common occurrence in
contemporary two-spirit communities. As male assigned at birth two-spirits often regarded each other as “sisters,” Lang has
speculated that it may have been seen as incestuous to have a relationship with another two-spirit.[29]
In most tribes a relationship between a two-spirit and non-two-spirit was seen for the most part as neither heterosexual nor
homosexual (in modern-day terms) but more hetero-normative; European colonists, however, saw such relationships as
homosexual. Partners of two-spirits have not historically viewed themselves as homosexual, and moreover drew a sharp conceptual
line between themselves and two-spirits.[30]
Although two-spirits have been both respected and feared in many tribes, the two-spirit is not beyond being reproached or even
killed for bad deeds. In the Mojave tribe, for instance, two-spirits frequently become medicine persons and, like all who deal with
the supernatural, are at risk of suspicion of witchcraft, notable in cases of failed harvest or of death. There have been instances of
murder in these cases (such as the female assigned at birth two-spirit named Sahaykwisā).[31] Another instance in the late 1840s
was of a Crow male assigned at birth two-spirit who was caught, possibly raiding horses, by the Lakota and was killed.[32]
According to some reports there had never been an alternative gender identity among the Comanche.[33] This is true of some
Apache bands as well, except for the Lipan, Chiricahua, Mescalero, and southern Dilzhe’e.[34][35] One tribe in particular, the Eyak,
has a single report from 1938 that they did not have an alternative gender and they held such individuals in low esteem, although
whether this sentiment is the result of acculturation or not is unknown.[36][37]

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Williams wrote that the Iroquois do not have a specific role for gender-variant individuals,[33] although there is a single report from
Bacqueville de la Potherie in his book published in 1722, Histoire de l’Amérique septentrionale, that indicates that an alternative
gender identity existed among them.[38] Many, if not all, tribes have been influenced by European homophobia/transphobia.[39][40]
[41][42][43][44]

Some sources have reported that the Aztecs and Incas had laws against such individuals,[45][46][47] though there are some authors
who feel that this was exaggerated or the result of acculturation, because all of the documents indicating this are post-conquest and
any that existed before had been destroyed by the Spanish.[43][48] The belief that these laws existed, at least for the Aztecs, comes
from the Florentine Codex. According to Dr Nancy Fitch, Professor of History at California State University, Fullerton,

There is evidence that indigenous peoples authored many codices, but the Spaniards
destroyed most of them in their attempt to eradicate ancient beliefs. … The Florentine
Codex is unquestionably a troubling primary source. Natives writing in Nahuatl under the
supervision of the Spanish Fray Bernardino de Sahagúnapparently produced the
manuscript in the 1500s. The facts of its production raise serious questions about whether
the manuscript represents the vision of the vanquished or of the colonizers … colonization
of the natives’ minds loomed large in the Spanish project … To make matters worse, while
it appears that the original manuscript was completed in Nahuatl some time around 1555,
no evidence of it remains. Authorities in New Spain confiscated his manuscripts in 1575,
and at various times, the Spanish monarchy ordered him to stop his work. The earliest
known version of the manuscript is, thus, Sahagún’s summary of it written in Spanish. In
1585, he published a revised version of the codex, which, he argued, corrected some
errors and integrated some things ignored in his earlier summary. Sahagún’s revised
version is the manuscript commonly known as the Florentine Codex.[49]
— Nancy Fitch, The Conquest of Mexico Annotated Bibliography
Historical Accounts
Don Pedro Fages was third in command of the 1769-70 Spanish Portolà expedition, first European land exploration of what is now
the U.S. state of California. At least three diaries were kept during the expedition, but Fages wrote his account later, in 1775. Fages
gave more descriptive details about the native Californians than any of the others, and he alone reported the presence of
homosexuality in the native culture. The English translation reads:

I have submitted substantial evidence that those Indian men who, both here and farther
inland, are observed in the dress, clothing and character of women – there being two or
three such in each village – pass as sodomites by profession…. They are called joyas, and
are held in great esteem.[50]
Media Depictions

Figure 10.7.3 - The two-spirit pride trolley at San Francisco Pride 2014.
[51]
The 2009 documentary film Two Spirits, directed by Lydia Nibley, tells the story of the hate-murder of 16-year-old Navajo Fred
Martinez, nádleehí – a male assigned at birth person with a feminine nature.[52]

Tributes
In 2012, a marker dedicated to two-spirit people was included in the Legacy Walk, an outdoor public display in Chicago, Illinois
that celebrates LGBT history and people.[53]

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Self-Identified Two-Spirits
Alec Butler[54]
Chrystos[55]
Raven Davis
Kent Monkman[56]
Massey Whiteknife[57]

References:
1. Medicine, Beatrice. (2002). “Directions in Gender Research in American Indian Societies: Two Spirits and Other
Categories” In W. J. Lonner, D. L. Dinnel, S. A. Hayes, & D. N. Sattler (Eds.), Online Readings in Psychology and Culture
(Unit 3, Chapter 2), Center for Cross-Cultural Research, Western Washington University, Bellingham, Washington USA.
2. a b c “Two Spirit 101” at NativeOut. Accessed 23 Sep 2015
3. “Two Spirit Terms in Tribal Languages” at NativeOut. Accessed 23 Sep 2015
4. Estrada, Gabriel S. 2011. “Two Spirits, Nádleeh, and LGBTQ2 Navajo Gaze.”American Indian Culture and Research
Journal 35(4):167-190.
5. Gilley, Brian Joseph (2006: 8). Becoming Two-Spirit: Gay Identity and Social Acceptance in Indian Country. ISBN 0-8032-
7126-3.
6. Roscoe, Will (1991). The Zuni Man-Woman, p.5. ISBN 0-8263-1253-5.
7. “Definition of “bardash” – Collins English Dictionary”. Retrieved 7 June 2015.
8. Steingass, Francis Joseph. A Comprehensive Persian-English dictionary, including the Arabic words and phrases to be met
with in Persian literature. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1892. p. 173
9. Jacobs, S.; Thomas, W.; Lang, S. (Eds.): Two-spirit people: Native American gender identity, sexuality, and spirituality,
page 4. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997.
10. Williams, W.: The spirit and the flesh: Sexual diversity in American Indian cultures, page 9. Boston: Beacon Press, 1986.
11. Roscoe, W.: Changing ones: Third and fourth genders in native North America, page 7. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1998.
12. vulnerable, The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language, Fourth Edition. Houghton Mifflin Company, 2004.
Accessed: March 24, 2007.
13. Kent Flannery; Joyce Marcus (15 May 2012). “The Creation of Inequality”. Harvard University Press: 70–71. ISBN 978-0-
674-06469-0.
14. de Vries, Kylan Mattias (2009). “Berdache (Two-Spirit)”. In O’Brien, Jodi. Encyclopedia of gender and society. Los
Angeles: SAGE. p. 64. ISBN 9781412909167. Retrieved6 March2015.
15. Jacobs, S. (1997), pp. 2–3, 221.
16. Lang, S.: Men as women, women as men: Changing gender in Native American cultures,page XIII. Austin, TX: University
of Texas Press, 1998.
17. Roscoe, W. (1998), p. 109.
18. Burrus, Virginia & Keller, Catherine (2006). Toward a theology of eros: transfiguring passion at the limits of
disciplineTransdisciplinary theological colloquia. Fordham University Press. ISBN 0-8232-2636-0, ISBN 978-0-8232-2636-
8. p. 73.
19. Lang, Sabine, Men as women, women as men: changing gender in Native American cultures’.’
20. (Lang, 28)
21. a b (Lang, 29)
22. (Lang, 341)
23. (Lang, 62)
24. “Inventory of Aboriginal Services, Issues and Initiatives in Vancouver: Two Spirit – LGTB”. Retrieved 2007-07-01.
25. Page 72 – vancouver.ca/files/cov/aborig...-inventory.pdf
26. Stryker, Susan (2004). “Berdache”. glbtq.com. Retrieved 2007-07-01.
27. Lang, S. (1998), pp. 289–298.
28. Lang, S. (1998), p. 295.
29. Lang, S. (1998), p. 185.
30. Lang, S. (1998), pp. 208-212.
31. Lang, S. (1998), pp. 164, 288.
32. Walker, James: Lakota Society, edited by Raymond J. DeMallie, p. 147. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 1982.

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 ab
33. Williams, W. (1986), pp. 39, 48.
34. Lang, S. (1998), pp. 291–93.
35. Jacobs, S. (1997), pp. 236–251.
36. Lang, S. (1998), pp. 202–203.
37. Roscoe, W. (1998), p. 15.
38. Roscoe, W. (1998), pp. 250-251n.43. (vol. 3, p. 41)
39. Jacobs, S. (1997), p. 206.
40. Williams, W. (1986), pp. 14, 39, 148, 187–192, 209–210, 228, 304n.29.
41. Roscoe, W. (1998), p. 114.
42. Lang, S. (1998), pp. 119, 311–313, 322.
ab
43. Trexler, R. : Sex and conquest: Gendered violence, political order, and the European conquest of the Americas, pp. 155–
167. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995.
44. Swidler, Arlene: Homosexuality and World Religions, pp. 17–19. Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International, 1993.
45. Williams, W. (1986), p. 148.
46. Lang, S. (1998), p. 324.
47. Spencer, Colin: Homosexuality in History, p. 142. London: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1995.
48. Greenberg, David: The Construction of Homosexuality, pp. 165–168. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988.
49. Fitch, Nancy: General Discussion of the Primary Sources Used in This Project, The Conquest of Mexico Annotated
Bibliography. Accessed: June 14, 2008.
50. Fages, P., Priestley, H. I., & Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia y Etnografía (Mexico) (1937). (HathiTrust limited
search only) A historical, political, and natural description of California Check |url= value (help). Berkeley, Calif:
University of California Press. p. 33. Retrieved July 2014.
51. “Two Spirits (2009)”. IMDb. 21 June 2009. Retrieved 7 June 2015.
52. “Free Download and information on Pdf to emf Converter PDF To EMF best videopoker online us players JPEG To PDF
Converter is a”. Two Spirits. Retrieved 7 June 2015.
53. Victor Salvo // The Legacy Project. “2012 INDUCTEES”. Retrieved 7 June 2015.
54. Jump up^ Gloria Kim, “Why be just one sex?”. Maclean’s, September 8, 2005.
55. Jump up^ Sorrel, Lorraine, “Not Vanishing,” review in “Off Our Backs.” Washington: Mar 31, 1989. Vol.19, Iss. 3.
56. Jump up^ “Kent Monkman: Sexuality of Miss Chief”. Retrieved 7 June 2015.
57. Jump up^ “Aboriginal music awards host two-spirited performer”. CBC News, September 11, 2014.

Sources and Further Reading

Cameron, Michelle. (2005). Two-spirited Aboriginal people: Continuing cultural appropriation by non-Aboriginal society.
Canadian Women Studies, 24 (2/3), 123–127.
Hawkins, Philip Colin. (2012). New World Sodom: Biblical Tales of Conquest and Acculturation. Electronic Journal of
Human Sexuality, 15.http://ejhs.org/volume15/NewWorld.html
Jacobs, Sue-Ellen; Wesley Thomas, and Sabine Lang (Eds.). (1997). Two-spirit people: Native American gender identity,
sexuality, and spirituality. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-02344-7, ISBN 0-252-06645-6.
Lang, Sabine. (1998). Men as women, women as men: Changing gender in Native American cultures. Austin, TX:
University of Texas Press. ISBN 0-292-74700-4, ISBN 0-292-74701-2.
Medicine, Beatrice. (1997). Changing Native American roles in an urban context and changing Native American sex roles in
an urban context. In S.-E. Jacobs, W. Thomas, & S. Lang (Eds.) (pp. 145–148).
Roscoe, Will. (1991). The Zuni man-woman. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press. ISBN 0-8263-1253-5.
Roscoe, Will. (1998). Changing ones: Third and fourth genders in native North America. New York: St. Martin’s Press.
ISBN 0-312-17539-6.
Roscoe, Will; & Gay American Indians. (1988). Living the spirit: A gay American Indian anthology. New York: St. Martin’s
Press. ISBN 0-312-01899-1.
Schaeffer, Claude E. (1965). The Kutenai female berdache. Ethnohistory, 12 (3), 193–236.
Schultz, James W. (1916). Blackfeet tales of Glacier National Park. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co.
Schultz, James W. (1919). Running Eagle, the warrior girl. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
Spanbauer, Tom. (1991). The man who fell in love with the moon: A novel. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press. ISBN 0-
87113-468-3.

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 Trexler, Richard C. (1995). Sex and conquest: Gendered violence, political order, and the European conquest of the
Americas. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-8014-3224-3.
Williams, Walter L. (1986). The spirit and the flesh: Sexual diversity in American Indian cultures. Boston: Beacon Press.
ISBN 0-8070-4602-7.
Williams, Walter L. & Toby Johnson. (2006) Two Spirits: A Story of Life With the Navajo. Maple Shade, NJ: Lethe Press.
ISBN 1-59021-060-3
Qwo-Li Driskill, Chris Finley, Brian Joseph Gilley, and Scott Lauria Morgensen, Eds. (2011) Queer Indigenous Studies:
Critical Interventions in Theory, Politics, and Literature. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Wolf, Rope. Two-spirit: Belonging (film)

Archival Resources
Bruce McKinney Papers, 1908-2000 in the Kenneth Spencer Research Library (University of Kansas Libraries).
Claude E. Schaeffer fonds at the Glenbow Museum.
Robert Lynch Papers, 1963-1989, at the Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections of Cornell University Library

External Links
alt Look up two-spirit in Wiktionary, the free dictionary.

Directions in Gender Research in American Indian Societies: Two Spirits and Other Categories by Beatrice Medicine.
NativeOUT.com, a Two-Spirit blog that includes resources and multimedia.
Support Services for Two-Spirit Youth
Two Spirits, a documentary about Fred Martinez, a nádleehímurdered at age 16.

10.7: Two-Spirit is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by LibreTexts.

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10.8: Hijra
Hijra (for translations, see [n 1]) is a term used in South Asia – in particular, in India – to refer to transwomen (male-to-female
transsexual or transgender individuals).[1][2] In other areas of India, transgender people are also known as Aravani, Aruvani or
Jagappa.[3] In Pakistan and Bangladesh, the hijras are officially recognized as third gender by the government,[4][5] being neither
completely male nor female. The term more commonly advocated by social workers and transgender community members
themselves iskhwaaja sira (Urdu: ‫ )ﺧﻮاﺟﻪ ﺳﺮا‬and can identify the individual as a transsexual person, transgender person
(khusras), cross-dresser (zenanas) or eunuch (narnbans).[6][7]

Figure 10.8.1 - A Pakistani hijra at a protest between two hijra groups from Islamabad and Rawalpindi.
Hijras have a recorded history in the Indian subcontinent from antiquity onwards as suggested by the Kama Sutra period. This
history features a number of well-known roles within subcontinental cultures, part gender-liminal, part spiritual and part survival.
In South Asia, many hijras live in well-defined and organised all-hijracommunities, led by a guru.[8][9] These communities have
sustained themselves over generations by “adopting” young boys who are rejected by, or flee, their family of origin.[10] Many work
as sex workers for survival.[11]
The word “hijra” is an Urdu-Hindustani word derived from the Semitic Arabic root hjr in its sense of “leaving one’s tribe,”[12] and
has been borrowed into Hindi. The Indian usage has traditionally been translated into English as “eunuch” or “hermaphrodite,”
where “the irregularity of the male genitalia is central to the definition.”[13] However, in general hijras are born with typically male
physiology, only a few having been born with intersex variations.[14] Some Hijras undergo an initiation rite into the hijra
community called nirwaan, which refers to the removal of the penis, scrotum and testicles.[11]
Since the late 20th century, some hijra activists and Western non-government organizations (NGOs) have lobbied for official
recognition of the hijra as a kind of “third sex” or “third gender,” as neither man nor woman.[15] Hijras have successfully gained
this recognition in Bangladesh and are eligible for priority in education.[16] In India, the Supreme Court in April 2014 recognized
hijra and transgender people as a ‘third gender’ in law.[17][18][19]
Nepal, Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh have all legally recognized the existence of a third gender, including on passports and other
official documents.[20]

Terminology
The Urdu and Hindi word hijra may alternately be romanized as hijira, hijda, hijada, hijara, hijrah and is pronounced [ˈɦɪdʒɽaː].
This term is generally considered derogatory in Urdu and the word Khwaja Saraa is used instead. Another such term is khasuaa
( ) or khusaraa ( ). In Bengali hijra is called , hijra, hijla, hijre, hizra, or hizre.
A number of terms across the culturally and linguistically diverse Indian subcontinent represent similar sex or gender categories.
While these are rough synonyms, they may be better understood as separate identities due to regional cultural differences. In Odia,
a hijra is referred to as hinjida, hinjda or napunsaka, in Telugu, as napunsakudu( ), kojja( ) or maada ( ), in Tamil
Nadu, Thiru nangai (mister woman), Ali, aravanni, aravani, or aruvani, in Punjabi, khusra and jankha, in Sindhi khadra,
inGujarati, pavaiyaa ( ).

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In North India, the goddess Bahuchara Mata is worshipped by Pavaiyaa( ). In South India, the goddess Renuka is believed to
have the power to change one’s sex. Male devotees in female clothing are known as Jogappa. They perform similar roles to hijra,
such as dancing and singing at birth ceremonies and weddings.[21]
The word kothi (or koti) is common across India, similar to the Kathoey of Thailand, although kothis are often distinguished from
hijras. Kothis are regarded as feminine men or boys who take a feminine role in sex with men, but do not live in the kind of
intentional communities that hijras usually live in. Additionally, not all kothis have undergone initiation rites or the body
modification steps to become a hijra.[22] Local equivalents include durani (Kolkata), menaka (Cochin),[23] meti (Nepal), and zenana
(Pakistan).
Hijra used to be translated in English as “eunuch” or “hermaphrodite,”[13]although LGBT historians or human rights activists have
sought to include them as being transgender.[24] In a series of meetings convened between October 2013 and Jan 2014 by the
transgender experts committee of India’s Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, hijra and other trans activists asked that the
term “eunuch” be discontinued from usage in government documents, as it is not a term with which the communities identify.

Gender and Sexuality

These identities have no exact match in the modern Western taxonomy of gender and sexual orientation,[24] and challenge Western
ideas of sex and gender.[11]
In India, some Hijras do not define themselves by specific sexual orientation, but rather by renouncing sexuality altogether. Sexual
energy is transformed into sacred powers. However, these notions can come in conflict with the practical, which is that hijras are
often employed as prostitutes.[25] Furthermore, in India a feminine male who takes a “receptive” role in sex with a man will often
identify as a kothi (or the local equivalent term). While kothis are usually distinguished from hijras as a separate gender identity,
they often dress as women and act in a feminine manner in public spaces, even using feminine language to refer to themselves and
each other. The usual partners of hijras and kothis are men who consider themselves heterosexual as they are the ones who
penetrate.[26] These male partners are often married, and any relationships or sex with “kothis” or hijras are usually kept secret
from the community at large. Some hijras may form relationships with men and even marry,[27]although their marriage is not
usually recognized by law or religion. Hijras and kothis often have a name for these masculine sexual or romantic partners; for
example, panthi in Bangladesh, giriya in Delhi or sridhar in Cochin.[23]

Figure 10.8.2 - A group of Hijra in Bangladesh.

Social Status and Economic Circumstances

Most hijras live at the margins of society with very low status; the very word “hijra” is sometimes used in a derogatory manner.
The Indian lawyer and author Rajesh Talwar has written a book highlighting the human rights abuses suffered by the community
titled ‘The Third Sex and Human Rights.’[28] Few employment opportunities are available to hijras. Many get their income from
extortion (forced payment by disrupting work/life using demonstrations and interference), performing at ceremonies (toli), begging
(dheengna), or sex work (‘raarha’)—an occupation of eunuchs also recorded in premodern times. Violence against hijras, especially
hijra sex workers, is often brutal, and occurs in public spaces, police stations, prisons, and their homes.[29] As with transgender
people in most of the world, they face extreme discrimination in health, housing, education, employment, immigration, law, and
any bureaucracy that is unable to place them into male or female gender categories.[30]
In 2008, HIV prevalence was 27.6% amongst hijra sex workers in Larkana.[6] The general prevalence of HIV among the adult
Pakistani population is estimated at 0.1%.[31]
In October 2013, Pakistani Christians and Muslims (Shia and Sunni) were putting pressure on the landlords of Imamia Colony to
evict any transgender residents. “Generally in Pakistan, Khwaja Saraa are not under threat. But they are in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
Province because of a ‘new Islam’ under way”, I.A. Rehman, the director of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan.[32]
In a study of Bangladeshi hijras, participants reported not being allowed to seek healthcare at the private chambers of doctors, and
experiencing abuse if they go to government hospitals.[33]

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Beginning in 2006, hijras were engaged to accompany Patna city revenue officials to collect unpaid taxes, receiving a 4-percent
commission.[34]
Since India’s Supreme Court re-criminalized homosexuality and bisexuality on 13 December 2013, there has been a sharp increase
in the physical, psychological and sexual violence against the transgender community by the Indian Police Service, nor are they
investigating even when sexual assault against them is reported.[35]
On 15 April 2014, in National Legal Services Authority v. Union of India, the Supreme Court of India ruled that transgender people
should be treated as a third category of gender and as a socially and economically “backward” class entitled to proportional access
and representation in education and jobs.[36]

Notes
1. Hindi: Urdu: Bengali: Kannada: Telugu: Punjabi: Odia:
Also known as chhakka (Kannada, Bambaiya Hindi), khusra(Punjabi), kojja (Telugu) and ombodhu (Madras Tamil).

Footnotes
1. Choksi, Mansi (19 December 2013). “The Ties that Bind Transgendered Communities”. The New York Times. Retrieved 7
February 2014.
2. “Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Communities in India”. Angloinfo; the Global Expat Network INDIA. Retrieved 7
February 2014.
3. Sharma, Preeti (2012). “Historical Background and Legal Status of Third Gender in Indian Society” (PDF). Archived from the
original (PDF) on 3 February 2014.
4. mic.com/articles/87149/7-coun...-s-still-won-t
5. pandeia.eu/region/inter/hijra...-third-gender/
6. a b “Awareness about sexually transmitted infections among Hijra sex workers of Rawalpindi/Islamabad” (PDF). Pakistan
Journal of Public Health. 2012.
7. “A Second Look at Pakistan’s Third Gender”. Positive Impact Magazine. Retrieved2 February 2014.
8. “The most significant relationship in the hijra community is that of the guru (master, teacher) and chela(disciple).” Serena
Nanda, “The hijras of India: Cultural and Individual Dimensions of an Institutionalized Third Gender Role”, Journal of
Homosexuality11 (1986): 35–54.
9. “Hijras are organized into households with a hijra guru as head, into territories delimiting where each household can dance and
demand money from merchants”. L Cohen, “The Pleasures of Castration: the postoperative status of hijras, jankhas and
academics”, in Paul R. Abramson, Steven D. Pinkerton (eds), Sexual Nature, Sexual Culture, (University of Chicago Press,
1995).
10. “None of the hijra narratives I recorded supports the widespread belief in India that hijras recruit their membership by making
successful claims on intersex infants. Instead, it appears that most hijras join the community in their youth, either out of a desire
to more fully express their feminine gender identity, under the pressure of poverty, because of ill treatment by parents and peers
for feminine behaviour, after a period of homosexual prostitution, or for a combination of these reasons.” RB Towle, and LM
Morgan, “Romancing the Transgender Native: Rethinking the Use of the ‘Third Gender’ Concept”, in S. Stryker and S. Whittle
(eds), Transgender Studies Reader, (Routledge, 2006), p. 116.
11. a b c Nanda, S. “Hijras: An Alternative Sex and Gender Role in India (in Herdt, G. (1996) Third Sex, Third Gender: Beyond
Sexual Dimorphism in Culture and History. Zone Books.)
12. “hjr (main meanings): a) to break with, leave, forsake, renounce, emigrate, flee” Lahzar Zanned, “Root formation and
polysemic organization”, in Mohammad T. Alhawary and Elabbas Benmamoun (eds), Perspectives on Arabic linguistics XVII-
XVIII: papers from the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Annual Symposia on Arabic Linguistics, (John Benjamins, 2005), p. 97.
13. a b Serena Nanda, Neither Man nor Woman: The Hijras of India, (1999).
14. “Among thirty of my informants, only one appeared to have been born intersexed.” Serena Nanda, “Deviant careers: the hijras
of India”, chapter 7 in Morris Freilich, Douglas Raybeck and Joel S. Savishinsky (eds), Deviance: anthropological
perspectives, (Greenwood Publishing, 1991).
15. Agrawal, Anuja (1997). “Gendered Bodies: The Case of the ‘Third Gender’ in India”.Contributions to Indian Sociology 31:
273–97. doi:10.1177/006996697031002005.
16. Karim, Mohosinul (11 November 2013). “Hijras now a separate gender”. Dhaka Tribune. Retrieved 11 November 2013.
17. a b “India recognises transgender people as third gender”. The Guardian. 15 April 2014. Retrieved 15 April 2014.

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 ab
18. McCoy, Terrence (15 April 2014). “India now recognizes transgender citizens as ‘third gender'”. Washington Post.
Retrieved 15 April 2014.
ab
19. “Supreme Court recognizes transgenders as ‘third gender'”. Times of India. 15 April 2014. Retrieved 15 April 2014.
20. Julfikar Ali Manik and Ellen Barry, “A Transgender Bangladeshi Changes Perceptions After Catching Murder Suspects”, New
York Times, 3 April 2015.
21. Bradford, Nicholas J. 1983. “Transgenderism and the Cult of Yellamma: Heat, Sex, and Sickness in South Indian Ritual.”
Journal of Anthropological Research 39 (3): 307–22.
22. Reddy, G., & Nanda, S. (2009). Hijras: An “Alternative” Sex/Gender in India. In C. B. Brettell, & C. F. Sargent, Gender in
Cross-Cultural Perspective (pp. 275-282). Upper Saddle River, New Jersey: Pearson – Prentice Hall.
ab
23. Naz Foundation International, Briefing Paper 3: Developing community-based sexual health services for males who have
sex with males in South Asia. August 1999. Paper online (Microsoft Word file).
24. ^ Jump up to:a b Towle, R.B. and Morgan, L.M. Romancing the Transgender Native: Rethinking the Use of the “Third Gender”
Concept (in Stryker, S. and Whittle, S. (2006) Transgender Studies Reader. Routledge: New York, London)
25. Nanda, Serena. “Hijra and Sadhin”. Constructing Sexualities. Ed. LaFont, S., New Jearsey: Pearson Education, 2003. Print.
26. See, for example, In Their Own Words: The Formulation of Sexual and Reproductive Health Behaviour Among Young Men in
Bangladesh, Shivananda Khan, Sharful Islam Khan and Paula E. Hollerbach, for the Catalyst Consortium.
27. See, for example, various reports of Sonia Ajmeri’s marriage. e.g. ‘Our relationship is sacred’, despardes.com
28. “Amazon.com: Rajesh Talwar: Books, Biography, Blog, Audiobooks, Kindle”. Retrieved23 August 2015.
29. Ravaging the Vulnerable: Abuses Against Persons at High Risk of HIV Infection in Bangladesh, Human Rights Watch, August
2003. Report online.
See also: Peoples Union of Civil Liberties (Karnataka) Report on Human Rights Violations Against the Transgender
Community, released in September 2003. Reported in Being a Eunuch, By Siddarth Narrain, for Frontline, 14 October 2003.
30. ‘Trans Realities: A Legal Needs Assessment of San Francisco’s Transgender Communities’, Shannon Minter and Christopher
Daley [1]
31. “HIV risk in Karachi and Lahore, Pakistan: an emerging epidemic in injecting and commercial sex networks” (PDF). 2007.
32. “Despite Gains, Pakistan’s Transgender Community Under Attack”. Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty. 26 October 2013.
Retrieved 16 February 2014.
33. “Living on the Extreme Margin: Social Exclusion of the Transgender Population (Hijra) in Bangladesh”. J Health Popul Nutr
27 (4): 441–51. 2009. doi:10.3329/jhpn.v27i4.3388.PMC 2928103. PMID 19761079.
34. Associated Press (9 November 2006). “Indian eunuchs help collect taxes”. CNN via Internet Archive. Archived from the
original on 1 December 2006. Retrieved23 December 2009.
35. “Indian transgender activist resists molest[ation?] by police officer, gets beaten up”. Gay Star News. Retrieved 2 February
2014.
36. “Supreme Court’s Third Gender Status to Transgenders is a landmark”. IANS. news.biharprabha.com. Retrieved 15 April2014.

Bibliography
Agrawal, Anuja (1997). “Gendered Bodies: The Case of the ‘Third Gender’ in India”. Contributions to Indian Sociology 31:
273–97. doi:10.1177/006996697031002005.
Ahmed, Mona and Dayanita Singh (photographer). Myself Mona Ahmed. Scalo Publishers, 15 September 2001. ISBN 3-
908247-46-2
Bakshi, Sandeep. “A Comparative Analysis of Hijras and Drag Queens: The Subversive Possibilities and Limits of Parading
Effeminacy and Negotiating Masculinity.” Ed. Stephen Hunt, Religions of the East. Surrey: Ashgate, 2010.
Gannon, Shane Patrick. Translating the hijra: The symbolic reconstruction of the British Empire in India. PhD Thesis.
University of Alberta, 2009.
Jami, Humaira. “Condition and Status of Hijras (Transgender, Transvestites etc.) in Pakistan”, National Institute of Psychology,
Quaid-i-Azam University (nd, 2005?)
Malloy, Ruth Lor, Meen Balaji and others. Hijras: Who We Are. Toronto: Think Asia, 1997.
Money, John. Lovemaps. Irvington Publishers, 1988. Page 106. ISBN 0-87975-456-7
Nanda, Serena. Neither Man Nor Woman: The Hijras of India. Wadsworth Publishing, 1998. ISBN 0-534-50903-7
Patel, Geeta. Home, Homo, Hybrid: Translating Gender. In A Companion to Postcolonial Studies. Malden MA: Blackwell,
2000. 410-27.

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 Reddy, Gayatri (2003), “‘Men’ Who Would Be Kings: Celibacy, Emasculation, and the Re-Production of Hijras in
Contemporary Indian Politics”, Social Research 70 (1): 163–200
Reddy, Gayatri (2005), With Respect to Sex: Negotiating Hijra Identity in South India, Chicago: University of Chicago
Zipfel, Isabell ‘ ‘Hijras, the third sex’ ‘ eBook with 34 photographs www.amazon.com/Hijras-the-thi.../dp/B009ETN58C

Further Reading
Basim Usmani. “Pakistan to register “third sex” hijras” The Guardian.
Jami, Humaira. “Condition and Status of Hijras (Transgender, Transvestites, etc.) in Pakistan.” Country Report, Quaid-i-Azam
University.
Kugle, Scott. Sufis & Saints’ Bodies: Mysticism, Corporeality & Sacred Power in Islam. University of North Carolina Press,
2007.
Pamment, Claire (2010). “Hijraism Jostling for a Third Space in Pakistani Politics”. The Drama Review 54 (2): 29–48.
doi:10.1162/dram.2010.54.2.29.
Jaffrey, Zia. “The Invisibles: A Tale of the Eunuchs of India.” Vintage, 1998.

External Links
alt Wikimedia Commons has media related to Hijras.

Human Rights Violations against the Transgender Community, summary of a 2003 report by the Peoples’ Union for Civil
Liberties, Karnataka
Aamr C. Bakshi of The Washington Post on Pakistan Drag Queen talk show host Begum Nawazish Ali
Collected BBC articles on Hijras
India’s eunuchs demand rights, BBC News, 4 September 2003
Collected Information About the Eunuchs of India Known as the Hijra
The Works on Hijra in Indian Sub-Continent – Photographs (Link to most recent archived version at Archive.org.)
Why are Indian eunuchs warned about unsafe sex?
World Press: Pakistan’s Hijras
Eunuch MP takes seat – BBC world news– News on Shabnam Mausi, Hijra MP

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10.9: Gender and Language
Speed Practices Associated with Gender
Not all members of a particular sex may follow the specific gender roles that are prescribed by society.[2] The patterns in gender
and communication that follow are only the norms for each gender, and not every member of the corresponding sex may fit into
those patterns.
Listening and Attentiveness
In a conversation, meaning does not reside in the words spoken, but it filled in by the person listening. Each person decides if they
think others are speaking in the spirit of differing status or symmetrical connection. The likelihood that individuals will tend to
interpret someone else’s words as one or the other depends more on the hearer’s own focus, concerns, and habits than on the spirit
in which the words were intended.[1]
It appears that women attach more weight than men to the importance of listening in conversation, with its connotations of power
to the listener as confidant of the speaker. This attachment of import by women to listening is inferred by women’s normally lower
rate of interruption — i.e., disrupting the flow of conversation with a topic unrelated to the previous one[5] — and by their largely
increased use of minimal responses in relation to men.[3] Men, however, interrupt far more frequently with non-related topics,
especially in the mixed sex setting and, far from rendering a female speaker’s responses minimal, are apt to greet her
conversational spotlights with silence, as the work of Victoria DeFrancisco demonstrates.[4]
When men talk, women listen and agree. However men tend to misinterpret this agreement, which was intended in a spirit of
connection, as a reflection of status and power. A man might conclude that a woman is indecisive or insecure as a result of her
listening and attempts of acknowledgment. When in all actuality, a woman’s reasons for behaving this way have nothing to do with
her attitudes toward her knowledge, but are a result of her attitudes toward her relationships. The act of giving information frames
the speaker with a higher status, while the act of listening frames the listener as lower. However, when women listen to men, they
are not necessarily thinking in terms of status, but in terms of connection and support.[1]
Dominance versus Subjection
This, in turn, suggests a dichotomy between a male desire for conversational dominance – noted by Helena Leet-Pellegrini with
reference to male experts speaking more verbosely than their female counterparts – and a female aspiration to group conversational
participation.[6] One corollary of this is, according to Jennifer Coates, that males are afforded more attention in the context of the
classroom and that this can lead to their gaining more attention in scientific and technical subjects, which in turn can lead to their
achieving better success in those areas, ultimately leading to their having more power in a technocratic society.[7]
Conversation is not the only area where power is an important aspect of the male/female dynamic. Power is reflected in every
aspect of communication from what the actual topic of the communication, to the ways in which it is communicated. Women are
typically less concerned with power more concerned with forming and maintaining relationships, whereas men are more concerned
with their status. Girls and women feel it is crucial that they be liked by their peers, a form of involvement that focuses on
symmetrical connection. Boys and men feel it is crucial that they be respected by their peers, as form of involvement that focuses
on asymmetrical status.[8] These differences in priorities are reflected in the ways in which men and women communicate. A
woman’s communication will tend to be more focused on building and maintaining relationships. Men on the other hand, will place
a higher priority on power, their communication styles will reflect their desire to maintain their status in the relationship.
According to Tannen’s research, men tend to tell stories as another way to maintain their status. Primarily, men tell jokes, or stories
that focus on themselves. Women on the other hand, are less concerned with their own power, and therefore their stories revolve
not around themselves, but around others. By putting themselves on the same level as those around them, women attempt to
downplay their part in their own stories, which strengthens their connections to those around them.

References
1. Tannen, Deborah (1990). You Just Don’t Understand: Women and Men in Conversation. New York: Harper Collins.
2. Tannen, Deborah (1996). Gender and Discourse. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.
3. Zimmerman, Don and West, Candace. (1975) “Sex roles, interruptions and silences in conversation.” In Thorne, Barrie and
Henly, Nancy (eds) Language and Sex: Difference and Dominancepp. 105-29. Rowley, Massachusetts: Newbury.
4. DeFrancisco, Victoria (1991). “The sound of silence: how men silence women in marital relationships.” Discourse and Society
2 (4):413-24.

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 5. Fishman, Pamela. (1980). “Interactional shitwork.” Heresies 2: 99-101.
6. Leet-Pellegrini, Helena M. (1980) “Conversational dominance as a function of gender and expertise.” In Giles, Howard,
Robinson, W. Peters, and Smith, Philip M (eds) Language: Social Psychological Perspectives. pp. 97-104. Oxford: Pergamon
Press.
7. Coates, Jennifer (1993). Women, Men and language. London: Longman.
8. Tannen, Deborah (2002). I Only Say This Because I Love You: Talking in Families. New York: Ballantine.

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10.10: Gender Inequality
Gender inequality refers to unequal treatment or perceptions of individuals based on their gender. It arises from differences in
socially constructed gender roles.[1] Gender systems are often dichotomous and hierarchical; gender binary systems may reflect the
inequalities that manifest in numerous dimensions of daily life. Gender inequality stems from distinctions, whether empirically
grounded or socially constructed.

Gender Roles in Parenting and Marriage

Sigmund Freud suggested that biology determines gender identity through identification with either the mother or father. While
some might agree with Freud, others argue that the development of the gendered self is not completely determined by biology, but
rather the interactions that one has with the primary caregiver(s).
According to the non-Freudian view, gender roles develop through internalization and identification during childhood. From birth,
parents interact differently with children depending on their sex, and through this interaction parents can instill different values or
traits in their children on the basis of what is normative for their sex. This internalization of gender norms can be seen through the
example of which types of toys parents typically give to their children (“feminine” toys such as dolls often reinforce interaction,
nurturing, and closeness, “masculine” toys such as cars or fake guns often reinforce independence, competitiveness, and
aggression).[1] Education also plays an integral role in the creation of gender norms.[32]
In Strong Fathers, Strong Daughters, Meg Meeker emphasizes the importance of opposite-gender parental roles. She claims
“fathers, more than anyone else, set the course for a daughter’s life.”[33]
Gender roles permeate throughout life and help to structure parenting and marriage, especially in relation to work in and outside the
home.

Gender Inequality in Relationships

Gender equality in relationships has been growing over the years but for the majority of relationships, the power lies with the male.
[34]
Even now men and women present themselves as divided along gender lines. A study done by Szymanowicz and Furnham,
looked at the cultural stereotypes of intelligence in men and women, showing the gender inequality in self-presentation.[35] This
study showed that females thought if they revealed their intelligence to a potential partner, then it would diminish their chance with
him. Men however would much more readily discuss their own intelligence with a potential partner. Also, women are aware of
people’s negative reactions to IQ, so they limit its disclosure to only trusted friends. Females would disclose IQ more often than
men with the expectation that a true friend would respond in a positive way. Intelligence continues to be viewed as a more
masculine trait, than feminine trait. The article suggested that men might think women with a high IQ would lack traits that were
desirable in a mate such as warmth, nurturance, sensitivity, or kindness. Another discovery was that females thought that friends
should be told about one’s IQ more so than males. However, males expressed doubts about the test’s reliability and the importance
of IQ in real life more so than women. The inequality is highlighted when a couple starts to decide who is in charge of family
issues and who is primarily responsible for earning income. For example, in Londa Schiebinger’s book, “Has Feminism Changed
Science?”, she claims that “Married men with families on average earn more money, live longer, and progress faster in their
careers,” while “for a working woman, a family is a liability, extra baggage threatening to drag down her career.”[36] Furthermore,
statistics had shown that “only 17 percent of the women who are full professors of engineering have children, while 82 percent of
the men do.”[37]

Attempts in Equalizing Household Work

Despite the increase in women in the labor force since the mid-1900s, traditional gender roles are still prevalent in American
society. Women may be expected to put their educational and career goals on hold in order to raise children, while their husbands
work. However, women who choose to work as well as fulfill a perceived gender role of cleaning the house and taking care of the
children. Despite the fact that different households may divide chores more evenly, there is evidence that supports that women have
retained the primary caregiver role within familial life despite contributions economically. This evidence suggest that women who
work outside the home often put an extra 18 hours a week doing household or childcare related chores as opposed to men who
average 12 minutes a day in childcare activities.[38] One study by van Hooff showed that modern couples, do not necessarily
purposefully divide things like household chores along gender lines, but instead may rationalize it and make excuses.[34] One
excuse used is that women are more competent at household chores and have more motivation to do them. Another is that some say
the demands of the males’ jobs is higher.

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Gender Inequalities in Relation to Technology
One survey showed that men rate their technological skills in activities such as basic computer functions and online participatory
communication higher than women. However, it should be noted that this study was a self-reporting study, where men evaluate
themselves on their own perceived capabilities. It thus is not data based on actual ability, but merely perceived ability, as
participants’ ability was not assessed. Additionally, this study is inevitably subject to the significant bias associated with self-
reported data.[39]

Structural Marginalization
Gender inequalities often stem from social structures that have institutionalized conceptions of gender differences.
Marginalization occurs on an individual level when someone feels as if they are on the fringes or margins of their respective
society. This is a social process and displays how current policies in place can affect people. For example, media advertisements
display young girls with easy bake ovens (promoting being a housewife) as well as with dolls that they can feed and change the
diaper of (promoting being a mother).

Gender Stereotypes
Cultural stereotypes are engrained in both men and women and these stereotypes are a possible explanation for gender inequality
and the resulting gendered wage disparity. Women have traditionally been viewed as being caring and nurturing and are designated
to occupations which require such skills. While these skills are culturally valued, they were typically associated with domesticity,
so occupations requiring these same skills are not economically valued. Men have traditionally been viewed as the breadwinner or
the worker, so jobs held by men have been historically economically valued and occupations predominated by men continue to be
economically valued and earn higher wages.[9]

Biological Fertilization Stereotypes

Bonnie Spanier coined the term hereditary inequality.[40] Her opinion is that some scientific publications depict human fertilization
such that sperms seem to actively compete for the “passive” egg, even though in reality it is complicated (e.g. the egg has specific
active membrane proteins that select sperm etc.)

Sexism and Discrimination

Gender inequality can further be understood through the mechanisms of sexism. Discrimination takes place in this manner as men
and women are subject to prejudicial treatment on the basis of gender alone. Sexism occurs when men and women are framed
within two dimensions of social cognition.
Discrimination also plays out with networking and in preferential treatment within the economic market. Men typically occupy
positions of power within the job economy. Due to taste or preference for other men because they share similar characteristics, men
in these positions of power are more likely to hire or promote other men, thus discriminating against women.[9]

Notes and References:

1. a b c Wood, Julia. Gendered Lives. 6th. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning, 2005.
2. Maughan R J, Watson J S, Weir J (1983). “Strength and cross-sectional area of human skeletal muscle”. The Journal of
Physiology 338 (1): 37–49. PMC: 1197179. PMID 6875963.
3. Frontera, Hughes, Lutz, Evans (1991). “A cross-sectional study of muscle strength and mass in 45- to 78-yr-old men and
women”. J Appl Physiol 71 (2): 644–50. PMID 1938738.
4. Samaras, Thomas (2007). Human body size and the laws of scaling. New York: Nova Science. pp. 33–61. ISBN 1-60021-
408-8. Retrieved 2012-11-18.
5. “Life expectancy at birth, Country Comparison to the World”.CIA World Factbook. US Central Intelligence Agency. n.d.
Retrieved 12 Jan 2011.
6. http://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/preview/mmwrhtml/mm5016a4.htm
7. a b Burstein, Paul. “Equal Employment Opportunity: Labor Market Discrimination and Public Policy.” Edison, NJ: Aldine
Transaction, 1994.
8. Jacobs, Jerry. Gender Inequality at Work. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 1995.
9. a b c d e Massey, Douglas. “Categorically Unequal: The American Stratification System.” NY: Russell Sage Foundation,
2007.

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 ab
10. Cotter, David, Joan Hermsen, and Reeve Vanneman. The American People Census 2000: Gender Inequality at Work.
New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2000.
11. Hurst, Charles, E. Social Inequality. 6th. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc., 2007.
12. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Highlights of Women’s Earnings in 2009. Report 1025, June 2010.
13. CONSAD research corp. (12 January 2009). “An Analysis of Reasons for the Disparity in Wages Between Men and Women”
(PDF). Retrieved 30 October 2015.
14. Cotter, David, Joan Hermsen, Seth Ovadia and Reeve Vanneman. “Social Forces: The Glass Ceiling Effect.” Chapel Hill,
NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2001.
15. Sherri Grasmuck and Rosario Espinal. “Market Success or Female Autonomy?” Sage Publications, Inc, 2000.
16. Women ‘earn less than men across the globe’, Vedior, 4 March 2008
17. Goldin, Claudia, and Lawrence F. Katz. “On The Pill: Changing the course of women’s education.” The Milken Institute
Review, Second Quarter 2001: p3.
18. Goldin, Claudia and Lawrence F. Katz. “The Power Of The Pill: Contraceptives And Women’s Career And Marriage
Decisions,” Journal of Political Economy, 2002, v110 (4,Aug),p731.
19. [1] Archived July 19, 2011, at the Wayback Machine.
20. Goldin, Claudia (2006). “The Quiet Revolution That Transformed Women’s Employment, Education, And
Family”.American Economic Review 96 (2): 13.
21. Corinne; et al. (2012). “Science faculty’s subtle gender biases favor male students”. PNAS 109: 16474–
16479.doi:10.1073/pnas.1211286109. PMID 22988126.
22. Williams, Wendy; Stephen, Ceci (28 April 2015). “National hiring experiments reveal 2:1 faculty preference for women on
STEM tenure track”. PNAS 112 (17): 5360–5365.doi:10.1073/pnas.1418878112. PMC: 4418903.PMID 25870272.
Retrieved 30 October 2015.
23. Hekman, David R.; Aquino, Karl; Owens, Brad P.; Mitchell, Terence R.; Schilpzand, Pauline; Leavitt, Keith. (2009) “An
Examination of Whether and How Racial and Gender Biases Influence Customer Satisfaction”. Academy of Management
Journal.
24. Bakalar, Nicholas (2009) “A Customer Bias in Favor of White Men.” New York Times, June 23, 2009.
25. Vedantam, Shankar (2009) “Caveat for Employers.”Washington Post, June 1, 2009.
26. Jackson, Derrick (2009) “Subtle, and stubborn, race bias.”Boston Globe, July 6, 2009.
27. National Public Radio. Lake Effect
28. Dweck, Carol S. (2009). Prejudice: How It Develops and How It Can Be Undone. Switzerland: Karger.
doi:10.1159/000242351
29. Clark, Kenneth B. and Clark, Mamie P. (1947). “Racial identification and preference among negro children.” In E. L.
Hartley (Ed.) Readings in Social Psychology. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.
30. Lo Sasso, Anthony T.; Richards, Michael R.; Chou, Chiu-Fang; Gerber, Susan E. (2011). “The $16,819 Pay Gap For Newly
Trained Physicians: The Unexplained Trend Of Men Earning More Than Women”. Health Affairs 30 (2): 193–
201.doi:10.1377/hlthaff.2010.0597. “Overall, new women physicians earned $151,600 in 1999 versus $173,400 for men—a
12.5 percent salary difference. The gender difference grew to nearly 17 percent in 2008 ($174,000 versus $209,300).”
31. “Yerkes – Yerkes Researchers Find Sex Differences in Monkey Toy Preferences Similar to Humans”. Yerkes.emory.edu.
2008-04-10. Retrieved 2013-05-14.
32. Vianello, Mino, and Renata Siemienska. Gender Inequality: A Comparative Study of Discrimination and Participation.
Newbury Park, California: SAGE Publications Ltd., 1990.
33. Meeker, Meg (2006). Strong Fathers, Strong Daughters: 10 Secrets Every Father Should Know. Ballantine Books. p. 9.ISBN
978-0-345-49939-4.
34. a b van Hooff, Jenny H. (March 2011). “Rationalising inequality: heterosexual couples’ explanations and justifications for
the division of housework along traditionally gendered lines”. Journal of Gender Studies 20 (1): 19–
30.doi:10.1080/09589236.2011.542016.
35. Szymanowicz, Agata; Adrian Furnham (March 2011). “Do intelligent women stay single? Cultural stereotypes concerning
the intellectual abilities of men and women”. Journal of Gender Studies 20 (1): 43–54. doi:10.1080/09589236.2011.542019.
36. Schiebinger, Londa. Has Feminism Changed Science. p. 92.
37. Schiebinger, Londa. Has Feminism Changed Science. p. 96.
38. Friedman, Ellen, and Jennifer Marshall. Issues of Gender. New York: Pearson Education, Inc. , 2004.
39. Eszter Hargittai, What Causes Variation in Contributing to Participatory Web Sites?

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 40. Schiebinger, London (2001). Has Feminism Changed Science. United States of America: Harvard University Press.ISBN
0674005449.

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10.11: Double Burden (Part 1)
Double burden is a term used to describe the workload of people who work to earn money, but who are also responsible for
significant amounts of unpaid domestic labor.[1] This phenomenon is also known as the The Second Shift as in Arlie Hochschild’s
book of the same name.[2] In heterosexual couples where both partners have paid jobs, women often spend significantly more time
than men on household chores and caring work, such as child-rearing or caring for sick family members. This outcome is
determined in large part by traditional gender roles that have been accepted by society over time. Labor market constraints also
play a role in determining who does the bulk of unpaid work.
Efforts have been made to document the effects of this double burden on couples placed in such situations.[3] Many studies have
traced the effects of the gendered division of labor, and in most cases there was a notable difference between the time men and
women contribute to unpaid labor.

Etymology
The term double burden arises from the fact that many women, as well as some men, are responsible for both domestic labor and
paid labor. However, due to the thinking that a woman’s time spent in domestic work is more valuable than a woman’s time spent
doing paid work, and that a man’s time spent doing paid work is more valuable than a man’s time spent doing domestic work, there
is the issue of women having to do a large amount of both paid and unpaid work, leading to the double burden.[4] Some alternative
terms for double burden include : double day, second shift, and double duty.[5]

Unequal Work Burdens Around the World

In the Industrialized World
Pre-World War II
The traditional female homemaker–male breadwinner model characterized female employment prior to World War II. At the turn of
the 20th century in the continental United States, only 18 percent of women over the age of 15 reported receiving income non-farm
employment.[6]These women were typically young, single, white, and native-born. In contrast, married women in the non-farm
labor force were “predominantly blacks or immigrants and very poor.” [7] Working mothers often exited the labor force once their
children were old enough to earn money.
The outpouring of occupational opportunities in the early 1920s, such as in “cafeterias, nurseries, laundries and other facilities
seemed to release women from domestic chores and freed them to participate fully in the sphere of production.”[8]
This migration of women into the workforce shook the traditional ideology of gender roles, but importantly, it was the catalyst to
the double burden becoming noticeable.[8] The 1930s “encouraged women to fulfill what Stalin termed the “great and honorable
duty that nature has given” them.[8] Evident in the Soviet Union, “an officially sponsored cult of motherhood, buttressed by anti-
abortion legislation” accompanied by a “depression of living standards” led to industry’s immense demand for laborers which got
women into the industrial workforce in unprecedented numbers.”[8] Urban women thus found themselves assuming the “double
burden” (also known as the “double shift”) of waged work outside the home and the lion’s share of unpaid labor within it.”[8] The
Second World War is typically seen as a catalyst for increasing female employment. Best exemplified by Rosie the Riveter
propaganda of an efficient, patriotic, woman worker, World War II increased demand for female labor to replace that of the “16
million men mobilized to serve in the Armed Forces”.[6] While a substantial number of women worked in war factories, the
majority of jobs were in the service sector. This caused the gendered expectations for that time to be altered and roles to be both
tested and reassigned for the incoming decades.[8]
Post-World War II
The post-World War II period is marked by relatively high levels of female participation in the workforce, particularly in
industrialized countries. Although a large proportion of women exited the workforce immediately following World War II, the idea
of working class women was able to take root and normalize. “In 2001, 47 percent of U.S. workers were women, and 61 percent of
women over the age of 15 were in the labor force.” Besides an increased demand for women’s labor, other factors contributed to
the growth of their participation, such as more educational opportunities and later marriage and childbearing ages.
The idea of the double burden is more evolved with the times concerning both sexes and their newfound roles.[3] The role of a
provider and caregiver is sometimes expected of women, but as more women enter the workforce, an ‘independent’ ideology seems
to take effect and forces some women to decide between a career and family. Some may choose strictly one or the other, others may

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choose to carry the burden of both lifestyles. Some “modern men tend to believe in the principle of equal sharing of domestic labor,
but fail to actually live up to that belief.”[9] The constant tug of war regarding one’s time and where it could, should but will be
spent creates a new speed bump that is a little bit higher than the previous ones.[9] Modern times illuminate the dilemma that many
dual-income couples face when trying to reconcile unpaid domestic work and paid employment.[9] The burden of encompassing
both ideologies plays a toll on both sexes in today’s societies.[9]

South America
Due to globalization in the past thirty years, the power of the unskilled worker has diminished, and thus, theinformal economy has
flourished. In Latin America, there is an abundant amount of workers to help out withdomestic work, and consequently, domestic
service is cheap, diminishing the family tensions surrounding the issue of domestic work. Currently, about half of the working
population is employed in the informal sector, leading to “unemployment, underemployment, and social exclusion”.[10][11] Because
of this, there has been a serious delay in providing welfare for the care of children and the elderly, because the pressure to provide
aid for working families is minimal. In addition, domestic workers, many of them women, often leave their countries to work in the
informal sector in northern countries in order to increase income for their families, also delaying the pressure for governments to
provide aid to these families. However, there has been a change since the 2000s in thinking about unpaid work due to the influx of
paid jobs for women and the shortage of people available to do domestic work.[10]
Although the increase in jobs for women has had benefits in policy changes for families with working parents, there has been
debates about the conditions of the work places. In Mexico, there is an influx of the maquilaindustry, which produces products that
will be sold in the developed nations. The mostly female workforce is often exploited by having unsafe working conditions, and
stress is a major cause of many illnesses of these women.[12]
Another increasing issue is the rise in conditional cash transfer programs in Latin America, such as the Oportunidades program in
Mexico. Although this program is meant to provide poor families with an increase in income, the conditionalities has led to a time
poverty for the family members who are in charge of fulfilling the conditions, most oftentimes the woman. This has increased the
inequality of work burden within the family.[13][14]

Africa
In Africa, the HIV/AIDS pandemic has been the major cause of falling life expectancy. There is currently a crisis of decreasing
number of available care workers for an increasing population requiring care. One reason why this phenomenon occurs is because
HIV/AIDS affects working age people the most, and there has been evidence to show that women are affected at a younger age and
in greater numbers. Another reason is due to the influx of HIV/AIDS, government-led health policies are breaking down,
increasing the amount of care work and community work that women have to do. Because of the lack of care workers available, the
very young and the very old have also started participating in care work, resulting in poorer quality of care.[15]
Women in Africa also face different time struggles than women elsewhere, because of the need to perform domestic chores such as
“collecting water and wood”,[16] which takes away from their free time.[16]
Another aspect of the double burden in Africa is that there is class divide, meaning that most white families, including poor ones,
employ Africans either as a live-in worker or a part-time worker. In addition, because of the urban house shortage, oftentimes
relatives and friends are given room and board in exchange for unpaid work, alleviating work for some.[15]

Western Europe
Since the 1960s, Western Europe has been participating in a series of political debates to increase women’s rights in the workforce.
In the 2000s, there has been a change from considering women’s rights to a mother’s rights, focusing on the rights of pregnant
women as well as mothers. However, there have been issues with creating laws specifically for mothers. There is still the inherent
gender bias that women are the ones to care for children.[17]
Some parts of Western Europe, especially Scandinavian countries have been creating family friendly policies that have aided them
in equalizing the gender difference in participation in the work force.[4] Nordic countries have the highest female participation rates
in the work force in the world and salary differences are among the lowest.[18] Government aid in providing care to the elderly and
the young have enabled women in Scandinavia to be a part of the working population in nearly a high rate as men.[4] Examples of
government aid include paid parental leave and benefits and post maternity re-entry programs. Such programs have led to a greater
participation of women in the workforce, as well as a higher birth rate, and a robust economy.[18]

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Eastern Europe
Under communism, everyone was guaranteed employment. However, women suffered the double burden of paid and unpaid work,
leading to lower birth rates. The commitment to social equality and the issue of declining birth rates allowed women to have some
rights, such as child care and child allowances.[19] For example, in the Soviet Union, maternity leave was extended to three years
and part-time work was introduced.[20]With the collapse of communism, many of these rights have been revoked due to the new
largely male oriented democracy that has been put in place. Although there has been an increase in female workers, their need for
welfare support such as child care has not been met, and has been ignored.[19]

Asia
In Western and Southern Asia, women represent only a third of the work force.[15] Many of them, even women in more modernized
Asian countries, are involved in the informal sector, in traditional jobs for women, such as caring or teaching, without benefits such
as employee health insurance or pension plans.[21]
The issue of the double burden is exacerbated in Asian countries due to the large cultural norm of women doing care work held by
both men and women. In many developed countries, women drop out of work when they have children in order to have more time
to take care of them.[22]
In countries where women have to do paid work in order to feed their family, there is a lack of regulation and safety standards
regarding female workers due to the large amount of informal work available.[21] In Thailand for example, due to the severe
economic crisis in 1997, many women have jobs in the informal industry, and often do home-based work so that they can do their
domestic jobs concurrently with their paid jobs. This increases the work intensity by women doing more than one job at a time, and
has been shown to have deteriorating effects on women’s health.[23]

Causes of the Double Burden

Gender Ideology
“Gender ideologies are linked to beliefs about appropriate behaviour for men and women” [24] Socialization plays a major role in
determining gender ideologies and what’s valued in one time and culture may not necessarily transcend to another. Traditional
gender ideologies have contributed to the double burden because it posits women as caretakers, men as providers, and each gender
occupying their own sphere of influence. Although research has shown that attitudes about gender roles have become more
egalitarian over the past few decades, “these changes in gender attitudes have not been accompanied by corresponding changes in
the allocation of housework”.[24]

Labor Market Constraints

Despite women’s increasing participation in the work force, a gender division of labor persist. There are a number of constraints in
the labor market that contribute to the double burden. “Women are disproportionately represented in informal work and
concentrated among lower-quality jobs within self-employment.” [25] The informal market is generally precarious and characterized
by low wages, few benefits, and a lack of social protections that are offered in the formal market. Even within the formal market,
there is occupational segregation and a gender wage gap. Occupational segregation can be either horizontal or vertical: horizontal
segregation limits women to certain sectors and occupations, while vertical segregation restricts them to particular positions within
occupational hierarchies. Men and women are even found at different levels of the occupational hierarchy. The “glass ceiling” is
the relative absence of women in senior or managerial positions due to institutional barriers and norms. Even in female-dominated
occupations, men often occupy the more skilled and better paid positions.

Figure 10.11.1 - US Gender pay gap, 1980–2009

The gender wage gap is a possible consequence of occupational segregation. The gender wage gap is the “difference between
wages earned by women and men”.[25] In 2008, globally, men were estimated to earn 16.5 per cent more than women. The gender
wage gap is narrowing, but progress remains slow. Additionally, the narrowing of the gender wage gap may be attributed to a

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decrease in men’s wages instead of an increase in women’s wages. “The persistent gender wage gap across regions may reflect a
number of factors, including women’s continued disadvantage in terms of education and skills; their lack of an organized voice and
bargaining power; gender-specific constraints on their labour market mobility; and their relatively high involvement in part-time or
temporary jobs.” [25] Many characteristics of the labor market constrain the employment opportunities of women and make it easier
for them to be responsible for care work.

Societal Pressure
There are various societal pressures that combine to create the double burden, including some economic thinking of domestic work,
thoughts about net household gain, and the perceived notion that women are more likely to ask for maternity leave than men. Many
classical economists believe that child care does not contribute to economic growth of the nation. They believe that welfare states
such as Sweden are subsidizing work that is unproductive, and often think of children like a pet that only consumes without
growing up to be productive workers.[26] There is also the notion that the net household gain of a woman taking an hour away from
her unpaid labor in order to do paid labor is always more than the net household gain of a man taking an hour away from paid labor
to do unpaid labor. This creates the thought that women should do paid work and lose some time doing domestic jobs without the
man taking time away from paid work to do domestic jobs, creating a deficit of hours necessary to do unpaid work that need to get
filled.[27] In addition, women are seen as more likely to ask for maternity leave than men, meaning that it is more difficult for them
to obtain a well paying job, which has negative effects on female employment.[10]

Political Pressure
One of the political pressures, it is suggested by Susan Himmelweit is the issue of whom to empower. When there are
considerations of policies, politicians usually only consider work as paid labor, and do not take into account the interdependence
between unpaid work and paid work. It is also often common to think that women make economic decisions similarly to men. This
is typically not the case, because for men, payment is simply a compensation for lost leisure time. However, for women, when they
are working in the paid sector, they are still losing money because they have to make provisions for the domestic labor they are
unable to do, such as caring for children or making dinner from scratch due to lack of resources such as child care.[4][28] Her net
financial gain is less than the financial gain of a man because she has to spend her earnings on providing for these provisions.[4] In
addition, increasing paid work hours in order to have more money may have negative effects on the woman due to the increased
total work hours and decreased leisure time.[29] Therefore, policies that give greater power to people who do paid labor, such as
cutting back on public expenditure in order to lessen income taxes have an adverse effect on female employment and the effect that
the double burden has on females. Such policies give greater power and consideration towards people who work in the paid sector,
and less towards people who work in the unpaid sector.[4]
Another political issue surrounding the double burden is what sort of policies directly or indirectly affect those who do domestic
work. Some policies that companies have, such as a lower rate for part-time workers or firing workers when they get pregnant can
be seen as disempowering women. Debate as to whether this is gender segregation continues.[30] On one side, only women get
pregnant and there is a disproportionate amount of women who do part-time work instead of full-time, suggesting that there should
be allowances made for women. However, there is also the argument that similar to men who fail to meet the standards of the
company and cannot comply with their contract, women who cannot perform work at the performance expected of them should be
given the proportionate amount of benefits and given no exceptions over men.[31]

Separate Notion of Paid Work vs. Unpaid Work

As the term double burden might suggest, when people consider paid work vs. unpaid work, they often consider them as two
separate entities – that the man or woman is doing one or the other, but not at the same time. In reality, men and especially women
often undertake both paid and unpaid labor simultaneously, creating the issue of work intensity, where the person undertakes many
activities at the same time in order to compensate for the time necessary to accomplish many things in one day.[32] Household
surveys often only let people write down one thing that they are doing at any given time, and do not take into consideration that
they may be cooking while cleaning, or sewing while taking care of the children. Because of this, the time taken for child care and
other domestic activities may be underestimated. This coping mechanism of undertaking two or more tasks at once can especially
be seen in women in developing countries.[23] For example, many Caribbean rural women use this as a method of increasing the
number of things they can accomplish in a day.[32]

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Increased Nuclearization of Family
Due to the increasing trend of decreased fertility rate, there has been an increased nuclearization of the family, where families have
less immediate relatives to depend on in times of need. Because of this phenomenon, families do not have an extended family to
depend on when they need a caretaker or someone to do domestic work, and must turn to market substitutes or a member of the
immediate family doing both domestic and paid work instead.[10]

Gender Differences
Women
Many studies have been done to investigate the division of household labor within couples, and more specifically, on the gender
roles played by a variety of people worldwide. According to The State of the World’s Children 2007, women generally work longer
hours than men regardless if they live in a developed or developing country.[33] Most studies found that when both parents are
faced with a full-time job, women are faced with a higher amount of a domestic workload than men.[3] According to the World
Bank Latin American and Caribbean Studies, Mexican women in the labor force still spend approximately 33 hours each week
performing household responsibilities. In contrast, husbands only contribute approximately 6 hours each week. Even more striking,
“daughters contribute 14 hours weekly helping their mothers, while sons spend the same time as their fathers (that is, 5–6 hours
weekly).” [34] In a study done by Statistics Canada’s General Social Survey of 10,000 households, the average man spent under two
hours a day dealing with childcare and house work while women on average spent a little more than three.[9] This study highlights
the unequal distribution of labor between partners.[9] Of the people surveyed, under fifteen percent of the couples agreed on doing
around the same amount of work in the house.[9]About 83 percent of women participated in housecleaning and food preparation
compared to only 51 percent of men who were surveyed.[9]
John Frederick Conway’s book, The Canadian Family in Crisis, explores effects of the double burden by gender. In Conway’s
studies, he discovers the physical, emotional, and psychological differences between men and women faced with the double burden
in Canada.[9] In these studies it was found that women who are raising children and are in the workforce are more prone to have
anxiety and many other stress related effects than the women who are just faced with one of the two burdens.[9]

Men
Even though the effects of raising children and having a career simultaneously are mostly seen in women throughout many
societies, the men in such situations are affected greatly as well.[35] This is not seen in all situations in males because the effects on
men differ greatly from how females are affected by this extra responsibility.[35] In The Canadian Family in Crisis, the author
suggests a reason for these effects to go unnoticed in most studies and surveys.[9] This is because women’s stress can be seen
through direct labor consisting of housework and career whereas men’s stress, in most cases, mostly come from decision making
and work-family conflicts.[9] These situations arise where the male must make the best choice for the future of his family.[35]
Specifically, these include things such as workload, overtime hours, shift decisions, and even accepting a promotion or a transfer.[9]
In these situations, the man is forced to make major choices that will affect the entire family, which brings on more stress.[9] The
effects also go unnoticed since, in traditional gender roles, the male is supposed to be the backbone of the family and, in the past, it
would have been seen as weakness for the male to display his emotions to the rest of the family.[9] In surveys and studies done,
most males would not like to be seen as too weak to handle his responsibilities as the role of the adult male in the household, which
in the past has consisted of being the major economical supporter and physical figure for the family. With this in mind, it is very
possible that some may have lied when surveyed about these topics.[9]

Types of Double Burdens

Work vs. Family
Parenting is a large task within itself, and when a parent has a career as well, it can cause a double burden, or work–family conflict.
Strain begins to develop when women and men find that the demands of their family are conflicting with the demands from their
job.[3] When one is faced with a double burden like this, it affects how decisions are made within a career and in a family; this
burden could potentially effect when a couple decides to have children.[36] 75% of all women who have jobs are in their
childbearing prime.[37] When the conflict between one’s family and work presents itself, the unpaid work that is being done in the
home may be cut down, because of the certain health effects, or as a solution to deal with the greater demands from the workplace.
[3]
Social outings and visits, and family dinners are two of the first things that get cut back on due to the work/family conflict.[38] In
a study by Ari Väänänen, May V. Kevin, et al. found that if a man put a higher importance on their family, were more likely to stay
home from work in order to deal with extreme family demands.[3] Ways that the double burden can be lessened for is with hired

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help in the house, day-care facilities, and longer maternity leaves for women.[36] For instance, in Norway women are allowed the
options of 10 months of maternity leave, where they will get 100% of their pay, or 12 months leave, where they will only paid 80%
of their earnings.[36]Some companies are realizing the effect the double burden of work and a family is having on their employees
and are offering flexible work schedules in order to help their employees cope.[37]Not only do these flexible hours help the
employee deal with their stress, but it also benefits the company because workers are happier, less likely to be absent, more
productive, and the turnover rate is lower for the company.[37] As Sophia Mwangi says, “Parenthood is a joy. Let us never be
burdened by it but let’s celebrate the joy that it brings. Celebrate those first steps or words, the first school play, their graduation
day, passing those exams, landing their first job, getting married, making you grandparents. Whatever it is, let’s celebrate our
children. It’s not easy, but the art of juggling can always be mastered!”[39]

Family vs. School

Raising a family is not an easy task, and deciding to go back to school while raising a family can be a monumentual decision for
the family says Carol Jacobs of the Jewish Employ-ment & Vocational Service. Her advice to those considering going back to
school is, “Talk to an educational consultant and people in the field you want to be in.”[40] She adds, “This is a commitment and the
decision should involve your family. Will you be available to go to your child’s softball game or have time to cook dinner?”[40]
There are many reasons why someone may put off to school until their children are older, such as not wanting to leave them in the
hand of a baby sitter constantly at such a young age.[41] However, once the children get older the parent pursuing an education, may
start missing school events that they would have normally attended.[41] The guilt of having to leave a child while attending to
educational matters is less when the child is old enough to be able to ask questions about where their parent is and comprehend the
response.[42] Even though pursuing an education while nurturing a family will have its cost, the benefits include getting a higher
paying job, gaining more knowledge, and becoming more stable financially.[42] Most of the time this burden will include the person
trying to balance a job along with their family and schooling, because they still need to work in order to provide for their family at
the present moment. For people who have a hard time fitting classes into their schedule around the needs of their family, there are
options where they will be required to do all of the work for a course, but it will all take place online.[42] For example, the
University of Delaware and the University of Phoenix Online have both Bachelor of Science in Nursing and Master of Science in
Nursing programs for people to complete online.[42]

Single vs. Married Parents

Single Parent Double Burdens
“Single parents do not typically have the luxury of dividing tasks between two adults in the home.”[43] “The parents in a married-
couple family may be able to divide their tasks so that one parent specializes more in work-related and income-producing activities
and the other parent specializes more in home-related, non-income producing activities.”[43] Married parents have that option to
split the workload, even though it usually does not happen, but single parents do not have the option of sharing the workload with
anyone.
The double burden is usually viewed as a primary problem for single women or married women. However, it is often less
recognized that men can and often do go through the same trials and hard times as a parent trying to balance work and the family.[9]
Within the book The Canadian Family in Crisis, Conway addresses this issue with an argument from Eichler. Eichler says, “Social
science fails to understand men” by tending “to downplay or ignore a potential conflict between work and home for men.”[9]
Married men can avoid the full impact of the double burden, but single fathers are totally incapable of avoiding the double burden
of family and work.[9]Though single fathers face the same amount of problems that single mothers face, they have two advantages
that play in their favor.[9] Men usually have a higher income and have a shorter time of being single than women.[9] However, until
they are remarried or have a woman to help them out around the house, men still must deal with the sexual and emotional
frustration as a woman does.[9] They must deal with the balancing of work, childcare, and domestic responsibilities.[9] Single
fathers are usually doubtful about their ability be a parent, and they are challenged psychologically.[9] “The problems faced by the
working single father are more than merely the logistical problems shared by all working parents. He has to change the way he
feels about himself as man.”[9] A man being a single parent and feelings the effects of the double burden can and will interfere with
his career just as it does with a single mother that has a career.[9] A study showed that five percent of single fathers were fired form
their jobs due to the double burden and another eight percent quit because the double burden became too much of a burden for
them to balance both work and the family.[9] With that being said, single fathers feel the same, if not more, of the effect of the
double burden as married women do.
The double burden that single mothers endure has a historical precedent, and still exists currently. Single mothers usually have
higher rates of employment and children at home, and have the highest levels overall of the double burden. Women also typically

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have less economic resources than men, and have no partner to share the workload with them.[43] Single mothers fall heavily under
economic vulnerability. They may face job discrimination and not earn as much, so there will be further difficulties in maintaining
the double burden. Single-mother families tend to hover near the poverty line, with a poverty rate that is twice as high of that for
men.[43]
Married Parent Double Burdens
Because of women’s expanded roles in the workforce have generally not been accompanied by any relaxation of expectations for
their family and domestic activities, many women today face the “double burden” of home and work responsibilities.[44] Women
take on the largest portion of the domestic obligations of the home, even when they are working full-time jobs.[44] This breeds
anger and frustration, as women know they do the majority of the housework on top of their careers.[44] There have been said to be
more reasons, other than gender roles, as to why there is a difference in the housework performed by men and women.[44] Some
theories have suggested that women’s expectations for household cleanliness are higher than men’s.[44]Women feel like they must
be responsible for the condition of the home in a way that men do not.[44] Men do invest most of their time in their careers, but
women spend double that time caring for the children, state of the home and taking care of the domestic responsibilities.[44] In a
graph from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics in 2004, that compare the workload of married men and women between the ages of
25-54, women are displayed as performing one hundred percent more housework than men, and men are displayed as having more
leisure time than women.[44]As the double burden increased in 1980, women became more critical of their marriages than men and
wanted the men to do more around the house to ease the burden of a second shift. The double burden of women who have jobs and
still shoulder the majority of the housework at home leads to women filing or initiating divorce.[45]
This concept of the double burden with married couples is a worldwide phenomenon. Throughout different cultures of the world,
women spend more total hours in work than men do. In Japan, once married, they are still expected to be devoted wives and
mothers who give all off their effort to the home, even after a full day of work.[44] Latin American women, now entering the work
force in large numbers, still face what they call doble jornada, or double day’s journey.[44] Although in the Latin American culture,
men are starting to interact more with the children and helping around the house more, the main domestic responsibilities still fall
upon the women of the house.[44] Sometimes women who are primary wage earners are still relegated to most of the domestic
work.[44] European men are more likely to play and interact with their children but not likely to participate fully in their daily care.
[44]
They are more likely to help their wives at home, yet rarely do they tackle all domestic task equally.[44] Men commonly fail to
live up to their belief of equal sharing of domestic labor: they may believe in an equal workload in the house, but the inconvenience
of taking on work done by their wives stops many from following through.[9]

Middle-Class vs. Poor Families

Middle-Class Families
Middle-class families often use substitutes for domestic work to make up for the lost time while working in the paid sector. They
buy time taking care of children by using hired help and day-care centers. They also decrease the burden of paid work and unpaid
work by using household appliances such as microwaves, laundry machines, and dishwashers, as well as buying pre-made food,
eating out and using laundry services.[32]
Poor Families
Poor families are much more constrained in their economic ability to “buy back” lost time through the market. Instead of buying
market substitutes, they try to meet their needs without spending money by taking care of children instead of hiring help, taking
care of the sick instead of taking them to the hospital, and making food from scratch instead of buying pre-made food. The way that
poor families deal with the time debt is for the main caretaker to intensify the time that they spend working, by doing multiple jobs
at once instead of doing one job at a time. When people increase the intensity of their work to compensate for their lack of time to
finish everything that needs to get done, called work intensity, many health problems occur.[32]

10.11: Double Burden (Part 1) is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by LibreTexts.

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10.12: Double Burden (Part 2)
Effects of Double Burden
Health Effects
Stress
When faced with the double burden of having to deal with the responsibilities of both a career as well as domestic duties,
sometimes a person’s health is affected. Many people faced with these circumstances have a higher chance of being sick since
health and stress seem to be correlated, as stress has been implicated in up to eighty percent of all illnesses, as found by a report
done by the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women.[9] In an article that was written by a team of researchers it was
found that both men and women faced with a “spillover” of work and family issues were 1.5-1.6 times more likely to have an
absence due to sickness than others.[3] Men and women in these situations have also been proven to be more likely to be faced with
psychological stress and even see themselves as unhealthier than their colleagues who are not in their situation.[3]
Although women faced with double burden usually have more stress than most women in today’s society, it was proven that in
most cases they are psychologically healthier than women who are not faced with these circumstances, for either being a stay at
home mother or for being a working woman without children to take care of.[9]
Mortality Rate
In a study done by Rosamund Weatherall, Heather Joshi and Susan Macran of the London School of Hygiene and Tropical
Medicine in 1994, the research presented suggests that women presented with the double burden have a lower mortality rate than
women who are simply housewives.[46] The women who were observed that had part-time jobs had a mortality rate lower than the
women with full-time jobs and children.[46] The same study also suggests that women who have young children are less likely to
die than women who have no children or have older children.[46] Although this evidence can not be strictly attributed to the double
burden of having children and a career field, it can give a good indication of a trend in society. Also, this study was conducted in
multiple countries including England, Wales, and the United States which gives the information presented from the study a more
global perspective on the double burden.
Absences Due to Sickness
In several Western countries it has been seen that absences due to sickness for women are far greater than men.[36] When
investigating the reasons behind this, a study done in Sweden published in 1996 found that half of the difference between genders
can be dismissed if you take out the days missed by pregnant women.[36]When taking into account the health effects of double
burden, child birth is always a possibility for mothers who already are faced with taking care of children and having a career and
effects them and their health. In many studies people have tried to relate the difference in sickness absences directly to the double
burden effect. It has been somewhat successful as women who are faced with work and child care have been known to request
more sick days than men in the same situation.[36] Additionally, working wives with children have twice the absence rate as men
who are placed in the same position in work family conflicts.[9]
Loss of Sleep
The stress of maintaining a career and a household can also lead to a loss of sleep.[3] In traditional gender roles it is usually the
mother who is the one to get the family going in the morning as she fixes breakfast and takes the children to school before she goes
to her own job.[9] At night the mother cooks and does various other activities around the house that cause her to be the last person
to retire for the night as well. Although this is merely just a few gender roles that are not set in stone, they may hold to be true. It
was found that working women sleep twenty-five minutes less a night due solely to their responsibility for domestic work.
[9]
Applying this statistic in larger scale leads to the assumption that women on average lose up to thirteen hours of sleep per month
due to domestic duties. It can be assumed that it is possible for an average woman to lose up to one hundred and fifty-six hours of
sleep during a year because of domestic work and motherly duties.

Figure 10.12.2 - Woman working while taking care of her child

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Work Intensity
For many poor women and men whose work hours have reached the point where they cannot cut back on leisure time anymore to
make time for domestic and paid work, work intensity is an issue because they often intensify their work time by doing two or
more activities at once, such as taking care of children while cooking. Work intensity can lead to many negative health
consequences, such as lack of sleep, stress, and lack of recreation.[32]

Economic Effects
There are many economic effects to the person who has to shoulder the double burden. Oftentimes, this tends to be the woman in
the relationship, and so there has been analysis done on the economic effect of the double burden on women. According to
Himmelweit (2002), because women often earn less than men, there is the thought that the woman should be the one to fit her paid
job around household activities such as taking care of children. Because of this, and because they have many domestic duties,
women often take part-time jobs and jobs in the informal sector in order to balance paid work with domestic work.[32] Part-time
jobs and jobs in the informal sector do earn less than full-time jobs, so men have to increase their paid work hours in order to
compensate for the lacking family income. This will “weaken her earning power and strengthen his”, leading to an unequal
distribution of power in the household, and allow the man to exploit the woman’s unpaid work.[4][47] This situation could have
negative consequences especially for the woman because she is perceived to have less contribution to the household, due to
domestic work being seen as less of a contribution than paid work. Such negative consequences include the lack of a divorce threat,
where the woman does not have the economic means to ask for a divorce because she does not have a full-time job, and she has
less money that she personally receives, decreasing her perceived contributions to the household.[4]

Solutions to the Double Burden

Family-Friendly Initiatives
Family-friendly initiatives are a possible solution to redistributing the load of unpaid work and alleviating the double burden.
Possible initiatives include flexible work hours; part-time and job-sharing options; parental leave; child care subsidies; and on-site
daycare options. There are two primary approaches to assisting working families: “One stresses the importance of action from
within, with emphasis on private, internal, local initiatives within firms and organizations to alter workplace norms, conventions,
and practices. The other approach calls for government interventions designed to facilitate proper care for children with less
sacrifice of parents’ job opportunities, advancement, and compensation”.[4]

Government Initiatives
The Nordic countries exemplify the use of family-friendly initiatives. For example, a nine-month parental leave is divided into
thirds in Iceland. Three months are for the mother. Three non-transferable months are for the father, and there are three months that
both parents can share. “The reimbursement is 80 per cent of the salary. From 2001 to October 2003, the average number of days
taken by men increased from 39 to 83, and 13 per cent of Icelandic fathers used more than their non-transferable part.” [25] Dual-
income families are becoming the norm, especially in industrialized countries, so it is not uncommon for large corporations to
practice some form of family-friendly initiative.

Figure 10.12.3 - Child care facility

Government family-friendly initiatives such as child subsidies and cheaper child care facilities can also greatly decrease the gender
difference in the workplace, due to the woman being able to work longer hours outside the home.[26] In addition, when developing
policies related to paid work, it is important to do gender impact assessments in order to assess the impact of a policy on both the
paid and unpaid sector.[4]

Workplace Initiatives
Whenever there is talk about new policies regarding new work time policies, there is often the argument for longer work hours in
exchange for a shorter work week. For example, many are in favor of longer work hours such as “three ten-hour days or four eight-
hour days”.[27] However, this is often not the best work hours for people who take care of children, because children go to school

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for perhaps six hours a day, not eight or ten.Caretakers would prefer the opposite – shorter hours and longer weeks, such as six hour
work days for six times a week, with limits on evening work and overtime, as well as flexible schedules. In order to lessen the
burden of taking care of children and domestic duties as well as working in the paid sector, workplaces should consider policies
that take into account the preferred work hours of caretakers. In addition, it is often the case now that many workers juggle
domestic work and paid work. In order to get the most effective workers, companies should consider changing their policies in
order to attract the best people in the field.[27]

References
1. Phyllis Moen (1989). Working Parents. University of Wisconsin Press. p. 4. ISBN 9780299121044.
2. Hochschild, Arlie and Anne Machung. 1990. The Second Shift. Avon Books: New York.
3. a b c d e f g h i Vaananen, Ari; May V. Kevin; Leena Ala-Mursula; Jaana Pentti; Mika Kivimaki; Jussi Vahtera (2004). “The
Double Burden of and Negative Spillover Between Paid and Domestic Work: Associations with Health Among Men and
Women”. Women & Health 40 (3): 1–18.doi:10.1300/J013v40n03_01.
4. a b c d e f g h i j Himmelweit, Susan (2002). “Making visible the hidden economy: the case for gender-impact analysis of
economic policy”. Feminist Economics (Taylor and Francis) 8 (1): 49–70. doi:10.1080/13545700110104864.
5. Suzana Smith and Diana Converse. Double Day Work: How Women Cope With Time Demands. University of Florida, IFAS
Extension.
6. a b Acemoglu, Daron, David H. Autor, David Lyle. (June 2002) “Women, War, and Wages: The Effect of Female Labor Supply
on the Wage Structure at Midcentury” “Samples include males and females ages 14-64 in the year for which earnings are
reported who are not residing in institutional groups quarters (such as prisons or barracks), are not employed in farming, and
who reside in the continental United States.”
7. Rosenfeld, Rachel A. 1996. “Women’s Work Histories”. Population and Development Review. 22:199-222.
8. a b c d e f Siegelbaum, Lewis. “1968: The Double Burden”. Retrieved Dec 7, 2011.
9. a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af agConway, John Fredrick (2003). The Canadian Family in Crisis. James
Lorimer & Company. pp. 213–232.
10. a b c d Lourdes Beneria (2008). The Crisis of Care, International Migration, and Public Policy. Feminist Economics. doi:
10.1080/13545700802081984.
11. Martha Alter Chen. Women in the informal sector: A global picture, the global movement, Radcliffe Institute for Advanced
Study. Retrieved from: http://www.cpahq.org/cpahq/cpadocs/module6mc.pdf
12. Hilary Abell (1999). Endangering Women’s Health for Profit: Health and Safety in Mexico’s Maquiladoras. Development in
Practice, 9(5), 595-600. Accessed from <www.jstor.org/stable/23317585>.
13. Sarah Gammage (2010). Time Pressed and Time Poor: Unpaid Household Work in Guatemala, Feminist Economics, 16(3), 79-
112. doi: 10.1080/13545701.2010.498571
14. Latapi, A. E., & Rocha, M. G. (2008). Girls, Mothers, and Poverty Reduction in Mexico: Evaluating Progresa-Oportunidades.
In S. Razavi (ed.), The Gendered Impacts of Liberalization: Towards Embedded Liberalism? pp:435-468. New York, 2008.
15. a b c Martha Chen, Joann Vanek, Francie Lund, James Heintz with Renana Jhabvala, Christine Bonner (2005). Progress of the
World’s Women. UN Women.
16. a b Elena Bardasi & Quentil Wodon, (2010). Working Long Hours and Having No Choice: Time Poverty in Guinea, Feminist
Economics, 16(3), 45-78. doi: 10.1080/13545701.2010.508574
17. Roberta Guerrina (2002). Mothering in Europe: Feminist Critique of European Policies on Motherhood and Employment,
European Journal of Women Studies 9(1). doi: 10.1177/1350506802009001381
18. a b (2013). The Global Gender Gap Report, World Economic Forum.
19. a b Molyneux, M. (1995). Superwomen and the Double Burden: Women’s Experience of Change in Central and Eastern Europe
and the Former Soviet Union. Feminist Studies, (3), 637.
20. Roudakova, N., Ballard-Reisch, D. (1999). Femininity and the Double Burden: Dialogues on the Socialization of Russian
Daughters into Womanhood. Anthropology of East Europe Review
21. a b Jeemol Unni, (2004). Globalization and Securing Rights for Women Informal Workers in Asia, Journal of Human
Development, 5(3). doi: 10.1080/1464988042000277233
22. (2012). Women Matter: An Asian Perspective, McKinsey & Company.
23. a b Maria S. Floro & Anant Pichetpongsa (2010). Gender, Work Intensity, and Well-Being of Thai Home-Based Workers,
Feminist Economics, 16(3), 5-44, doi: 10.1080/13545701.2010.499657

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 ab
24. Chesters, Jenny. 2012. “Gender Attitudes and Housework: Trends over Time in Australia”. Journal of Comparative Family
Studies.
abcd
25. World Survey. 2009. “Access to Full Employment and Decent Work”. p 27-40.
ab
26. Lulie Aslaksen, Charlotte Koren & Marianne Stokstad (2000). The Effect of Child Care Subsidies: A Critique of the Rosen
Model, Feminist Economics, 6(1), 95-103, doi: 10.1080/135457000337705
abc
27. Carmen Sirianni & Cynthia Negrey (2000). Working Time as Gendered Time, Feminist Economics, 6(1), 59-76, doi:
10.1080/135457000337679
28. Jen Roesch, (2004). Turning back the clock? Women, work, and family today, International Socialist Review. Accessed from
http://www.isreview.org/issues/38/women_family.shtml.
29. Natalie Chen, Paola Conconi and Carlo Perroni, (2007). Women’s Earning Power and the “Double Burden” of Market and
Household Work, University of Warwick. Accessed from wrap.warwick.ac.uk/1410/1/WRA..._twerp_800.pdf
30. Barbara Petrongolo, (2004). Gender segregation in employment contracts. Journal Of The European Economic Association,
2(2/3), 331-345.
31. Tamara Hervey and Jo Shaw, (1998). Women, Work and Care: Women’s Dual Role and Double Burden in Ec Sex Equality Law,
Journal of European Social Policy 8(43). doi: 10.1177/095892879800800103
abcdef
32. Maria Sagrario Floro (1995). Women’s well-being, poverty, and work intensity, Feminist Economics, 1(3), 1-25, doi:
10.1080/714042246
33. UNICEF. 2007. The State of the World’s Children. New York: United Nations Children’s Fund.
34. De Ferranti, David. 2004. Inequality in Latin American and the Caribbean: Breaking with History?. World Bank, Mexico.
abc
35. Hobson, Barbara Meil (2002). Making Men Into Fathers: men, masculinities, and the social politics of fatherhood.
Cambridge University Press. p. 36.
abcdef
36. Bratberg, Espen; Svenn-Age Dahl; Alf Erling Risa (2002). European Sociological Review (PDF) 18 (2): 233–249
http://esr.oxfordjournals.org/conten...2/233.full.pdf. Retrieved 11-3-2011. Check date values in: |access-date= (help);
Missing or empty |title= (help)
abc
37. Landsman, Paige (1994). “JUGGLING WORK AND FAMILY FLEXIBLE SCHEDULING, AND CHANGING ATTITUDES
HELP BALANCE DEMANDS.”. Business Insurance: 16.
38. The Cambridge Reporter (2001). “Juggling work and family.”. The Montreal Gazette: A4.
39. Mwangi, Sophia (2008). “Juggling that perfect ‘art’; If you’re a wife and a mother, if you’re a mother on her own or if you’re
the husband, then you will identify with the ‘art’ that I am going to talk about. I hope we can all celebrate the joys this ‘art’
bestows.”. New African: 78.
ab
40. Glicksman, Eve (Sep 12, 1996), “Juggling School and Family”, Jewish Exponent 200 (11): 47
ab
41. Ryan, Kathleen O. (Nov 9, 1994), “90s FAMILY Back to the Books Parents are taking to the classroom again-but this time,
they’re juggling work, school and family”, Los Angeles Times: 3
abcd
42. Weiss, Barbara (2004). “Back to school? Nurses say: you bet! Juggling work, school, and family is a long, hard journey,
but many nurses who take this route find it well worth the effort.”. RN 67 (7): 63.
abcd
43. Ryff, Carol (1996). The Parental Experience in Midlife. Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago Press. p. 658. ISBN
0-226-73251-7.
abcdefghijklmn
44. Sernau, Scott (2006). Worlds Apart: Social Inequalities. California: Pine Forge Press. pp. 158–161. ISBN
1-4129-1524-4.
45. Young, Brigitte (1999). Triumph of the Fatherland. Michigan: University of Michigan Press. p. 277. ISBN 0-472-10948-0.
abc
46. Weatherall, Rosamund; Heather Joshi; Susan Macran (1994). “Double Burden or Double Blessing? Employment,
Motherhood and Mortality in the Longitudinal Study of England and Wales” (PDF). Soc. Sci. Med. 38 (2): 285–297.
doi:10.1016/0277-9536(94)90398-0. Retrieved 10-28-11. Check date values in: |access-date= (help)
47. Ann Ferguson (2010). Feminist Perspectives on Class and Work, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. Retrieved from:
http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/feminism-class/
48. Hakim, Catherine. “(How) can social policy and fiscal policy recognise unpaid family work?” (PDF).

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10.13: Gender and Employment
A glass ceiling is a term used to describe the unseen, yet unbreakable, barrier that keeps one from rising to the upper rungs of the
corporate ladder, regardless of qualifications or achievements.”[1]
Initially, and sometimes still today, the metaphor was applied by feminists in reference to barriers in the careers of high achieving
women.[2] In the US the concept is sometimes extended to refer to obstacles hindering the advancement of minority men, as well as
women.[2]

Definition
David Cotter and colleagues defined four distinctive characteristics that must be met to conclude that a glass ceiling exists. A glass
ceiling inequality represents:
1. “A gender or racial difference that is not explained by other job-relevant characteristics of the employee.”
2. “A gender or racial difference that is greater at higher levels of an outcome than at lower levels of an outcome.”
3. “A gender or racial inequality in the chances of advancement into higher levels, not merely the proportions of each gender or
race currently at those higher levels.”
4. “A gender or racial inequality that increases over the course of a career.”
Cotter and his colleagues found that glass ceilings are correlated strongly with gender. Both white and African-American women
face a glass ceiling in the course of their careers. [3]
The glass ceiling metaphor has often been used to describe invisible barriers (“glass”) through which women can see elite positions
but cannot reach them (“ceiling”).[4] These barriers prevent large numbers of women and ethnic minorities from obtaining and
securing the most powerful, prestigious, and highest-grossing jobs in the workforce.[5] Moreover, this effect may make women feel
they are not worthy to fill high-ranking positions or as if their bosses do not take them seriously or see them as potential candidates
for advancement.[6][7]

Figure 10.13.1
The chart above reflects women’s earnings in comparison to men’s earnings in the United States from 1979-2014. The pay gap is
closing but women still earn less than men. [8]

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 Figure 10.13.2
The chart above reflects U.S. women’s earnings in comparison to U.S. men’s earnings based on age and full time work. [8]

Figure 10.13.3
The chart above reflects U.S. women’s earnings and ethnicity in comparison to U.S. men’s earnings and ethnicity in 2014. [8]

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 Figure 10.13.4
The table above reflects U.S. gender, age, ethnicity, marriage status, union affiliation, and educational attainment in comparison to
earnings in 2014. [8]

Notes and References

1. Federal Glass Ceiling Commission. Solid Investments: Making Full Use of the Nation’s Human Capital. Washington, D.C.: U.S.
Department of Labor, November 1995, p. 4.
2. ^ Jump up to:a b Federal Glass Ceiling Commission. Good for Business: Making Full Use of the Nation’s Human
Capital.Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Labor, March 1995, p. iii.
3. Cotter, David A., Joan M. Hermsen, Seth Ovadia, and Reece Vanneman (2001). The glass ceiling effect. Social Forces, Vol. 80
No. 2, pp. 655–81.
4. *Davies-Netzley, Sally A. (1998). Women above the Glass Ceiling: Perceptions on Corporate Mobility and Strategies for
Success Gender and Society, Vol. 12, No. 3, p. 340,doi:10.1177/0891243298012003006.
5. Hesse-Biber and Carter 2005, p. 77.
6. Nevill, Ginny, Alice Pennicott, Joanna Williams, and Ann Worrall. Women in the Workforce: The Effect of Demographic
Changes in the 1990s. London: The Industrial Society, 1990, p. 39, ISBN 978-0-85290-655-2.
7. US Department of Labor. “Good for Business: Making Full Use of the Nation’s Human Capital”. Office of the Secretary.
Retrieved 9 April 2011.
8. US Bureau of Labor Statistics. “Highlights of Women’s Earning in 2014”. US Department of Labor. Retrieved 22 April2016.

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10.14: The Global Gender Gap Report
The Global Gender Gap Report was first published in 2006 by the World Economic Forum. The 2014 report covers 144 major
and emerging economies. The Global Gender Gap Index is an index designed to measure gender equality.

Methodology
The report’s Gender Gap Index ranks countries according to calculated gender gaps. The assumption is that women are strictly
disadvantaged compared to men and as such, only measures where women are traditionally disadvantaged to men are used.
Information about gender imbalances to the advantage of women is explicitly prevented from affecting the score.[1] So, for
example, the indicator “number of years of a female head of state (last 50 years) over male value” would score 1 if the number of
years was 25, but would still score 1 if the number of years was 50. Due to this methodology, gender gaps that favor women over
men are reported as equality.
The three highest ranking countries have closed over 84% of their gender gaps, while the lowest ranking country has closed only a
little over 50% of its gender gap. It “assesses countries on how well they are dividing their resources and opportunities among their
male and female populations, regardless of the overall levels of these resources and opportunities,” the Report says.[2] “By
providing a comprehensible framework for assessing and comparing global gender gaps and by revealing those countries that are
role models in dividing these resources equitably between women and men, the Report serves as a catalyst for greater awareness as
well as greater exchange between policymakers.”[2]
The report examines four overall areas of inequality between men and women in 130 economies around the globe, over 93% of the
world’s population:
Economic participation and opportunity – outcomes on salaries, participation levels and access to high-skilled employment
Educational attainment – outcomes on access to basic and higher level education
Political empowerment – outcomes on representation in decision-making structures
Health and survival – outcomes on life expectancy and sex ratio. In this case parity is not assumed, there are assumed to be less
female births than male (944 female for every 1,000 males), and men are assumed to die younger. Provided that women live at
least six percent longer than men parity is assumed, if it is less than six percent it counts as a gender gap.[3]
Thirteen out of the fourteen variables used to create the index are from publicly available “hard data” indicators from international
organizations, such as the International Labour Organization, the United Nations Development Programme and the World Health
Organization.[4]

WEF Global Gender Gap Index Rankings

The highest possible score is 1 (equality or better for women, except for lifespan, 106% or better for women) and the lowest
possible score is 0. Data for some countries are unavailable.[5][6][7]

Figure 10.14.1 - The WEF Gender gap index world map for 2014[8]
Country Region Year[note 1]

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 Country Region 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010Year[note 2011
1] 2012 2013 2014 2015[8]

2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015[8]

alt
Europe 0.6607 0.6685 0.6591 0.6601 0.6726 0.6748 0.6655 0.6412 0.6869
Albania
alt
Africa 0.6018 0.6068 0.6111 0.6119 0.6052 0.5991 0.6112 0.5966 0.6182
Algeria
alt
Africa 0.6039 0.6034 0.6032 0.6353 0.6712 0.6624 N/A 0.6659 0.6311
Angola
alt South
0.6829 0.6982 0.7209 0.7211 0.7187 0.7236 0.7212 0.7195 0.7317
Argentina America
Europe
alt and
N/A 0.6651 0.6677 0.6619 0.6669 0.6654 0.6636 0.6634 0.6622
Armenia Central
Asia
alt
Oceania 0.7163 0.7204 0.7241 0.7282 0.7271 0.7291 0.7294 0.7390 0.7409
Australia
alt
Europe 0.6986 0.7060 0.7153 0.7031 0.7091 0.7165 0.7391 0.7437 0.7266
Austria
Europe
alt
and
Azerbaija N/A 0.6781 0.6856 0.6626 0.6446 0.6577 0.6546 0.6582 0.6753
Central
n
Asia
alt North
N/A N/A N/A 0.7179 0.7128 0.7340 0.7156 0.7128 0.7269
Bahamas America
alt Middle
0.5894 0.5931 0.5927 0.6136 0.6217 0.6232 0.6298 0.6334 0.6261
Bahrain East
alt
South
Banglades 0.6270 0.6314 0.6531 0.6526 0.6702 0.6812 0.6684 0.6848 0.6973
Asia
h
alt North
N/A N/A 0.7188 0.7236 0.7176 0.7170 0.7232 0.7301 0.7289
Barbados America
alt
Europe 0.7078 0.7198 0.7163 0.7165 0.7509 0.7531 0.7652 0.7684 0.7809
Belgium
alt North
N/A 0.6426 0.6610 0.6636 0.6536 0.6489 0.6465 0.6449 0.6701
Belize America
alt
Africa 0.5780 0.5656 0.5582 0.5643 0.5719 0.5832 0.6258 0.5885 N/A
Benin
alt South
N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 0.6651 0.6364
Bhutan Asia
alt South
0.6335 0.6574 0.6667 0.6693 0.6751 0.6862 0.7222 0.7340 0.7049
Bolivia America
alt
Africa 0.6897 0.6797 0.6839 0.7071 0.6876 0.6832 0.6744 0.6752 0.7129
Botswana
alt South
0.6543 0.6637 0.6737 0.6695 0.6655 0.6679 0.6909 0.6949 0.6941
Brazil America
alt

Brunei Southeast
N/A N/A 0.6392 0.6524 0.6748 0.6787 0.6750 0.6730 0.6719
Darussala Asia
m

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Country Region Year[note 1]

2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015[8]

alt
Europe 0.6870 0.7085 0.7077 0.7072 0.6983 0.6987 0.7021 0.7097 0.7444
Bulgaria
alt

Burkina Africa 0.5854 0.5912 0.6029 0.6081 0.6162 0.6153 0.6455 0.6513 0.6500
Faso
alt
Africa N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 0.7270 0.7338 0.7397 0.7565
Burundi
alt Southeast
0.6291 0.6353 0.6469 0.6410 0.6482 0.6464 0.6457 0.6509 0.6520
Cambodia Asia
alt
Africa 0.5865 0.5919 0.6017 0.6108 0.6110 0.6073 0.6291 0.6560 N/A
Cameroon
alt North
0.7165 0.7198 0.7136 0.7196 0.7372 0.7407 0.7381 0.7425 0.7464
Canada America
alt

Cape Africa N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 0.7180 0.7122 0.7133
Verde
alt
Africa 0.5247 0.5381 0.5290 0.5417 0.5330 0.5334 0.5594 0.5588 0.5764
Chad
alt South
0.6455 0.6482 0.6818 0.6884 0.7013 0.7030 0.6676 0.6670 0.6975
Chile America
alt
East Asia 0.6561 0.6643 0.6878 0.6907 0.6881 0.6866 0.6853 0.6908 0.6830
China
alt South
0.7049 0.7090 0.6944 0.6939 0.6927 0.6714 0.6901 0.7171 0.7122
Colombia America
alt
North
Costa 0.6936 0.7014 0.7111 0.7180 0.7194 0.7266 0.7225 0.7241 0.7165
America
Rica
alt

Côte Africa N/A N/A N/A N/A 0.5691 0.5773 0.5785 0.5814 0.5874
d’Ivoire
alt
Europe 0.7145 0.7210 0.6967 0.6944 0.6939 0.7006 0.7053 0.7069 0.7075
Croatia
alt North
N/A 0.7169 0.7195 0.7176 0.7253 0.7394 0.7417 0.7540 0.7317
Cuba America
Europe
alt and
0.6430 0.6522 0.6694 0.6706 0.6642 0.6567 0.6732 0.6801 0.6741
Cyprus Middle
East
alt

Czech Europe 0.6712 0.6718 0.6770 0.6789 0.6850 0.6789 0.6767 0.6770 0.6737
Republic
alt
Europe 0.7462 0.7519 0.7538 0.7628 0.7719 0.7778 0.7777 0.7779 0.8025
Denmark
alt

Dominica North
0.6639 0.6705 0.6744 0.6859 0.6774 0.6682 0.6659 0.6867 0.6906
n America
Republic

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Country Region Year[note 1]

2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015[8]

alt South
0.6433 0.6881 0.7091 0.7220 0.7072 0.7035 0.7206 0.7389 0.7455
Ecuador America
Middle
alt
East and 0.5786 0.5809 0.5832 0.5862 0.5899 0.5933 0.5975 0.5935 0.6064
Egypt
Africa
alt
North
El 0.6837 0.6853 0.6875 0.6939 0.6596 0.6567 0.6630 0.6609 0.6863
America
Salvador
alt
Europe 0.6944 0.7008 0.7076 0.7094 0.7018 0.6983 0.6977 0.6997 0.7017
Estonia
alt
Africa 0.5946 0.5991 0.5867 0.5948 0.6019 0.6136 0.6200 0.6198 0.6144
Ethiopia
alt
Oceania N/A N/A N/A 0.6414 0.6256 0.6255 0.6285 0.6286 0.6286
Fiji
alt
Europe 0.7958 0.8044 0.8195 0.8252 0.8260 0.8383 0.8451 0.8421 0.8453
Finland
alt
Europe 0.6520 0.6824 0.7341 0.7331 0.7025 0.7018 0.6984 0.7089 0.7588
France
alt

Gambia, Africa 0.6448 0.6421 0.6622 0.6752 0.6762 0.6763 0.6630 N/A N/A
The
Europe
alt and
0.6700 0.6665 0.6654 0.6680 0.6598 0.6624 0.6691 0.6750 0.6855
Georgia Central
Asia
alt
Europe 0.7524 0.7618 0.7394 0.7449 0.7530 0.7590 0.7629 0.7583 0.7780
Germany
alt
Africa 0.6653 0.6725 0.6679 0.6704 0.6782 0.6811 0.6778 0.6811 0.6661
Ghana
alt
Europe 0.6540 0.6648 0.6727 0.6662 0.6908 0.6916 0.6716 0.6782 0.6784
Greece
alt
North
Guatemal 0.6067 0.6144 0.6072 0.6209 0.6238 0.6229 0.6260 0.6304 0.6821
America
a
alt South
N/A N/A N/A 0.7108 0.7090 0.7084 0.7119 0.7085 0.7010
Guyana America
alt North
0.6483 0.6661 0.6960 0.6893 0.6927 0.6945 0.6763 0.6773 0.6935
Honduras America
alt
Europe 0.6698 0.6731 0.6867 0.6879 0.6720 0.6642 0.6718 0.6742 0.6759
Hungary
alt
Europe 0.7813 0.7836 0.7999 0.8276 0.8496 0.8530 0.8640 0.8731 0.8594 0.881
Iceland
alt South
0.6011 0.5936 0.6060 0.6151 0.6155 0.6190 0.6442 0.6551 0.6455 0.664
India Asia
alt Southeast
0.6541 0.6550 0.6473 0.6580 0.6615 0.6594 0.6591 0.6613 0.6725
Indonesia Asia

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 Country Region Year[note 1]

2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015[8]

alt

Iran, Middle
0.5803 0.5903 0.6021 0.5839 0.5933 0.5894 0.5927 0.5842 0.5811
Islamic East
Rep.
alt
Europe 0.7335 0.7457 0.7518 0.7597 0.7773 0.7830 0.7839 0.7823 0.7850
Ireland
alt Middle
0.6889 0.6965 0.6900 0.7019 0.6957 0.6926 0.6989 0.7032 0.7005
Israel East
alt
Europe 0.6456 0.6498 0.6788 0.6798 0.6765 0.6796 0.6729 0.6885 0.6973
Italy
alt North
0.7014 0.6925 0.6980 0.7013 0.7037 0.7028 0.7035 0.7085 0.7128
Jamaica America
alt
East Asia 0.6447 0.6455 0.6434 0.6447 0.6524 0.6514 0.6530 0.6498 0.6584
Japan
alt Middle
0.6109 0.6203 0.6275 0.6182 0.6048 0.6117 0.6103 0.6093 0.5968
Jordan East
alt
Central
Kazakhsta 0.6928 0.6983 0.6976 0.7013 0.7055 0.7010 0.7213 0.7218 0.7210
Asia
n
alt
Africa 0.6486 0.6508 0.6547 0.6512 0.6499 0.6493 0.6768 0.6803 0.7258
Kenya
alt

Korea, East Asia 0.6157 0.6409 0.6154 0.6146 0.6342 0.6281 0.6356 0.6351 0.6403
Rep.
alt Middle
0.6341 0.6409 0.6358 0.6356 0.6318 0.6322 0.6320 0.6292 0.6457
Kuwait East
alt
Central
Kyrgyz 0.6742 0.6653 0.7045 0.7058 0.6973 0.7036 0.7013 0.6948 0.6974
Asia
Republic
alt Southeast
N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 0.6993 0.7044
Laos Asia
alt
Europe 0.7091 0.7333 0.7397 0.7416 0.7429 0.7399 0.7572 0.7610 0.7691
Latvia
alt Middle
N/A N/A N/A N/A 0.6084 0.6083 0.6030 0.6028 0.5923
Lebanon East
alt
Africa 0.6807 0.7078 0.7320 0.7495 0.7678 0.7666 0.7608 0.7530 0.7255
Lesotho
alt
Europe 0.7077 0.7234 0.7222 0.7175 0.7132 0.7131 0.7191 0.7308 0.7208
Lithuania
alt

Luxembo Europe 0.6671 0.6786 0.6802 0.6889 0.7231 0.7216 0.7439 0.7410 0.7333
urg
alt

Macedoni Europe 0.6983 0.6967 0.6914 0.6950 0.6996 0.6966 0.6968 0.7013 0.6943
a
alt

Madagasc Africa 0.6385 0.6461 0.6736 0.6732 0.6713 0.6797 0.6982 0.7016 0.7214
ar

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Country Region Year[note 1]

2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015[8]

alt
Africa 0.6437 0.6480 0.6664 0.6738 0.6824 0.6850 0.7166 0.7139 0.7281
Malawi
alt Southeast
0.6509 0.6444 0.6442 0.6467 0.6479 0.6525 0.6539 0.6518 0.6520
Malaysia Asia
alt South
N/A 0.6350 0.6501 0.6482 0.6452 0.6480 0.6616 0.6604 0.6557
Maldives Asia
alt
Africa 0.5996 0.6019 0.6117 0.5860 0.5680 0.5752 0.5842 0.5872 0.5779
Mali
alt
Europe 0.6518 0.6615 0.6634 0.6635 0.6695 0.6658 0.6666 0.6761 0.6707
Malta
alt

Mauritani Africa 0.5835 0.6022 0.6117 0.6103 0.6152 0.6164 0.6129 0.5810 0.6029
a
alt
Africa 0.6328 0.6487 0.6466 0.6513 0.6520 0.6529 0.6547 0.6599 0.6541
Mauritius
alt North
0.6462 0.6441 0.6441 0.6503 0.6577 0.6604 0.6712 0.6917 0.6900
Mexico America
alt
Europe 0.7128 0.7172 0.7244 0.7104 0.7160 0.7083 0.7101 0.7037 0.7405
Moldova
alt
East Asia 0.6821 0.6731 0.7049 0.7221 0.7194 0.7140 0.7111 0.7204 0.7212
Mongolia
alt
Africa 0.5827 0.5676 0.5757 0.5926 0.5767 0.5804 0.5833 0.5845 0.5988
Morocco
alt

Mozambi Africa N/A 0.6883 0.7266 0.7195 0.7329 0.7251 0.7350 0.7349 0.7370
que
alt
Africa 0.6864 0.7012 0.7141 0.7167 0.7238 0.7177 0.7121 0.7094 0.7219
Namibia
alt Central
0.5478 0.5575 0.5942 0.6213 0.6084 0.5888 0.6026 0.6053 0.6458
Nepal Asia
alt

Netherlan Europe 0.7250 0.7383 0.7399 0.7490 0.7444 0.7470 0.7659 0.7608 0.7730
ds
alt

New Oceania 0.7509 0.7649 0.7859 0.7880 0.7808 0.7810 0.7805 0.7799 0.7772
Zealand
alt North
0.6566 0.6458 0.6747 0.7002 0.7176 0.7245 0.7697 0.7715 0.7894
Nicaragua America
alt
Africa 0.6104 0.6122 0.6339 0.6280 0.6055 0.6011 0.6315 0.6469 0.6391
Nigeria
alt
Europe 0.7994 0.8059 0.8239 0.8227 0.8404 0.8404 0.8403 0.8417 0.8374
Norway
alt Middle
N/A 0.5903 0.5960 0.5938 0.5950 0.5873 0.5986 0.6053 0.6091
Oman East
alt South
0.5434 0.5509 0.5549 0.5458 0.5465 0.5583 0.5478 0.5459 0.5522
Pakistan Asia

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2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015[8]

alt North
0.6935 0.6954 0.7095 0.7024 0.7072 0.7042 0.7122 0.7164 0.7195
Panama America
alt South
0.6556 0.6659 0.6379 0.6868 0.6804 0.6818 0.6714 0.6724 0.6890
Paraguay America
alt South
0.6619 0.6624 0.6959 0.7024 0.6895 0.6796 0.6742 0.6787 0.7198
Peru America
alt
Southeast
Philippine 0.7516 0.7629 0.7568 0.7579 0.7654 0.7685 0.7757 0.7832 0.7814
Asia
s
alt
Europe 0.6802 0.6756 0.6951 0.6998 0.7037 0.7038 0.7015 0.7031 0.7051
Poland
alt
Europe 0.6922 0.6959 0.7051 0.7013 0.7171 0.7144 0.7071 0.7056 0.7243
Portugal
alt Middle
N/A 0.6041 0.5948 0.5907 0.6059 0.6230 0.6264 0.6299 0.6403
Qatar East
alt
Europe 0.6797 0.6859 0.6763 0.6805 0.6826 0.6812 0.6859 0.6908 0.6936
Romania
Europe
alt
and
Russian 0.6770 0.6866 0.6994 0.6987 0.7036 0.7037 0.6980 0.6983 0.6927
Northern
Federation
Asia
alt
Middle
Saudi 0.5242 0.5647 0.5537 0.5651 0.5713 0.5753 0.5731 0.5879 0.6059
East
Arabia
alt
Africa N/A N/A N/A 0.6427 0.6414 0.6573 0.6657 0.6923 0.6912
Senegal
alt
Europe N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 0.7037 0.7116 0.7086
Serbia
alt Southeast
0.6550 0.6609 0.6625 0.6664 0.6914 0.6914 0.6989 0.7000 0.7046
Singapore Asia
alt

Slovak Europe 0.6757 0.6797 0.6824 0.6845 0.6778 0.6797 0.6824 0.6857 0.6806
Republic
alt
Europe 0.6745 0.6842 0.6937 0.6982 0.7047 0.7041 0.7132 0.7155 0.7443
Slovenia
alt

South Africa 0.7125 0.7194 0.7232 0.7709 0.7535 0.7478 0.7496 0.7510 0.7527
Africa
alt
Europe 0.7319 0.7444 0.7281 0.7345 0.7554 0.7580 0.7266 0.7266 0.7325
Spain
alt South
0.7199 0.7230 0.7371 0.7402 0.7458 0.7212 0.7122 0.7019 0.6903
Sri Lanka Asia
alt South
N/A 0.6794 0.6674 0.6726 0.6407 0.6395 0.6409 0.6369 0.6504
Suriname America
alt
Europe 0.8133 0.8146 0.8139 0.8139 0.8024 0.8044 0.8159 0.8129 0.8165
Sweden

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 Country Region Year[note 1]

2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015[8]

alt

Switzerlan Europe 0.6997 0.6924 0.7360 0.7426 0.7562 0.7627 0.7672 0.7736 0.7798
d
alt Middle
N/A 0.6216 0.6181 0.6072 0.5926 0.5896 0.5626 0.5661 0.5775
Syria East
alt Central
N/A 0.6578 0.6541 0.6661 0.6598 0.6526 0.6608 0.6682 0.6654
Tajikistan Asia
alt
Africa 0.7038 0.6969 0.7068 0.6797 0.6829 0.6904 0.7091 0.6928 0.7182
Tanzania
alt Southeast
0.6831 0.6815 0.6917 0.6907 0.6910 0.6892 0.6893 0.6928 0.7027
Thailand Asia
alt
Southeast
Timor- N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A N/A 0.6855 N/A N/A
Asia
Leste
alt

Trinidad North
0.6797 0.6859 0.7245 0.7298 0.7353 0.7372 0.7116 0.7166 0.7154
and America
Tobago
alt
Africa 0.6288 0.6283 0.6295 0.6233 0.6266 0.6255 N/A N/A 0.6272
Tunisia
Middle
alt
East and 0.5850 0.5768 0.5853 0.5828 0.5876 0.5954 0.6015 0.6081 0.6183
Turkey
Europe
alt
Africa 0.6797 0.6833 0.6981 0.7067 0.7169 0.7220 0.7228 0.7086 0.6821
Uganda
alt
Europe 0.6797 0.6790 0.6856 0.6896 0.6869 0.6861 0.6894 0.6935 0.7056
Ukraine
alt

United Middle
0.5919 0.6184 0.6220 0.6198 0.6397 0.6454 0.6392 0.6372 0.6436
Arab East
Emirates
alt

United Europe 0.7365 0.7441 0.7366 0.7402 0.7460 0.7462 0.7433 0.7440 0.7383
Kingdom
alt
North
United 0.7042 0.7002 0.7179 0.7173 0.7411 0.7412 0.7373 0.7392 0.7463
America
States
alt South
0.6549 0.6608 0.6907 0.6936 0.6897 0.6907 0.6745 0.6803 0.6871
Uruguay America
alt South
0.6664 0.6797 0.6875 0.6839 0.6863 0.6861 0.7060 0.7060 0.6851
Venezuela America
alt Southeast
N/A 0.6889 0.6778 0.6802 0.6776 0.6732 0.6867 0.6863 0.6915
Vietnam Asia
alt Middle
0.4595 0.4510 0.4664 0.4609 0.4603 0.4873 0.5054 0.5128 0.5145
Yemen East
alt
Africa 0.6360 0.6288 0.6205 0.6310 0.6293 0.6300 0.6279 0.6312 0.6364
Zambia

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 Country Region Year[note 1]

2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015[8]

alt
Africa 0.6461 0.6464 0.6485 0.6518 0.6574 0.6607 N/A N/A 0.7013
Zimbabwe

Notes
1. Years of report publication. Values may reflect data collected the previous year.

References
1. Ricardo Hausmann, Harvard University, Laura D. Tyson, University of California, Berkeley, Saadia Zahidi, World Economic
Forum, Editors (2009). “The Global Gender Gap Report 2009” (PDF). World Economic Forum, Geneva, Switzerland. p. 4.
Archived from the original (PDF) on April 5, 2013. Retrieved 2009-11-02. “(…) the Index rewards countries that reach the
point where outcomes for women equal those for men, but it neither rewards nor penalizes cases in which women are
outperforming men in particular variables”
2. a b 2008 Report, p. 24
3. 2014 report, page 5
4. 2008 Report, p. 5
5. http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_Gen...eport_2012.pdf
6. “The Global Gender Gap Report 2013” (PDF). World Economic Forum. pp. 12–13.
7. “Global Gender Gap Report 2014 – Reports – World Economic Forum”. Global Gender Gap Report 2014.
8. a bhttp://www3.weforum.org/docs/GGGR2015/cover.pdf

10.14: The Global Gender Gap Report is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by LibreTexts.

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10.15: Violence Against Women (Part 1)
Violence against women (VAW) is, collectively, violent acts that are primarily or exclusively committed against women.
Sometimes considered a hate crime,[1][2][3] this type of violence targets a specific group with the victim’s gender as a primary
motive. This type of violence is gender-based, meaning that the acts of violence are committed against women expressly because
they are women. The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women states that:

“violence against women is a manifestation of historically unequal power relations

between men and women” and that “violence against women is one of the crucial social
mechanisms by which women are forced into a subordinate position compared with
men.”[4]
Kofi Annan, Secretary-General of the United Nations, declared in a 2006 report posted on the United Nations Development Fund
for Women (UNIFEM) website that:

Violence against women and girls is a problem of pandemic proportions. At least one out
of every three women around the world has been beaten, coerced into sex, or otherwise
abused in her lifetime with the abuser usually someone known to her.[5]
Violence against women can fit into several broad categories. These include violence carried out by “individuals” as well as
“states”. Some of the forms of violence perpetrated by individuals are rape; domestic violence;sexual harassment; coercive use of
contraceptives; female infanticide; prenatal sex selection; obstetric violence and mob violence; as well as harmful customary or
traditional practices such as honor killings, dowry violence, female genital mutilation, marriage by abduction and forced marriage.
Some forms of violence are perpetrated or condoned by the state such as war rape; sexual violence and sexual slavery during
conflict;forced sterilization; forced abortion; violence by the police and authoritative personnel; stoning and flogging. Many forms
of VAW, such as trafficking in women and forced prostitution are often perpetrated by organized criminal networks.[6]
The World Health Organization (WHO), in its research on VAW, categorized it as occurring through five stages of the life cycle:
“1) pre-birth, 2) infancy, 3) girlhood, 4) adolescence and adulthood and 5) elderly”[7]
In recent years, there has been a trend of approaching VAW at an international level, through instruments such as conventions; or,
in the European Union, through directives, such as the directive against sexual harassment,[8] and the directive against human
trafficking.[9]

Impact on Society

Figure 10.15.1 - A map of the world showing countries by level of women’s physical security, 2011

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According to an article in the Health and Human Rights Journal,[47]regardless of many years of advocacy and involvement of many
feminist activist organizations, the issue of violence against women still “remains one of the most pervasive forms of human rights
violations worldwide.”[48] The violence against women can occur in both public and private spheres of life and at any time of their
life span. Many women are terrified by these threats of violence and this essentially has an impact on their lives that they are
impeded to exercise their human rights, for instance, the fear for contribution to the development of their communities socially,
economically and politically. Apart from that, the causes that trigger VAW or gender-based violence can go beyond just the issue of
gender and into the issues of age, class, culture, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation and specific geographical area of their
origins.
Importantly, other than the issue of social divisions, violence can also extend into the realm of health issues and become a direct
concern of the public health sector.[49] A health issue such as HIV/AIDS is another cause that also leads to violence. Women who
have HIV/AIDS infection are also among the targets of the violence.[48] The World Health Organization reports that violence
against women puts an undue burden on health care services, as women who have suffered violence are more likely to need health
services and at higher cost, compared to women who have not suffered violence.[50] Another statement that confirms an
understanding of VAW as being a significant health issue is apparent in the recommendation adopted by the Council of Europe,
violence against women in private sphere, at home or domestic violence, is the main reason of “death and disability” among the
women who encountered violence.[48]
In addition, several studies have shown a link between poor treatment of women and international violence. These studies show
that one of the best predictors of inter- and intranational violence is the maltreatment of women in the society.[51][52]

Who's Typology Table[53]

Throughout the Life Cycle
Phase Type of violence

Sex-selective abortion; effects of battering during pregnancy on birth

Pre-birth
outcomes
Infancy Female infanticide; physical, sexual and psychological abuse
Child marriage; female genital mutilation; physical, sexual and
Girlhood
psychological abuse; incest; child prostitution and pornography
Dating and courtship violence (e.g. acid throwing and date rape);
economically coerced sex (e.g. school girls having sex with “sugar
daddies” in return for school fees); incest; sexual abuse in the workplace;
Adolescence and adulthood rape; sexual harassment; forced prostitution and pornography; trafficking
in women; partner violence; marital rape; dowry abuse and murders;
partner homicide; psychological abuse; abuse of women with disabilities;
forced pregnancy
Forced “suicide” or homicide of widows for economic reasons; sexual,
Elderly
physical and psychological abuse

Significant progress towards the protection of women from violence has been made on international level as a product of collective
effort of lobbying by many women’s rights movements; international organizations to civil society groups. As a result, worldwide
governments and international as well as civil society organizations actively work to combat violence against women through a
variety of programs. Among the major achievements of the women’s rights movements against violence on girls and women, the
landmark accomplishments are the “Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women” that implies “political will
towards addressing VAW ” and the legal binding agreement, “the Convention on Elimination of all forms of Discrimination
Against Women (CEDAW).”[54] In addition, the UN General Assembly resolution also designated 25 November as International
Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women.[55]

Another Typology: Over Time[24]

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 Figure 10.15.2 - A diagram of typology of violence against women over time, as conceived by authors Charlotte Watts & Cathy
Zimmerman.
This similar typology from an academic journal article on violence against women shows similarly the different types of violence
perpetrated against women according to what time period in a women’s life the violence takes place. However, it also classifies the
types of violence according to the perpetrator. One important point to note is that more of the types of violence inflicted on women
are perpetrated by someone the woman knows, either a family member or intimate partner, rather than a stranger.

Types
Violence against women can take a number of forms:

Rape
Rape is a type of sexual assault, usually involving sexual intercourse. Rape is usually perpetrated by men against boys, women, and
girls; women are usually assaulted more often than boys and girls and usually all by someone they know.
Internationally, the incidence of rapes recorded by the police during 2008 varied between 0.1 in Egypt per 100,000 people and 91.6
per 100,000 people in Lesotho with 4.9 per 100,000 people in Lithuania as themedian.[56] According to the American Medical
Association (1995), sexual violence, and rape in particular, is considered the most underreported violent crime.[57][58] The rate of
reporting, prosecution and convictions for rape varies considerably in different jurisdictions. Rape by strangers is usually less
common than rape by persons the victim knows.[59][60][61][62][63]
Victims of rape can be severely traumatized and may suffer from posttraumatic stress disorder;[64] in addition to psychological
harm resulting from the act, rape may cause physical injury, or have additional effects on the victim, such as acquiring of a sexually
transmitted infection or becoming pregnant.
Violence Against Victims
Following a rape, a victim may face violence or threats of violence from the rapist, and, in some cultures, from the victim’s own
family and relatives. Violence or intimidation of the victim may be perpetrated by the rapist or by friends and relatives of the rapist,
as a way of preventing the victims from reporting the rape, of punishing them for reporting it, or of forcing them to withdraw the
complaint; or it may be perpetrated by the relatives of the victim as a punishment for “bringing shame” to the family. This is
especially the case in cultures where female virginity is highly valued and considered mandatory before marriage; in extreme cases,
rape victims are killed in honor killings. Victims may also be forced by their families to marry the rapist in order to restore the
family’s “honor”.[65][66][67][68]

Marital Rape
Marital rape, also known as spousal rape, is non-consensual sex perpetrated by the victim’s spouse. Once widely condoned or
ignored by law, spousal rape is now repudiated by international conventions and increasingly criminalized. Still, in many countries,
spousal rape either remains legal, or is illegal but widely tolerated and accepted as a husband’s prerogative. The criminalization of
marital rape is recent, having occurred during the past few decades. Traditional understanding and views of marriage, rape,
sexuality, gender roles and self determination have started to be challenged in most Western countries during the 1960s and 1970s,
which has led to the subsequent criminalization of marital rape during the following decades. With a few notable exceptions, it was
during the past 30 years when most laws against marital rape have been enacted. Some countries in Scandinavia and in the former
Communist Bloc of Europe made spousal rape illegal before 1970, but most Western countries criminalized it only in the 1980s
and 1990s. In many parts of the world the laws against marital rape are very new, having been enacted in the 2000s.
In Canada, marital rape was made illegal in 1983, when several legal changes were made, including changing the rape statute to
sexual assault, and making the laws gender neutral.[69][70][71] In Ireland spousal rape was outlawed in 1990.[72] In the US, the
criminalization of marital rape started in the mid-1970s and in 1993 North Carolina became the last state to make marital rape
illegal.[73] In England and Wales, marital rape was made illegal in 1991. The views of Sir Matthew Hale, a 17th-century jurist,

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published inThe History of the Pleas of the Crown (1736), stated that a husband cannot be guilty of the rape of his wife because the
wife “hath given up herself in this kind to her husband, which she cannot retract”; in England and Wales this would remain law for
more than 250 years, until it was abolished by the Appellate Committee of the House of Lords, in the case of R v R in 1991.[74] In
the Netherlands marital rape was also made illegal in 1991.[75] One of the last Western countries to criminalize marital rape was
Germany, in 1997.[76]
The relation between some religions (Christianity and Islam) and marital rape is controversial. The Bible at 1 Corinthians 7:3-5
explains that one has a “conjugal duty” to have sexual relations with one’s spouse (in sharp opposition to sex outside marriage
which is considered a sin) and states that “The wife does not have authority over her own body, but the husband does. And likewise
the husband does not have authority over his own body, but the wife does. Do not deprive one another…”[77] Some conservative
religious figures interpret this as rejecting to possibility of marital rape.[78] Islam makes reference to sexual relations in marriage
too, notably: “Allah’s Apostle said, ‘If a husband calls his wife to his bed (i.e. to have sexual relation) and she refuses and causes
him to sleep in anger, the angels will curse her till morning’;”[79] and several comments on the issue of marital rape made by
Muslim religious leaders have been criticized.[80][81]

Domestic Violence

Figure 10.15.3 -Girl in Ethiopia. An analysis by the UN of several international studies found domestic violence against women to
be most prevalent in Ethiopia[82]
Women are more likely to be victimized by someone that they are intimate with, commonly called “intimate partner violence” or
(IPV). Instances of IPV tend not to be reported to police and thus many experts believe that the true magnitude of the problem is
hard to estimate.[83]Women are much more likely than men to be murdered by an intimate partner. In the United States, in 2005,
1181 women, in comparison with 329 men, were killed by their intimate partners.[84][85] In England and Wales about 100 women
are killed by partners or former partners each year while 21 men were killed in 2010.[86] In 2008, in France, 156 women in
comparison with 27 men were killed by their intimate partner.[87]
According to WHO, globally, as many as 38% of murders of women are committed by an intimate partner.[88] A UN report
compiled from a number of different studies conducted in at least 71 countries found domestic violence against women to be most
prevalent in Ethiopia.[82]
In Western Europe, a country which has received major international criticism for the way it has dealt legally with the issue of
violence against women is Finland; with authors pointing that a high level of equality for women in the public sphere (as in
Finland) should never be equated with equality in all other aspects of women’s lives.[89][90][91]
A study by Pan American Health Organization conducted in 12 Latin American countries found the highest prevalence of domestic
violence against women to be in Bolivia.[92]
Though this form of violence is often portrayed as an issue within the context of heterosexual relationships, it also occurs in lesbian
relationships,[93] daughter-mother relationships, roommate relationships and other domestic relationships involving two women.
Violence against women in lesbian relationships is about as common as violence against women in heterosexual relationships.[94]

Diagnosis Planning
The American Psychiatric Association planning and research committees for the forthcoming DSM-5 (2013) have canvassed a
series of new Relational disorders which include Marital Conflict Disorder Without Violence orMarital Abuse Disorder (Marital
Conflict Disorder With Violence).[95]:164, 166 Couples with marital disorders sometimes come to clinical attention because the couple
recognize long-standing dissatisfaction with their marriage and come to the clinician on their own initiative or are referred by an
astute health care professional. Secondly, there is serious violence in the marriage which is -“usually the husband battering the

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wife”.[95]:163 In these cases the emergency room or a legal authority often is the first to notify the clinician. Most importantly,
marital violence “is a major risk factor for serious injury and even death and women in violent marriages are at much greater risk of
being seriously injured or killed (National Advisory Council on Violence Against Women 2000).”[95]:166 The authors of this study
add that “There is current considerable controversy over whether male-to-female marital violence is best regarded as a reflection of
male psychopathology and control or whether there is an empirical base and clinical utility for conceptualizing these patterns as
relational.”[95]:166
Recommendations for clinicians making a diagnosis of Marital Relational Disorder should include the assessment of actual or
“potential” male violence as regularly as they assess the potential for suicide in depressed patients. Further, “clinicians should not
relax their vigilance after a battered wife leaves her husband, because some data suggest that the period immediately following a
marital separation is the period of greatest risk for the women. Many men will stalk and batter their wives in an effort to get them to
return or punish them for leaving. Initial assessments of the potential for violence in a marriage can be supplemented by
standardized interviews and questionnaires, which have been reliable and valid aids in exploring marital violence more
systematically.”[95]:166
The authors conclude with what they call “very recent information”[95]:167, 168 on the course of violent marriages which suggests
that “over time a husband’s battering may abate somewhat, but perhaps because he has successfully intimidated his wife. The risk
of violence remains strong in a marriage in which it has been a feature in the past. Thus, treatment is essential here; the clinician
cannot just wait and watch.”[95]:167, 168 The most urgent clinical priority is the protection of the wife because she is the one most
frequently at risk, and clinicians must be aware that supporting assertiveness by a battered wife may lead to more beatings or even
death.[95]:167, 168

Honor Killings
Honor killings are a common form of violence against women in certain parts of the world. In honor killings, women and girls are
killed by family members (usually husbands, fathers, uncles or brothers) because the women are believed to have brought shame or
dishonor upon the family. These killings are a traditional practice, believed to have originated from tribal customs where an
allegation against a woman can be enough to defile a family’s reputation.[96][97] Women are killed for reasons such as refusing to
enter anarranged marriage, being in a relationship that is disapproved by their relatives, attempting to leave a marriage, having sex
outside marriage, becoming the victim of rape, dressing in ways which are deemed inappropriate.[96][98]
Honor killings are common in countries such as Afghanistan, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Pakistan, Saudi
Arabia, Syria, Turkey, Yemen.[98][99][100][101][102] Honor killings also occur in immigrant communities in Europe, the United States
and Canada. Although honor killings are most often associated with the Middle East and South Asia, they occur in other parts of
the world too.[96][103] In India, honor killings occur in the northern regions of the country, especially in the states of Punjab,
Haryana, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Himachal Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh.[104][105] In Turkey, honor killings are
a serious problem in Southeastern Anatolia.[106][107]

Dowry Violence

Figure 10.15.4 - Anti-dowry poster in Bangalore, India

The custom of dowry, which is common in South Asia, especially in India, is the trigger of many forms of violence against women.
Bride burning is a form of violence against women in which a bride is killed at home by her husband or husband’s family due to his
dissatisfaction over the dowry provided by her family. Dowry death refers to the phenomenon of women and girls being killed or

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committing suicide due to disputes regarding dowry. Dowry violence is common in India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal. In
India, in 2011 alone, the National Crime Records Bureau reported 8,618 dowry deaths, while unofficial figures suggest the numbers
to be at least three times higher.[108]

Acid Throwing

Figure 10.15.5 - Acid attack victim in Cambodia

Acid throwing, also called acid attack, or vitriolage, is defined as the act of throwing acid onto the body of a person “with the
intention of injuring or disfiguring [them] out of jealousy or revenge”.[109] The most common types of acid used in these attacks are
sulfuric, nitric, or hydrochloric acid.[110] Perpetrators of these attacks throw acid at their victims, usually at their faces, burning
them, and damaging skin tissue, often exposing and sometimes dissolving the bones.[111] The long term consequences of these
attacks include blindness and permanent scarring of the face and body.[112][113] Women and girls are the victims in 75-80% of cases.
[114]
Acid attacks are often connected to domestic disputes, including dowry disputes, and refusal of a proposition for marriage, or
of sexual advances. Such attacks are common in South Asia, in countries such as Bangladesh, Pakistan, India; and in Southeast
Asia, especially in Cambodia.[115][116][117][118][119][120]

Forced Marriage
A forced marriage is a marriage in which one or both of the parties is married against their will. Forced marriages are common in
South Asia, the Middle East and Africa. The customs of bride price and dowry, that exist in many parts of the world, contribute to
this practice. A forced marriage is also often the result of a dispute between families, where the dispute is ‘resolved’ by giving a
female from one family to the other.[121][122][123]
The custom of bride kidnapping continues to exist in some Central Asian countries such as Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan,
and the Caucasus, or parts of Africa, especially Ethiopia. A girl or a woman is abducted by the would be groom, who is often
helped by his friends. The victim is often raped by the would be groom, after which he may try to negotiate a bride price with the
village elders to legitimize the marriage.[124][125][126]

Force-Feeding
In some countries, notably Mauritania, young girls are forcibly fattened to prepare them for marriage, because obesity is seen as
desirable. This practice of force-feeding is known as leblouh or gavage.[127][128][129]
The practice goes back to the 11th century, and has been reported to have made a significant comeback after a military junta took
over the country in 2008.[130]

Mob Violence
In 2010 Amnesty International reported that mob attacks against single women were taking place in Hassi Messaoud, Algeria.[131]
According to Amnesty International, “some women have been sexually abused” and were targeted “not just because they are
women, but because they are living alone and are economically independent.”[131]

Stalking
Stalking is unwanted or obsessive attention by an individual or group toward another person, often manifested through persistent
harassment, intimidation, or following/monitoring of the victim. Stalking is often understood as “course of conduct directed at a
specific person that would cause a reasonable person to feel fear”.[132] Although stalkers are frequently portrayed as being
strangers, they are most often known people, such as former or current partners, friends, colleagues or acquaintances. In the US, a
survey by NVAW found that only 23% of female victims were stalked by strangers.[133] Stalking by partners can be very
dangerous, as sometimes it can escalate into severe violence, including murder.[133] Police statistics from the 1990s in Australia
indicated that 87.7% of stalking offenders were male and 82.4% of stalking victims were female.[134]

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Sexual Harassment
Sexual harassment is abusive, uninvited and unwelcome behavior of a sexual nature, typically in the work/studying place, which
may include intimidation, bullying or coercion of a sexual nature, or the inappropriate promise of rewards in exchange for sexual
favors. It can be verbal or physical, and it is often perpetrated by a person in a position of authority against a subordinate.[135] In the
United States, sexual harassment is a form of discrimination which violates Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The Council
of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence defines sexual harassment as:
“any form of unwanted verbal, non-verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature with the purpose or effect of violating the dignity
of a person, in particular when creating an intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive environment.”[136]

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10.16: Violence Against Women (Part 2)
Human Trafficking and Forced Prostitution

Figure 10.16.6 - A world map showing countries by prevalence of female trafficking Main articles: Human trafficking and Forced
prostitution
Human trafficking refers to the acquisition of persons by improper means such as force, fraud or deception, with the aim of
exploiting them.[137] The Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children states
that:[138]

“Trafficking in persons” shall mean the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring

or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of
abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or
of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person
having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation. Exploitation shall
include, at a minimum, the exploitation of the prostitution of others or other forms of
sexual exploitation, forced labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery,
servitude or the removal of organs”.
Because of the illegal nature of trafficking, reliable data on its extent is very limited.[139] The WHO states that: “Current evidence
strongly suggests that those who are trafficked into the sex industry and as domestic servants are more likely to be women and
children.”[139] A 2006 study in Europe on trafficked women found that the women were subjected to serious forms of abuse, such
as physical or sexual violence, which affected their physical and mental health.[139]
Forced prostitution is prostitution which takes place as a result of coercion by a third party. In forced prostitution, the party/parties
who force the victim to be subjected to unwanted sexual acts exercise control over the victim.[140]

Mistreatment of Widows

Figure 10.16.7 - Description of the Balinese rite of Suttee, in Houtman’s 1597 Verhael vande Reyse … Naer Oost Indien

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A widow is a woman whose spouse has died. In some parts of the world, widows are subjected to serious forms of abuse, often
fueled by traditional practices such as widow inheritance.[141] The sacrifice of widows (such as sati) has been prevalent historically
in various cultures (especially in India). Although sati in India is today an almost defunct practice, isolated incidents have occurred
in recent years, such as the 1987 sati of Roop Kanwar, as well as several incidents in rural areas in 2002,[142] and 2006.[143]

Accused of Witchcraft
Witch trials in the early modern period (between the 15th and 18th centuries) were common in Europe and in the European
colonies in North America. Today, there remain regions of the world (such as parts of Sub-Saharan Africa, rural North India, and
Papua New Guinea) where belief in witchcraft is held by many people, and women accused of being witches are subjected to
serious violence.[144][145][146] In addition, there are also countries which have criminal legislation against the practice of witchcraft.
In Saudi Arabia, witchcraft remains a crime punishable by death.[147]

State Violence
War Rape and Sexual Slavery During Military Conflict

Figure 10.16.8 - Brennus and His Share of the Spoils, by Paul Jamin, 1893.

Figure 10.16.9 - Rangoon, Burma. August 8, 1945. A young ethnic Chinese woman who was in one of the Imperial Japanese
Army’s “comfort battalions” is interviewed by an Allied officer.
Militarism produces special environments that allow for increased violence against women. War rapes have accompanied warfare
in virtually every known historical era.[148] Rape in the course of war is mentioned multiple times in the Bible: “For I will gather all
the nations against Jerusalem to battle, and the city shall be taken and the houses plundered and the women raped…” Zechariah
14:2 “Their little children will be dashed to death before their eyes. Their homes will be sacked, and their wives will be
raped.”Isaiah 13:16
War rapes are rapes committed by soldiers, other combatants or civilians during armed conflict or war, or during military
occupation, distinguished from sexual assaults and rape committed amongst troops in military service. It also covers the situation
where women are forced into prostitution or sexual slavery by an occupying power. During World War II the Japanese military
established brothels filled with “comfort women”, girls and women who were forced into sexual slavery for soldiers, exploiting
women for the purpose of creating access and entitlement for men.[149] [150][151]
Another example of violence against women incited by militarism during war took place in the Kovno Ghetto. Jewish male
prisoners had access to (and used) Jewish women forced into camp brothels by the Nazis, who also used them.[152]
Rape was committed during the Bangladesh Liberation War by members of the Pakistani military and the militias that supported
them. Over a period of nine months, hundreds of thousands of women were raped. Susan Brownmiller, in her report on the
atrocities, said that girls from the age of eight to grandmothers of seventy-five suffered attacks. (See also: Rape during the
Bangladesh Liberation War)

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Rape used as a weapon of war was practiced during the Bosnian War where rape was used as a highly systematized instrument of
war by Serb armed forces predominantly targeting women and girls of the Bosniak ethnic group for physical and moral destruction.
Estimates of the number of women raped during the war range from 50,000 to 60,000; as of 2010 only 12 cases have been
prosecuted.[153] (See also Rape during the Bosnian War).
The 1998 International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda recognized rape as a war crime. Presiding judge Navanethem Pillay said in a
statement after the verdict: “From time immemorial, rape has been regarded as spoils of war. Now it will be considered a war
crime. We want to send out a strong message that rape is no longer a trophy of war.”[154] (See also: Rwandan Genocide)
In 2006, five U.S. troops from a six-man unit gang raped and killed a 14-year-old girl in a village near the town of Al-
Mahmudiyah, Iraq. After the rape the girl was shot in her head and the lower part of her body, from her stomach down to her feet,
was set on fire.[155][156] (See also: Mahmudiyah killings)
A 1995 study of female war veterans found that 90 percent had been sexually harassed. A 2003 survey found that 30 percent of
female vets said they were raped in the military and a 2004 study of veterans who were seeking help for post-traumatic stress
disorder found that 71 percent of the women said they were sexually assaulted or raped while serving.[157]
According to one report, the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant’s capture of Iraqi cities in June 2014 was accompanied by an
upsurge in crimes against women, including kidnap and rape.[158][159][160] The Guardianreported that ISIL’s extremist agenda
extended to women’s bodies and that women living under their control were being captured and raped.[161]Fighters are told that
they are free to have sex and rape non-Muslim captive women.[162] Yazidi girls in Iraq allegedly raped by ISIL fighters committed
suicide by jumping to their death from Mount Sinjar, as described in a witness statement.[163] Haleh Esfandiari from the Woodrow
Wilson International Center for Scholars has highlighted the abuse of local women by ISIL militants after they have captured an
area. “They usually take the older women to a makeshift slave market and try to sell them. The younger girls … are raped or
married off to fighters”, she said, adding, “It’s based on temporary marriages, and once these fighters have had sex with these
young girls, they just pass them on to other fighters.”[164] Speaking of Yazidi women captured by ISIS, Nazand Begikhani said
“[t]hese women have been treated like cattle… They have been subjected to physical and sexual violence, including systematic
rape and sex slavery. They’ve been exposed in markets in Mosul and in Raqqa, Syria, carrying price tags.”[165] In December 2014
the Iraqi Ministry of Human Rights announced that the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant had killed over 150 women and girls in
Fallujah who refused to participate in sexual jihad.[166][167]

Forced Sterilization and Forced Abortion

Forced sterilization and forced abortion are forms of gender-based violence.[168] These procedures are reported to be practiced in
countries such as Uzbekistan and China.[169][170][171][172][173][174]

Violence by the Police and Other Authority Figures

Figure 10.16.10 - A member of the Taliban’s religious police beating an Afghan woman in Kabul on August 26, 2001.
When police officers misuse their power as agents of the state to physically and sexually harass and assault victims, the survivors,
including women, feel much less able to report the violence.[175] It is standard procedure for police to force entry into the victim’s
home even after the victim’s numerous requests for them to go away.[176] Government agencies often disregard the victim’s right to
freedom of association with their perpetrator.[177]Shelter workers are often reduced themselves to contributing to violence against
women by exploiting their vulnerability in exchange for a paying job.[178]
Human rights violations perpetrated by police and military personnel in many countries are correlated with decreased access to
public health services and increased practices of risky behavior among members of vulnerable groups, such as women and female
sex workers.[179] These practices are especially widespread in settings with a weak rule of law and low levels of police and military
management and professionalism. Police abuse in this context has been linked to a wide range of risky behaviors and health
outcomes, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), and substance abuse.[179][180][181][182][183][184][185] Extortion of sexual

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services and police sexual abuse have been linked to a decrease in condom use and an elevated risk of STI and HIV infections
among vulnerable groups.[179][186]

Stoning and Flogging

Stoning, or lapidation, refers to a form of capital punishment whereby an organized group throws stones at an individual until the
person dies. Stoning is a punishment that is included in the laws of several countries, including Iran, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Pakistan,
Yemen, the United Arab Emirates, and some states in Nigeria, as punishment for adultery.[187]Flogging or flagellation is the act of
methodically beating or whipping the human body. It is a judicial punishment in various countries for specific crimes, including sex
outside marriage. These punishments employed for sexual relations outside marriage, apart from constituting a form of violence in
themselves, can also deter victims of sexual violence from reporting the crime, because the victims may themselves be punished (if
they cannot prove their case, if they are deemed to have been in the company of an unrelated male, or if they were unmarried and
not virgins at the time of the rape).[188][189]

Female Genital Mutiliation (FGM)

Figure 10.16.11 - Prevalence of female genital mutilation for women aged 15–49 using UNICEF “Female Genital
Mutilation/Cutting: A global concern”, 2016

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 Figure 10.16.12 - Types of FGM
Female genital mutilation (FGM) is defined by the World Health Organization (WHO) as “all procedures that involve partial or
total removal of the external female genitalia, or other injury to the female genital organs for non-medical reasons.”[190] According
to a 2013 UNICEF report, 125 million women and girls in Africa and the Middle East have experienced FGM.[191] The WHO
states that: “The procedure has no health benefits for girls and women” and “Procedures can cause severe bleeding and problems
urinating, and later cysts, infections, infertility as well as complications in childbirth increased risk of newborn deaths” and “FGM
is recognized internationally as a violation of the human rights of girls and women. It reflects deep-rooted inequality between the
sexes, and constitutes an extreme form of discrimination against women”.[190]According to a UNICEF report, the top rates for
FGM are in Somalia (with 98 percent of women affected), Guinea (96 percent), Djibouti (93 percent), Egypt (91 percent), Eritrea
(89 percent), Mali (89 percent), Sierra Leone (88 percent), Sudan (88 percent), Gambia (76 percent), Burkina Faso (76 percent),
Ethiopia (74 percent), Mauritania (69 percent), Liberia (66 percent), and Guinea-Bissau (50 percent).[191]
According to some local practitioners, it is believed that FGM is linked to cultural rites and customs. It is considered to be a
traditional practice which continues to take place in different communities/countries of Africa and Middle East, including in places
where it is banned by national legislation. FGM is defined as a “harmful traditional practice”[192] in accordance to the Inter-African
Committee. Due to globalization and immigration, FGM is spreading beyond the borders of Africa and Middle East, to countries
such as Australia, Belgium, Canada, France, New Zealand, US, and UK.[193]

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10.17: Violence Against Women (Part 3)
Interventionist Approaches
There exist several approaches that were set up by international health organizations and civil societies (for example, Tostan) aimed
at eliminating the practice of Female genital mutilation (FGM) in implemented countries:
1. FGM as a Health issue (also known as health risks approach)
2. FGM as a Human Rights issue (also known as Human Rights-based approach)
Some scholars suggests that, when dealing with FGM, it is necessary to take lessons from history, particularly 19th-century
campaign against foot-binding in China[194] which was successful.

As a Public Health Issue

The existing approaches to eliminate FGM are principally founded on health-based arguments and methods. Supporters of that
approach established their arguments on the need to protect women’s health from hazards caused by FGM. It is acknowledged that
FGM affects women’s health, reproduction, and sexual functioning. According to the World Health Organization’s ndings [195]
“women who have had FGM) are signicantly more likely to experience difculties during childbirth and that their babies are more
likely to die as a result of the practice”.[192]Moreover, it can “result in myriad complications, from infections, menstrual difficulties
and painful intercourse to…stillbirths and brain-damaged infants, increased risk of HIV infection, and psychological and emotional
stress.“[196] Therefore, in order to eradicate the procedure, advocates of the health risks approach designed strategies to raise public
awareness of negative impacts of FGM to women’s bodies and health. The health approach was commonly used and promoted,
until it was criticized and, to a certain extent, replaced by the Human rights approach.

As a Human Rights Issue

In 1993, at the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights, the issue of FGM was for the first time addressed as a form of violence
against women under the framework of International Human Rights. Since then, the elimination of FGM has taken a prominent
place in the agenda of the international human rights discourse, leaving behind the health risk approach.[192]

“The global human rights discourse differs from earlier Western policies, which focused
on health in relation to female genital mutilation. It modifies earlier Western feminist
arguments that read female genital mutilation as patriarchal control over women’s bodies
and sexuality, and as a symbol of women’s subordination”.[197]
The human rights-based arguments are founded principally on a concept of universal human rights. Supporters of that approach
emphasize the flagrant violation of fundamental rights, and they consider FGM as a violent violation of woman ‘s and child’s
fundamental rights including the right to life, the right to be protected from cruel treatment, the right to physical integrity, and the
right to health. According to Shell-Duncan FGM is violence against not only women, but it also constitutes a violation in the rights
of child not yet achieved puberty.[192]
The use of International Human Rights discourse to tackle FGM has, however, faced challenges such as “there are no international
human rights instruments that specically address female genital cutting”.[192]Therefore, advocates of FGM’s elimination, building
their arguments upon the UN Declarations, Conventions, and a Theory of Justice[193]suggest that the issue of FGM can be
addressed under the legal framework of the three legal instruments such as: Violation of Rights of Child, violation of rights of
women, and the right to be protected from torture.[192]

Debates about Best Approaches

There are growing debates about what is the most appropriate approach to tackle FGM. Both the health and the human rights-based
approaches have been criticized.
The critique of the health approach is related to the medicalization of FGM,[192] meaning that concentration on health risks neglects
the other aspects of FGM practice(for example, legal) and leads not to the banning of practice, but to medically safe performance of
FGM. This critique is defined by Shell-Duncan:

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 “A nal problematic aspect of the health approach as a rationale for abandoning FGC is
that the emphasis on health risks is believed by anti-circumcision advocates to have
inadvertently promoted the conceptualization of FGC and obstetrical complications.”[192]
The human rights approach notices the lack of legal instruments to address FGM. In addition to that, the usage of universal human
rights language might be at a variance with collective identity and cultural understandings of indigenous people. That is why “the
post-colonialist critique as an approach to the politics of female circumcision stresses the need for contextualised understandings of
indigenous meanings arguing against the human rights approach.”[197]

Breast Ironing
Breast ironing (also known as “breast flattening”) is the practice of pounding and massaging the breasts of a pubescent girl, using
hard or heated objects, in an attempt to try to make them stop developing or disappear.[198][199][200] It is typically carried out by the
girl’s mother, with the aim of making the girl less sexually attractive to men and boys, so that her virginity is preserved.[199] It is
practiced primarily in Cameroon, but has also been reported across other areas in West and Central Africa.[198][199][201]Breast
ironing is very painful and can have negative emotional and physical consequences.[198][199]

Obstetric Violence
“Obstetric violence” refers to acts categorized as physically or psychologically violent in the context of labor and birth. In most
developed and many developing countries, birth takes place in an increasingly medicalized environment; with numerous surgical
interventions that women can sometimes be coerced into accepting, or which are done without her consent. Medicalized birthing
practices and interventions such as Caesarean sections, episiotomies and hormonal birth induction; which should normally be
restricted to only a minority of cases where risks for the mother are clear, are increasingly being used during births that could
otherwise take place naturally. Some organizations and scholars consider this a violent act against the woman and her child.
The concept also includes the unjustified use of instruments and maneuvers that have been recognized as risky to the health of the
mother and child, or whose benefits and risks have not been sufficiently examined (use of forceps, Kristeller maneuver,[202]
vacuum extraction[203]). The World Health Organization warns that “the boom in unnecessary surgeries is jeopardizing women’s
health”, that Caesarean sections have reached “epidemic proportions” in many countries (46% in China, 25% and above in many
Asian, European and Latin American countries), and that sometimes financial incentives for doctors and hospitals have an
influence too.[204]
Concerning episiotomies, the World Health Organization informs that they “carry a greater risk of getting infected, and can cause a
higher blood loss, than (natural) tears”, and that “Limiting the use of episiotomy to strict indications has a number of benefits: less
posterior perineal trauma, less need for suturing and fewer complications”.[205] England’s National Health Service informs that
episiotomies may cause pain and discomfort for the woman for many months after their child’s birth,[206] and the American
Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists also recommends a restriction on their use.[207] Some sources refer to North American
obstetricians and gynecologists, especially between the 1950s and 1980s, practicing what was called the husband’s stitch: placing
extra stitches in the woman’s vagina after the episiotomy or natural tearing, supposedly to increase the husband’s future sexual
pleasure and often causing long-term pain and discomfort to the woman. However, there is no proof that such a practice was
widespread in North America,[208][209] but mentions of it frequently appear in studies about episiotomy, also in other American
countries such as Brazil.[210]
The WHO recently stated that “in normal birth, there should be a valid reason to interfere with the natural process. The aim of care
is to achieve a healthy mother and child with the least possible level of intervention compatible with safety”.[211] Practices that
should be stopped (in normal labor), according to the WHO:
Shaving the pubic hair
Giving an enema to empty the bowels
Electronic fetal monitoring
Not letting the woman eat or drink
Telling the woman to hold her breath and push during the second stage of labor (rather than leaving it to do her own way)
Stretching and interfering with the entrance to the vagina when the baby is being born
Episiotomy
Taking the baby away from its mother at birth
Getting the woman to lie down on her back during labor and/or delivery

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The Fight for a More Humane and Respectful Birth
In Latin America, with the increasingly medicalized and surgical context of birth, many organizations propose a rediscovery of
natural, unmedicated birth.[212] Different scholars such as O. Fernández have analyzed the link between Post-traumatic Stress
Disorder and obstetric violence,[213][214] as have Olde et al.[215] Various NGO’s around the world have the purpose of defending
“the right to a respectful and humane birth”, such as the Canadian organization Humanize Birth,[216] or the Spanish association El
Parto es Nuestro (“Birth Is Ours”).[217] In the United States, Young Women United engages in policy and advocacy efforts to
improve the access that low income and pregnant people of color have to midwifery care, as well as improve breastfeeding rates in
New Mexico communities (Medicaid funding is also available for home births).[218] Other organizations such as The Birth Trauma
Association[219]claim to “support women suffering from Post Natal Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) or birth trauma”; which
rather than being the result of the birth process itself, is caused by “factors such as loss of control, loss of dignity, the hostile or
difficult attitudes of the people around them, feelings of not being heard or the absence of informed consent to medical
procedures”.[220] The WHO’s Reproductive Health library states that a de-humanized, highly medical context for normal births can
“promote the use of unnecessary interventions, neglect women’s emotional needs and contribute to a high overall cost of medical
services”.[221]

Legal Action Against Obstetric Violence

In Venezuela, as well as in the Mexican states of Veracruz, Chiapas, Guanajuato and Durango, laws have been passed to give
women the right to a life free of obstetric violence.[222] Venezuela’s Organic Law on the Right of Women to a Life Free of
Violence, approved November 2006, defines on its Article 51 the following acts as forms of obstetric violence:
Failing to timely and efficiently take care of obstetric emergencies
Forcing the woman to give birth in a face-up (lithotomy) position and with legs on stirrups, when the means are available for
vertical birth,
Blocking the child’s early attachment to the mother without a justified medical cause, denying the mother the possibility of
picking up the child and breastfeeding immediately after birth,
Altering the natural process of the low-risk birth, by use of induction and acceleration techniques, without obtaining the
mother’s voluntary, explicit and informed consent.
Practicing caesarean sections when the conditions are available for natural birth, without obtaining the mother’s voluntary,
explicit and informed consent.[223]
Mexico’s GIRE (Group for Information on Planned Reproduction) has issued a report where it also mentions the “normalization of
obstetric violence”, as well as psychological and emotional mistreatment by care providers being common during childbirth. It also
mentions forced sterilization as a form of severe violence against women; one which might disproportionally affect indigenous
women.[224] Psychological and verbal abuse during childbirth, as well as coercion into accepting surgical intervention, are also
documented in Goer’s “Cruelty in Maternity Wards: Fifty Years Later”; published in the Journal of Perinatal Education.[225]

Sport-Related Violence Against Women

Sport-related violence against women refers to any physical, sexual, mental acts that are “perpetrated by both male athletes and by
male fans or consumers of sport and sporting events, as well as by coaches of female athletes”.[226]
The documenting reports and literature suggest that there are obvious connections between contemporary sport and violence
against women. Such events as the 2010 World Cup, the Olympic and Commonwealth Games “have highlighted the connections
between sports spectatorship and intimate partner violence, and the need for police, authorities and services to be aware of this
when planning sporting events”.[226]
Sport-related violence can occur in various contexts and places, including homes, pubs, clubs, hotel rooms, the streets.[226]

Sport-Related Violence By Male College Athletes

Violence against women is a topic of concern in the United States’ collegiate athletic community. From the 2010 UVA lacrosse
murder, in which a male athlete was charged guilty with second degree murder of his girlfriend, to the 2004 University of Colorado
Football Scandal when players were charged with nine alleged sexual assaults,[227] studies suggest that athletes are at higher risk
for committing sexual assault against women than the average student.[228][229] It is reported that one in three college assaults are
committed by athletes.[230] Surveys suggest that male student athletes who represent 3.3% of the college population, commit 19%
of reported sexual assaults and 35% of domestic violence.[231] The theories that surround these statistics range from
misrepresentation of the student-athlete to an unhealthy mentality towards women within the team itself.[230]

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Controversy Over Contributing Factors
Sociologist Timothy Curry, after conducting an observational analysis of two big time sports’ locker room conversations, deduced
that the high risk of male student athletes for gender abuse is a result of the team’s subculture.[232] He states, “Their locker room
talk generally treated women as objects, encouraged sexist attitudes toward women and, in its extreme, promoted rape culture.”[232]
He proposes that this objectification is a way for the male to reaffirm his heterosexual status and hyper-masculinity. Claims have
been made that the atmosphere changes when an outsider (especially women) intrude in the locker room. In the wake of the
reporter Lisa Olson being harassed by a Patriots player in the locker room in 1990, she reflected, “We are taught to think we must
have done something wrong and it took me a while to realize I hadn’t done anything wrong.”[233]Other female sports reporters
(college and professional) have claimed that they often brush off the players’ comments which leads to further objectification.[233]
Other sociologists challenge this claim. Steve Chandler notes that because of their celebrity status on campus, “athletes are more
likely to be scrutinized or falsely accused than non-athletes.”[229] Another contender, Stephanie Mak, notes that, “if one considers
the 1998 estimates that about three million women were battered and almost one million raped, the proportion of incidences that
involve athletes in comparison to the regular population is relatively small.”[230]

Response to Violence by Male College Athletes

In response to the proposed link between college athletes and gender-based violence, and media coverage holding Universities as
responsible for these scandals more universities are requiring athletes to attend workshops that promote awareness. For example,
St. John’s University holds sexual assault awareness classes in the fall for its incoming student athletes.[234] Other groups, such as
the National Coalition Against Violent Athletes, have formed to provide support for the victims as their mission statement reads,
“The NCAVA works to eliminate off the field violence by athletes through the implementation of prevention methods that
recognize and promote the positive leadership potential of athletes within their communities. In order to eliminate violence, the
NCAVA is dedicated to empowering individuals affected by athlete violence through comprehensive services including advocacy,
education and counseling.”[235]

Online Violence Against Women

On September 24, 2015, the United Nations Broadband Commission released a report that claimed that almost 75% percent of
women online have encountered cyber violence.[236]

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10.18: Missing Women of Asia
The phenomenon of the missing women of Asia is a shortfall in the number of women in Asia relative to the number that would be
expected if there were no sex-selective abortion and female infanticide and if the newborn of both sexes received similar levels of
health care and nutrition.
Technologies that enable prenatal sex selection have been commercially available since the 1970s. The phenomenon was first noted
by the Indian Nobel Prize–winning economist Amartya Sen in an essay in The New York Review of Books in 1990,[1] and expanded
upon in his subsequent academic work. Sen originally estimated that more than a hundred million women were “missing” (in the
sense that their potential existence had been eliminated either through sex selective abortion, infanticide or inadequate nutrition
during infancy).
The disparity has also been found in the Chinese and Indian diasporas in the United States, albeit to a far lesser degree than in Asia.
An estimated 2000 Chinese and Indian female fetuses were aborted between 1991 and 2004, and a shortage can be traced back as
far as 1980.[2]
Some countries in the former Soviet Union also saw declines in female births after the revolutions of 1989, particularly in the
Caucasus region.[3]
Originally some other economists, notably Emily Oster, questioned Sen’s explanation, and argued that the shortfall was due to
higher prevalence of the hepatitis B virus in Asia compared to Europe, while her later research has established that the prevalence
of hepatitis B cannot account for more than an insignificant fraction of the missing women.[4] As a result, Sen’s explanation for the
phenomenon is still the most accepted one.

Figure 10.18.1 - Map indicating the human sex ratio by country

The Problem and Prevalence

According to Sen, women make up the majority of the world’s population, even though this is not the case throughout every
country. While there are typically more women than men in European and North American countries (at around 0.98 men to 1
woman for most of them, in number of males for each female), the sex ratio of developing countries in Asia, as well as the Middle
East, is much higher (in number of males for each female). This runs contrary to research that females tend to have better survival
rates than males, given the same amount of nutritional and medical attention.[1][5]
In China, the ratio of men to women is 1.06, far higher than most countries. The ratio is much higher than that for those born after
1985, when ultrasound technology became widely available. Translating this into an actual number means that in China alone, there
are 50 million women “missing” – that should be there but are not. Adding up similar numbers from South and West Asia results in
a number of “missing” women higher than 100 million.[1] According to Sen, “These numbers tell us, quietly, a terrible story of
inequality and neglect leading to the excess mortality of women.”[1]

Causes
Sen’s Original Argument
Sen argued that the disparity in sex ratio across eastern Asian countries like India, China, and Korea when compared to North
America and Europe, as seen in 1992, could only be explained by deliberate nutritional and health deprivations against female
children. These deprivations are caused by cultural mechanisms, such as traditions and values, that vary across countries and even

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regionally within countries.[6] Due to the inherent bias toward male children in many of these countries, female children, if born
despite many instances of sex-selective abortion, are born without the same sense of priority given to men. This is especially true in
the medical care given to men and women, as well as prioritizing who gets food in less privileged families, leading to lower
survival rates than if both genders were treated equally.[7]

Perspectives from Female Adults

According to Sen’s cooperative conflict model,[8] the relations within the household are characterized by both cooperation and
conflict: cooperation in the addition of resources and conflict in the division of resources among the household. These intra-
household processes are influenced by perceptions of one’s self-interest, contribution and welfare. One’s fall back position is the
situation for each party once the bargaining process has failed and also determines the ability of each party to survive outside of the
relationship.[8]
Typically, the fall-back position for men who have land ownership rights, more economic opportunities and less care work related
to children is better than a woman’s fall-back position, who is dependent on her husband for land and income. According to this
framework, when women lack a perception of personal interest and have greater concern for their family welfare gender
inequalities are sustained. Sen argues that women’s lower bargaining power in household decision contributes to the shortfall in
female populations across eastern Asia.[8]

Perspectives from Female Children

Figure 10.18.2 - The sex ratio by country for the population aged below 15. Red represents more women, blue more men than the
world average of 1.06 males/female.
Sen suggests that the care and nutrition female children receive may be positively correlated to the outside earning power and sense
of contribution of women when compared to men. Not all forms of outside work contribute equally to increasing women’s
bargaining power in the household as Sen also points out that the kind of outside work women do has bearing on their entitlements
and fall-back position. Women can be doubly exploited as in the case of the work done by lace-makers in Narsapur, India. Since the
work was done in the home it was perceived as only supplementary to male work rather than gainful outside contribution.[8]
Males are more prized in these regions where they are looked upon as more economically productive, and as women become more
economically productive themselves it may alter the view that female children can be economically productive as well. This may
increase girls’ chances of surviving to birth and receiving the care and attention during childhood that they need.[9] In a 2008 study,
Qian shows that when females in China earn a 10% increase in household income while male income is held constant, male births
fall by 1.2 percentage points. This female-specific wage boost also increases parents’ investment in female children, with female
children gaining 0.25 years more education. As a result, an increase in female-specific economic productivity helped boost both the
survival of and investment in female children. [10]

Perspectives Outside of Southeast Asia

The pattern of “missing women” is not uniform in all parts of developing nations.[11] For example, there is an “excess” of women
in Sub-Saharan Africa rather than a deficit. The ratio of women to men being around 1.02.[1] In Sub-Saharan Africa, a woman is
generally able to earn income from outside the home, increasing her contributions to her household and contributing to a different
overall view of the value of women compared to that of Southeast and East Asia. Sen implies that it is a woman’s opportunity to
participate in the labor force that affords her more bargaining power within the home. Sen is hopeful that policies aimed to address

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education, women’s property rights as well as economic rights and opportunities outside the home may improve the missing
women situation and fight the stigma attached to female children.[9]
Sen’s contention about gainful work outside the home has led to some debates. Berik and Bilginsoy researched Sen’s premise that
women’s economic opportunities outside of the home will diminish the disparity in the sex ratio in Turkey. They found that as
women participated more in the work force and maintained their unpaid labor the sex ratio disparity grew, contrary to Sen’s
original prediction.[12]

Sen’s Amended Theory

Figure 10.18.3 - The sex ratio by country for the population aged above 65. Red represents more women, blue more men than the
world average of 0.79 males/female.
Later, in 2001, in response to the preliminary findings of the Indian Census, Sen amended his original argument to account for a
new kind of discrimination against women being found in various states of India. Women’s increased educational attainment was
associated with the rise in the population sex ratio of India.[6]
Similarly, as women were able to afford better healthcare and economic opportunities outside the home they increasingly had
access to healthcare facilities including ultrasound treatment. This, according to Sen, is actually exacerbating the problem, allowing
parents to screen out the unwanted female fetuses before they are even born. He referred to this inequality as “high tech sexism.”
Sen concluded that these biases against women were so “entrenched” that even relative economic improvements in the lives of
households have only enabled these parents a different avenue for rejecting their female children. Sen then argued that instead of
just increasing women’s economic rights and opportunities outside the home a greater emphasis needed to be placed on raising
consciousness to eradicate the strong biases against female children.[6]
One reason for parents, even mothers, to avoid daughters is the traditional patriarchal culture in the countries where the elimination
of females takes place. As parents grow older they can expect much more help and support from their independent sons, than from
daughters, who after getting married become in a sense property of their husbands’ families, and, even if educated and generating
significant income, have limited ability to interact with their natal families. Women are also often practically unable to inherit real
estate, so a mother-widow will lose her family’s (in reality her late husband’s) plot of land and become indigent if she had had only
daughters. Poor rural families have meager resources to distribute among their children, which reduces the opportunity to
discriminate against girls.[13]

References
1. a b c d e Sen, Amartya (20 December 1990). “More Than 100 Million Women Are Missing”. New York Review of Books37 (20).
2. www.aeaweb.org/articles.php?...1257/app.1.2.1
3. http://www.economist.com/news/europe...rcide-caucasus
4. a b Oster, Emily; Chen, Gang; Yu, Xinsen; Lin, Wenyao (2008). “Hepatitis B Does Not Explain Male-Biased Sex Ratios in
China”(PDF). Retrieved 19 May 2009.
5. Waldron, Ingrid (1983). “Sex differences in human mortality: The role of genetic factors”. Social Science & Medicine17 (6):
321–333. doi:10.1016/0277-9536(83)90234-4. Retrieved 7 April 2011.
6. a b c d e f g Sen, Amartya. “MANY FACES OF GENDER INEQUALITY”. Frontline. Retrieved 2014-03-28.

10.18.3 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5959

 7. Sen, Amartya (1990-12-20). “More Than 100 Million Women Are Missing”. The New York Review of Books. ISSN 0028-7504.
Retrieved 2015-09-15.
8. a b c d Sen, Amartya (1987). “Gender and cooperative conflicts.”. Helsinki: World Institute for Development Economics
Research.
9. a b Sen, Amartya (1992). “Missing Women” (PDF). BMJ: British Medical Journal. 304.6827 (6827): 587–8. PMC:
1881324.PMID 1559085.
10. Qian, N. (2008). Missing women and the price of tea in China: The effect of sex-specific earnings on sex imbalance. The
Quarterly Journal of Economics, 123(3), 1251-1285.
11. Sen, Amartya (12/20/1990). “More Than 100 Million Women Are Missing”. The New York Review. Retrieved 4/21/16.Check
date values in: |access-date=, |date= (help)
12. Berik, Günseli; Cihan Bilginsoy (2000). “Type of work matters: women’s labor force participation and the child sex ratio in
Turkey.”(PDF). World Development. 5 28: 861–878. doi:10.1016/s0305-750x(99)00164-3.
13. a b c “The Daughter Deficit” by Tina Rosenberg, The New York Times Magazine, August 23, 2009.

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
11: Politics and Culture
Topic hierarchy
11.1: Political Systems
11.2: Bands
11.3: Tribes
11.4: Chiefdoms
11.5: States
11.6: Social Stratification
11.7: Indian Caste System
11.8: Social Control
11.9: Genocide

Thumbnail image - Friday, Day 14 of w:Occupy Wall Street - photos from the camp in Zuccotti Park and the march against police
brutality, walking to One Police Plaza, headquarters of the NYPD. By David Shankbone (Own work) [CC BY 3.0
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons

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1 5/12/2022
11.1: Political Systems

Figure 11.1.1 - A protester in Cairo’s Tahrir Square show unity with the protesters in Wisconsin.
Human groups have developed ways in which public decision-making, leadership, maintenance of social cohesion and order,
protection of group rights, and safety from external threats are handled. Anthropologists identify these as political systems or
political organizations. In studying political systems, anthropologists have learned about the myriad ways that people acquire
power, or the ability to get others to do what one wants, and authority, or socially acceptable ways in which to wield power. While
political anthropologists and political scientists share an interest in political systems, political anthropologists are interested in the
political systems from all different types of societies while political scientists focus on contemporary nation-states.

Political Organization
Anthropologists use a typological system when discussing political organization. Introduced by Elman Service in 1962, the system
uses “…types of leadership, societal integration and cohesion, decision-making mechanisms, and degree of control over people”
(Bonvillain 2010: 303) to categorize a group’s political organization. Service identified four types of political organizations: bands,
tribes, chiefdoms, and states that are closely related to subsistence strategies. As with any typological system, these types are ideals
and there is variation within groups. Political organization can be thought of as a continuum with groups falling in between the
ideals. It is important to note that today the various types of political organizations operate within the modern nation-state system.

References
1. Adem, Teferi Abate. “Basseri.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 18, 2015. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
2. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2010.
3. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
4. Gilbert, Michelle, Robert O. Lagacé, and Ian Skoggard. “Akan.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 21, 2015.
http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
5. Irvine, Dean. “Japan’s Hidden People: Ainu Try to Keep Ancient Traditions Alive.” CNN News. Last update February 9, 2015.
www.cnn.com/2015/02/09/travel...inu/index.html.
6. Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko. “Ainu.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 18, 2015. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
7. O’Neil, Dennis. “Political Organization: An Anthropological View of Political Systems.” Last updated November 8, 2007.
anthro.palomar.edu/political/default.htm.
8. Reeves, Elaine M. “Political Organizations.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 1, edited by H. James
Birx, p. 182-190. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2010.

11.1: Political Systems is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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11.2: Bands
A band is a “…small, loosely organized [group] of people held together by informal means” (Gezen and Kottak 2014: 303). Its
political organization is concerned with meeting basic needs for survival. Decision-making and leadership are focused on how best
to meet those needs. Membership can be fluid. Power can be situational with leadership based on the skills and personality of an
individual. Leaders do not have the power to enforce their will on the group; all members of the group, generally adults, contribute
to the decision-making process. Because of this group decision-making process and the fact that everyone has access to the
resources needed to survive, bands are egalitarian. Just like other members of the band, leaders are expected to contribute to the
economic resources of the group. Authority is relegated within families, but due to the egalitarian nature of bands, even within
families authority may not be strong.
In general, bands have a small number of people who are kin or loyal to the leader. Subsistence is based on foraging, thus bands
need a fair amount of land from which to gather, hunt, and fish, which also contributes to the small size of bands as the group does
not want to surpass the carrying capacity of their territory. Bands may be fairly mobile as they seasonally follow food sources.
They may have semi-permanent settlements that are reused at specific times of the year. The concept of private property is
generally absent, although if it is present, it is weak. This means that land is not owned, but can be used communally. Social
stratification is absent or based on skills and age.
Bands in the modern world are relegated to marginal environments such as the arctic, deserts, and dense forests. Examples include
the Mbuti and Ju’/hoansi in Africa, the Netsilik and Inuit in Canada, the Lapp of Scandinavia, the Tiwi in Australia, and the Ainu in
Japan.

Figure 11.2.1 - Ainu bear sacrifice.

The Ainu, meaning “human,” are traditional foraging peoples of the Far East. There are three major groups named after the islands
on which they live, the Hokkaidō, the Sakhalin, and the Kurlie. Hokkaidō Island currently is part of Japan, while Sakhalin and
Kurlie islands are part of Russia.
There was some variability in the settlement pattern of the three groups up until the 20th century when interaction with modern
nation-states greatly changed their cultures. The Sakhalin and Kurlie were fairly mobile with the former settling near the coast
during the summer and inland during winter. The Kurlie moved more frequently. The Hokkaidō resided in permanent settlements
along rivers rich in fish. It was in the richest environments along rivers that supported denser populations. Most settlements
contained no more than five families.
Fishing, hunting, and gathering provided necessary sustenance. The division of labor fell out along gender lines, with men
responsible for fishing both freshwater and marine species and hunting (bear and deer in Hokkaidō and musk deer and reindeer in
Sakhalin) and women responsible for gathering plants. Traditional tools such as bow and arrow, set-trap bow, spears, nets, and

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weirs were used for hunting and fishing. The Hokkaidō used trained hunting dogs (the Sakhalin used sled dogs as well). Aconite
and stingray poison was employed to ensure wounded animals would collapse within a short distance.
There is some variation in kinship among the Ainu, but generally, they are patrilineal with the nuclear family as the basic social
unit. Polygyny is acceptable among prominent males. Cousins from an individual’s mother’s side are prohibited from marrying.
Sociopolitical power is held by males and has a strong religious component. Political organization is within settlements; however,
some smaller settlements may align themselves with adjacent larger settlements. Elders are involved in the decision-making
process.
Religious beliefs permeate all aspects of Ainu life; from the way food scraps are disposed of to declaration of war have religious
overtones. Nature deities reign supreme among the Ainu, with animal deities taking the form of humans when interacting with the
Ainu people. The bear, representing the supreme deity in disguise, is the most sacred figure. The Ainu have many religious
ceremonies, but the bear ceremony, which takes two years to complete, is the most important. It is a funeral ritual for a dead bear in
which the soul of the bear is sent back to the mountains to be reborn as another bear. This is to ensure that the deities continue to
gift the Ainu with fur and meat. The bear ceremony has political overtones, as the political leader is responsible for hosting the
ceremony. The ceremony acts as a way for the leader to display their power as they are expected to display their wealth through
trade items. Both men and women can be shamans, or religious leaders. In fact, most shamans are women and represents a socially
acceptable way for a woman to wield, albeit little, power within Ainu culture.
The Ainu culture has been greatly impacted by contact with both Japanese and Russian governments as control of traditional lands
changed hands. The Hokkaidō’s, through influence from the Japanese, were forced to live in smaller territories and to adopt an
agricultural lifestyle. In recent years, the Ainu, like indigenous peoples worldwide, struggle against prejudice and discrimination in
Japan. The Japanese government did not recognize the Ainu as indigenous to Japan until 2008. Two times as many Hokkaidō rely
on social welfare programs compared to the majority of Japanese population (Irvine 2015), but the Japanese government is now
trying to learn more about the challenges that face the Ainu peoples.
Optional: You can learn more about the Ainu by visiting the Ainu museum, www.ainu-museum.or.jp/en/study/eng01.html, and
NOVA’s “Origins of the Ainu,”http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/hokkaido/ainu.html.

References
1. Adem, Teferi Abate. “Basseri.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 18, 2015. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
2. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2010.
3. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
4. Gilbert, Michelle, Robert O. Lagacé, and Ian Skoggard. “Akan.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 21, 2015.
http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
5. Irvine, Dean. “Japan’s Hidden People: Ainu Try to Keep Ancient Traditions Alive.” CNN News. Last update February 9, 2015.
www.cnn.com/2015/02/09/travel...inu/index.html.
6. Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko. “Ainu.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 18, 2015. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
7. O’Neil, Dennis. “Political Organization: An Anthropological View of Political Systems.” Last updated November 8, 2007.
anthro.palomar.edu/political/default.htm.
8. Reeves, Elaine M. “Political Organizations.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 1, edited by H. James
Birx, p. 182-190. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2010.

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11.3: Tribes
Like bands, tribes’ political organization is focused on meeting basic needs of the group; however, the structure and organization
are more formalized because most are reliant on pastoralism or horticulture. This leads to concepts of communal ownership of
animals or land. Membership in tribes is usually restricted to descent groups. Tribes generally have more permanent settlements
than bands. While still relatively egalitarian, political leaders have more power than the leaders of bands. However, leaders who try
to exercise too much power can be deposed through socially structured methods. This helps to prevent over-centralization of power
and wealth.
Tribal leaders are reliant on personal skills and charisma to achieve and maintain their power and status. Status refers to the
position an individual has within a society. An individual holds multiple statuses that can change over time. Some statuses are
ascribed in that they are assigned to us without reference to personal skill, e.g., sex and age. Other statuses are achieved and are
based on our skills, choices, and accomplishments. Tribal leaders have a combination of ascribed status and achieved status. Most
tribal leaders are male (ascribed status) and eloquent (achieved status). Many tribal leaders are leaders solely of their village. The
Yanomami of the Amazon region have a village head with limited authority. The village head is always male who leads through
example and persuasion. He may be called upon to mediate conflict, but lacks the power to enforce his decision. The headman is
expected to be more generous and fierce than others in the village. If people within the village do not like how the headman is
leading the group, they may leave and create their own village. In Papua New Guinea and the Melanesian Islands, the big man is
the political leader. While big men have some similarities to the headman, one difference is that they have regional influence with
supporters in multiple villages. Highly charismatic, the big man uses his powers of persuasion to convince others to hold feasts and
support him during times of conflict. Another difference is that big men are wealthier than others. In New Guinea, the big man’s
wealth resides in the number of pigs that he has; however, the big man was expected to redistribute his wealth in the form of feasts.
Pigs were also used to trade for support. Sometimes tribes would band together to form a pantribal sodality, “…a nonkin-based
group that exists throughout a tribe…” (Gezen and Kottak 2014: 107). These sodalities span multiple villages and may form during
times of warfare with other tribes.
Examples of tribal cultures include the Cheyenne and Blackfeet of North America, the Berbers and Amhara of Africa, the Munda
of India, the Hmong of Southeast Asia, and the Basseri of Iran.

Figure 11.3.1 - Basseri of Iran.

The Basseri live in the Fars Province of southwest Iran. They are a pastoral people, raising a variety of animals including donkeys,
camels, horses, sheep, and goats. The Basseri share a language and cultural traits with nearby tribes, but consider themselves a
distinct cultural group who traditionally fell under the authority of a supreme chief. In the 1950s, the government of Iran wrested
power from the traditional chief and invested it in the national army operating in the Fars region. The information that follows
relates to pre-1950s Basseri. Anthropological research on the Basseri is notably lacking since the late 1950s.
The Basseri move seasonally, spending the rainy season on mountain flanks and spring in the lower valleys. In summer, the Bessari
moved south to live in large, summer camps where they would stay until the rainy season began. If someone lost their herd, they
usually left the group to live with local agricultural peoples. If the individual was able to earn enough money to reestablish their
herd, they returned to the Basseri. Sheep and goats were the most important herd animals as they provided the people with not only

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meat and milk, but wool and hides. The Basseri used lambskins, wool, clarified butter, and the occasional livestock to sell so they
could buy flour, fruits, vegetables, tea, sugar, and other items they needed. Wealth was not just in their herds, but the wealthier
Basseri often had luxury goods such as china, narcotics, jewelry, saddles, etc. Ownership of pastureland belonged to patrilineages.
Any member of that patriline had the right to use the pastureland.
The basic social unit was the “tent,” which was basically a nuclear family headed by a man. Each tent was considered an
independent political unit responsible for its own production and consumption. Tents belonged to camps consisting of the same
descent group. Tent- or camp leaders made joint decisions about herd movement, selection of campsites, etc. Sometimes a camp
leader would emerge, generally someone with considerable persuasive power, but consensus was the main form of decision-
making. Political authority was vested in a tribal chief who had autocratic authority, or total authority and control, over the Basseri.
The chief used gifts to influence camp leaders. When disputes could not be settled within a camp, the chief made the final decision.
The division of labor fell along gender lines. Women and girls were responsible for cooking, baking, and other household duties.
They were also responsible for making rugs, packbags, and other items used for packing belongings. Men provided wood and water
for the household, and were responsible for the protection of the group. They also represented the household in all social and
economic dealings.

References
1. Adem, Teferi Abate. “Basseri.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 18, 2015. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
2. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2010.
3. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
4. Gilbert, Michelle, Robert O. Lagacé, and Ian Skoggard. “Akan.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 21, 2015.
http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
5. Irvine, Dean. “Japan’s Hidden People: Ainu Try to Keep Ancient Traditions Alive.” CNN News. Last update February 9, 2015.
www.cnn.com/2015/02/09/travel...inu/index.html.
6. Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko. “Ainu.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 18, 2015. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
7. O’Neil, Dennis. “Political Organization: An Anthropological View of Political Systems.” Last updated November 8, 2007.
anthro.palomar.edu/political/default.htm.
8. Reeves, Elaine M. “Political Organizations.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 1, edited by H. James
Birx, p. 182-190. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2010.

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11.4: Chiefdoms
Chiefdoms constitute a political organization characterized by social hierarchies and consolidation of political power into fulltime
specialists who control production and distribution of resources. Sometimes the prestige of the leader and their family is higher, but
not always. The leader, or chief, was a bit like a big man on steroids; they were reliant on their persuasive skills, but had more
control over resources. Chiefs were often spiritual leaders, which helped to demonstrate their right to lead. They were responsible
for settling disputes among their constituents, but could not always enforce their decisions. Successive leadership usually fell
within a family line, something that contributed to the development of a hierarchical society; however, leadership was not
guaranteed. Chiefs had to continually demonstrate their ability to lead. Competition for leadership could be fierce. Warfare was
frequent, the nature of which changed; economic gain was a primary motive.
All chiefdoms that have been anthropologically identified were based on horticulture or intensive agriculture with one notable
exception. In the Pacific Northwest of North America, chiefdoms emerged based on foraging. This was possible because the rich
environment was able to produce a surplus. Having a surplus of food in particular allowed leaders to have enough goods to
redistribute and accumulate in order to maintain power. Members of the chiefdom were required to handover part of their harvest to
the leader (or chief/king) or their appointed representatives. The chief was expected to redistribute some of this “tax” back to the
people through gifting and feasting. Prestige within the chiefdom lay in the amount people were able to give to the chief and in the
amount the chief gave back to individuals or families. This differential access, or unequal access to resources, prestige, and power,
is a hallmark of a stratified society. In some groups, it was impossible to move out of one social strata and into another.
Membership in the chiefdom was primarily kin-based, but the group could be significantly larger than a tribe. Chiefdoms
incorporated multiple hamlets, villages, and possibly small cities into one political unit. Occupational specialization, where people
have different jobs within the society and are reliant on others for some of the goods they consume, becomes prevalent within
chiefdoms. Within this cultural environment, people began to have a sense of belonging to entities beyond their kin group, their
occupation being one of their identities.
Examples of chiefdoms include the Trobriand and Tongan Islanders in the Pacific, the Maori of New Zealand, the ancient Olmec of
Mexico (only known archaeologically), the Natchez of the Mississippi Valley, the Kwakwaka’wakw of British Columbia, and the
Zulu and Ashanti in Africa.

Figure 11.4.1 - The Ashanti, Ghana (The National Archives UK)

The Ashanti are one of several Akan groups in southern and central Ghana and the Ivory Coast. In the eighteenth-century, the
Ashanti formed a confederacy of several Akan groups. Over the following century, the Ashanti expanded their territory through
conquest, providing a larger economic base for the chief or Omanhene. After decades of conflict with the British colonial power, in
1901 the British prevailed and the Ashanti leaders were exiled.
The basic settlement pattern of the Ashanti chiefdom was a series of villages and towns centered on the palace of a chief. Kin
groups inhabited the villages. Agriculture based on yam, guinea corn, manioc, and maize formed the backbone of subsistence. Pre-
British takeover, slave and servants comprised farm labor. After, hired laborers and sharecropping are the norm. Craft specialization
was an important part of the Ashanti economy. Weaving, woodcarving, ceramics, and metallurgy were the primary occupations.

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While women and men shared in the farming work, women were only allowed to specialize in pottery making; all of the other craft
specialization was the purview of men. The Ashanti engaged in trade with neighboring societies with gold and slaves forming the
commercial basis of the traditional trade economy (Gilbert et al n.d.).
Clans held ownership of land. It was inherited along matrilines. If a clan failed to work the land, ownership would resort to the
chiefdom itself. While all Ashanti recognize matrilineal descent, power is restricted to men. The mother’s line determines to which
clan an individual belongs, while paternity determines membership in other groups such as spirit. Membership in the various
categories includes obligations to observe certain rituals and taboos. The Ashanti believe that an individual’s personality is
influenced by membership in the various groups.
The Omanhene always came from “kingly lineages.” Officials, including the matriarchs of the clans, elected the Omanhene. This
individual was chosen based on his personal qualities such as personality and competency. Once selected the individual was
“enstooled,” which refers to the act of being seated upon the stool that symbolized kingship. The new king takes on the identity of
the previous ruler, forsaking his previous identity. He becomes a sacred person and cannot eat, drink, speak, or be spoken to
publically. Communication takes place through the Okyeame, or linguist. The king never steps barefoot on the earth and is covered
with an umbrella when he ventures outside. While the power of modern Ashanti kings has eroded, in the past, they had the power
of life and death over their constituents.

References
1. Adem, Teferi Abate. “Basseri.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 18, 2015. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
2. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2010.
3. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
4. Gilbert, Michelle, Robert O. Lagacé, and Ian Skoggard. “Akan.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 21, 2015.
http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
5. Irvine, Dean. “Japan’s Hidden People: Ainu Try to Keep Ancient Traditions Alive.” CNN News. Last update February 9, 2015.
www.cnn.com/2015/02/09/travel...inu/index.html.
6. Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko. “Ainu.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 18, 2015. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
7. O’Neil, Dennis. “Political Organization: An Anthropological View of Political Systems.” Last updated November 8, 2007.
anthro.palomar.edu/political/default.htm.
8. Reeves, Elaine M. “Political Organizations.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 1, edited by H. James
Birx, p. 182-190. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2010.

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11.5: States

Figure 11.5.1 - A class photo of the 110th United States Senate.

State-level societies are the most complex in terms of social, economic, and political organization, and have a formal government
and social classes. States control or influence many areas of its members lives. From regulation of social relations like marriage to
outlining the rights and obligations of its citizens, there is little in daily life that is not impacted. States have large populations and
share the following characteristics:
States have power over their domain. They define citizenship and its rights and responsibilities. Inequality is the norm, with clear
social classes defined. States monopolize the use of force and maintenance of law and order through laws, courts, and police. States
maintain standing armies and police forces. They keep track of citizens in terms of number, age, gender, location, and wealth
through census systems. They have the power to extract resources from citizens through taxes, which can be through cash such as
the U. S. tax system or through labor such as the Incan mita system where people paid with their labor. States also have the ability
to manipulate information.
States control population in numerous ways. They regulate marriage and adoption. They create administrative divisions, e.g.,
provinces, districts, counties, townships, that help to create loyalties and help to administer social services and organize law
enforcement. They may foster geographic mobility and resettlement that breaks down the power of kin relationships and create
divided loyalty, e.g., resettlement of Native Americans on reservations.
States often uses religious beliefs and symbols to maintain power. State leaders may claim to be a deity may conscript popular
ideology for political purposes. Regalia may be used to create a sense of pageantry and authority.
Most states are hierarchical and patriarchal. There have been female leaders, e.g., Indira Gandhi (India), Golda Meir (Israel),
Margaret Thatcher (Great Britain), and Benazir Bhutto (Pakistan), but no female-dominated states have been documented.
Social control is of key concern to state leadership and is maintained through the formal methods mentioned above and informal
methods such as psychological manipulation. Hegemony is the internalization of a dominant ideology (Gezen and Kottak 2014:
116), which can happen through such things as the enculturation process and persuasion through media and propaganda. The social
order then seems normal and natural. Resistance is quickly squashed through shaming, gossip, stigma, and use of formal
enforcement and judiciary means.
The subsistence base of all states is intensive agriculture. The first states centered production on one major crop that could be
produced in large quantities and was easily storable: wheat, rice, millet, barley, maize, and tubers (potato, manioc, yams). Wheat,
rice, and maize still dominate production today.

Explore: Learn More About the Anthropologists

Elman Service:
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References
1. Adem, Teferi Abate. “Basseri.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 18, 2015. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
2. Bonvillain, Nancy. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2010.
3. Gezen, Lisa, and Conrad Kottak. Culture, 2nd edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
4. Gilbert, Michelle, Robert O. Lagacé, and Ian Skoggard. “Akan.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 21, 2015.
http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.

Lumen Learning 11.5.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5637

 5. Irvine, Dean. “Japan’s Hidden People: Ainu Try to Keep Ancient Traditions Alive.” CNN News. Last update February 9, 2015.
www.cnn.com/2015/02/09/travel...inu/index.html.
6. Ohnuki-Tierney, Emiko. “Ainu.” eHraf World Cultures. Accessed April 18, 2015. http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu.
7. O’Neil, Dennis. “Political Organization: An Anthropological View of Political Systems.” Last updated November 8, 2007.
anthro.palomar.edu/political/default.htm.
8. Reeves, Elaine M. “Political Organizations.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 1, edited by H. James
Birx, p. 182-190. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, Inc., 2010.

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11.6: Social Stratification
Social stratification is a society’s categorization of people into socioeconomic strata, based upon their occupation and income,
wealth and social status, or derived power (social and political). As such, stratification is the relative social position of persons
within a social group, category, geographic region, or social unit. In modern Western societies, social stratification typically is
distinguished as three social classes: (i) the upper class, (ii) the middle class, and (iii) the lower class; in turn, each class can be
subdivided into strata, e.g. the upper-stratum, the middle-stratum, and the lower stratum.[1] Moreover, a social stratum can be
formed upon the bases of kinship or caste, or both.
The categorization of people by social strata occurs in all societies, ranging from the complex, state-based societies to tribal and
feudal societies, which are based upon socio-economic relations among classes of nobility and classes of peasants. Historically,
whether or not hunter-gatherer societies can be defined as socially stratified or if social stratification began with agriculture and
common acts of social exchange, remains a debated matter in the social sciences.[2] Determining the structures of social
stratification arises from inequalities of status among persons, therefore, the degree of social inequality determines a person’s social
stratum. Generally, the greater the social complexity of a society, the more social strata exist, by way of social differentiation.[3]
An open class system is the stratification that facilitates social mobility, with individual achievement and personal merit
determining social rank. The hierarchical social status of a person is achieved through their effort. Any status that is based on
family background, ethnicity, gender, and religion, which is also known as ascribed status, becomes less important. There is no
distinct line between the classes and there would be more positions within that status. Core industrial nations seem to have more of
[4][5]
an ideal open class system.
Caste is a form of social stratification characterized by endogamy, hereditary transmission of a lifestyle which often includes an
occupation, status in a hierarchy and customary social interaction and exclusion based on cultural notions of superiority.[6][7]

References
1. a b Saunders, Peter (1990). Social Class and Stratification. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-04125-6.
2. Toye, David L. (May 2004). “The Emergence of Complex Societies: A Comparative Approach”. World History Connected 11
(2).
3. a b c Grusky, David B. (2011). “Theories of Stratification and Inequality”. In Ritzer, George and J. Michael Ryan (eds.). The
Concise Encyclopedia of Sociology. Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 622–624. Retrieved 23 June 2014.
4. Windows on Humanity by Conrad Kottak. Chapter 17, page 398.
5. Sociology and You by Shepard and Greene McGraw Hill.A-26
6. Scott & Marshall 2005, p. 66.
7. Winthrop 1991, pp. 27–30.

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11.7: Indian Caste System
The caste system in India is a system of social stratification[1] which has pre-modern origins, was transformed by the British Raj,
[2][3][4][5]
and is today the basis of reservation in India. It consists of two different concepts, varna and jāti, which may be regarded
as different levels of analysis of this system.[6]
Varna may be translated as “class,” and refers to the four social classes which existed in the Vedic society, namely Brahmins,
Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras.[6] Certain groups, now known as Dalits, were historically excluded from the varna system
altogether, and are still ostracized as untouchables.[7][8]
Jāti may be translated as caste, and refers to birth. The names of jātis are usually derived from occupations, and considered to be
hereditary and endogamous, but this may not always have been the case. The jātisdeveloped in post-Vedic times, possibly from
crystallisation of guilds during its feudal era.[9] The jātis are often thought of as belonging to one of the four varnas.[10]
The varnas and jatis have pre-modern origins, and social stratification may already have existed in pre-Vedic times. Between ca.
2,200 BCE and 100 CE admixture between northern and southern populations in India took place, after which a shift to endogamy
took place. This shift may be explained by the “imposition of some social values and norms” which were “enforced through the
powerful state machinery of a developing political economy”.[11]
The caste system as it exists today is thought to be the result of developments during the collapse of the Mughal era and the British
colonial regime in India.[2][12] The collapse of the Mughal era saw the rise of powerful men who associated themselves with kings,
priests and ascetics, affirming the regal and martial form of the caste ideal, and it also reshaped many apparently casteless social
groups into differentiated caste communities.[13] The British Raj furthered this development, making rigid caste organisation a
central mechanism of administration.[2][12][4][14][5][15]Between 1860 and 1920, the British segregated Indians by caste, granting
administrative jobs and senior appointments only to the upper castes. Social unrest during the 1920s led to a change in this policy.
[16]
From then on, the colonial administration began a policy of positive discrimination by reserving a certain percentage of
government jobs for the lower castes.
Caste-based differences have also been practised in other regions and religions in the Indian subcontinent like Nepalese Buddhism,
[17]
Christianity, Islam, Judaism and Sikhism.[18][19][20] It has been challenged by many reformist Hindu movements,[21] Islam,
Sikhism, Christianity [18]and also by present-day Indian Buddhism.[22]
New developments took place after India achieved independence, when the policy of caste-based reservation of jobs was
formalised with lists of Scheduled Castes (Dalit) and Scheduled Tribes (Adivasi). Since 1950, the country has enacted many laws
and social initiatives to protect and improve the socioeconomic conditions of its lower caste population. These caste classifications
for college admission quotas, job reservations and other affirmative action initiatives, according to the Supreme Court of India, are
based on heredity and are not changeable.[23][a] Discrimination against lower castes is illegal in India under Article 15 of its
constitution, and India tracks violence against Dalits nationwide.[24]
Varna ( ) is a Sanskrit word which means color or class.[25][26] Ancient Hindu literature classified all humankind, and all created
beings, in principle into four varnas:[25][27]
the Brahmins: priests, teachers and preachers.
the Kshatriyas: kings, governors, warriors and soldiers.
the Vaishyas: cattle herders, agriculturists, artisans[28] and merchants.[29]
the Shudras: laborers and service providers.

References
1. *Berreman, Gerald D. (1972), “Race, Caste, and Other Invidious Distinctions in Social Stratification” (PDF), Race(University
of California, Berkeley) 13: 389,doi:10.1177/030639687201300401
2. a b c d e de Zwart (2000)
3. a b Bayly, Caste, Society and Politics (2001), pp. 25-27, 392
4. a b St. John, Making of the Raj (2012), p. 103
5. a b c Sathaye (2015), p. 214
6. a b Smith, Varna and Jati (2005), pp. 9522-9524
7. Sadangi (2008)
8. Jaffrelot, Impact of Affirmative Action (2006)

11.7.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5967

 9. a b c Dipankar Gupta, Interrogating Caste (2000), p. 212
10. Robb, Race in South Asia (1997), pp. 91-99, 349-353
11. a b Basu 2016, p. 1598.
12. a b Bayly, Caste, Society and Politics (2001), p. 392
13. a b Bayly, Caste, Society and Politics (2001), pp. 26-27what happened in the initial phase of this two-stage sequence was the
rise of the royal man of prowess. In this period, both kings and the priests and ascetics with whom men of power were able to
associate their rule became a growing focus for the affirmation of a martial and regal form of caste ideal. (…) The other key
feature of this period was the reshaping of many apparently casteless forms of devotional faith in a direction which further
affirmed these differentiations of rank and community.
14. a b c Dirks, Castes of Mind (2001)
15. a b Dirks, Scandal of Empire (2006), p. 27
16. a b c Burguière & Grew (2001), pp. 215-229
17. LeVine, Sarah (2009). Rebuilding Buddhism: The Theravada Movement in Twentieth-Century Nepal. Harvard University Press.
p. 21. ISBN 9780674025547.
18. a b Cohen, Stephen P. (2001). India: Emerging Power. Brookings Institution Press. p. 21. ISBN 9780815798392.
19. a b c d e Chaudhary (2013), p. 149
20. a b c Christian Castes Encyclopædia Britannica.
21. Dirks, Castes of Mind (2001), p. 3.
22. Omvedt, Gail (2014). Buddhism in India: Challenging Brahmanism and Caste. SAGE Classics. p. 252.ISBN 9788132110286.
23. a b Ex-India President Narayanan dies BBC News (2005)
24. CRIME AGAINST PERSONS BELONGING TO SCs / STsGovernment of India (2011), page 108
25. a b Doniger, Wendy (1999). Merriam-Webster’s encyclopedia of world religions. Springfield, MA, USA: Merriam-Webster. p.
186.ISBN 978-0-87779-044-0.
26. Stanton, Andrea (2012). An Encyclopedia of Cultural Sociology of the Middle East, Asia, and Africa. USA: SAGE Publications.
pp. 12–13. ISBN 978-1-4129-8176-7.
27. Ingold, Tim (1994). Companion encyclopedia of anthropology. London New York: Routledge. p. 1026. ISBN 978-0-415-28604-
6.
28. Hazen, Walter (2003). Inside Hinduism. Milliken Publishing. p. 4.
29. a b Kumar, Arun (2002). Encyclopaedia of Teaching of Agriculture. Anmol Publications. p. 411. ISBN 978-81-261-1316-3.

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11.8: Social Control

Figure 11.8.1 - Signs warning of prohibited activities; an example of a social control.

Social control is a concept within the disciplines of the social sciences and within political science.[1]
Sociologists identify two basic forms of social control:
1. Informal means of control – Internalization of norms and values by a process known as socialization, which is defined as “the
process by which an individual, born with behavioral potentialities of enormously wide range, is led to develop actual behavior
which is confined to the narrower range of what is acceptable for him by the group standards.”[2]
2. Formal means of social control – External sanctions enforced by government to prevent the establishment of chaos or anomie
in society. Some theorists, such as Émile Durkheim, refer to this form of control as regulation.
As briefly defined above, the means to enforce social control can be either informal or formal.[3] Sociologist Edward A. Ross
argues that belief systems exert a greater control on human behavior than laws imposed by government, no matter what form the
beliefs take.[4]
Social control is considered to be one of the foundations of order within society.[5]

Definition of the Concept

Roodenburg identifies the concept of social control as a classical concept.[6]
While the concept of social control has been around since the formation of organized sociology, the meaning has been altered over
time. Originally, the concept simply referred to society’s ability to regulate itself.[7] However, in the 1930s, the term took on its
more modern meaning of an individual’s conversion to conformity.[7] Social control theory began to be studied as a separate field
in the early 20th century.
The concept of social control is related to another concept, which is the notion of social order. Social control is a thing which is
identified as existing in the following areas of society:[1]
The education system
Policing and the law
Psychiatry
Social work
The welfare state
The working environment

Informal
Social Values
The social values present in individuals are products of informal social control, exercised implicitly by a society through particular
customs, norms, and mores. Individuals internalize the values of their society, whether conscious or not of the indoctrination.
Traditional society relies mostly on informal social control embedded in its customary culture to socialize its members.

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Sanctions
Informal sanctions may include shame, ridicule, sarcasm, criticism, and disapproval, which can cause an individual to stray
towards the social norms of the society. In extreme cases sanctions may include social discrimination and exclusion. Informal
social control usually has more effect on individuals because the social values become internalized, thus becoming an aspect of the
individual’s personality.
Informal sanctions check ‘deviant’ behavior. An example of a negative sanction comes from a scene in the Pink Floyd film ‘The
Wall,’ whereby the young protagonist is ridiculed and verbally abused by a high school teacher for writing poetry in a mathematics
class. Another example from the movie ‘About a Boy’, when a young boy hesitates to jump from a high springboard and is
ridiculed for his fear. Though he eventually jumps, his behaviour is controlled by shame.[8]

Reward and Punishment

Informal controls reward or punish acceptable or unacceptable behaviour (i.e., deviance) and are varied from individual to
individual, group to group, and society to society. For example, at a Women’s Institute meeting, a disapproving look might convey
the message that it is inappropriate to flirt with the minister. In a criminal gang, on the other hand, a stronger sanction applies in the
case of someone threatening to inform to the police of illegal activity.[9]

Theoretical Bias within the Modern Media

Theorists such as Noam Chomsky have argued that systemic bias exists in the modern media.[10]The marketing, advertising, and
public relations industries have thus been said to utilize mass communications to aid the interests of certain political and business
elites. Powerful ideological, economic and religious lobbyists have often used school systems and centralised electronic
communications to influence public opinion.

Formal
Historically
Social control developed together with civilization, as a rational measure against the uncontrollable forces of nature, which tribal
organisations were at prey to, within archaic tribal societies.[11]
Rulers have legitimately used torture as a means of mind control as well as murder, imprisonment and exile to remove from public
space anyone the state authorities deemed to be undesirable.
During the Age of Enlightenment harsh penalties for crimes and civil disobedience were criticised by philosophers such as Cesare
Beccaria and Jeremy Bentham whose work inspired reform movements which eventually led to the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights in 1948 which informs most western jurisdictions and the similar Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam in
1990.
The word crime became part of the vocabulary of the English language via Old French, during the Middle Ages, and within the
Middle English of the language.[12]
In history, religion was a factor which provided moral influence on the community and each person, providing an internal locus of
control oriented toward a morality, so that each person was empowered to have a degree of control over themselves within society.
As Auguste Comte instituted sociology (1830-1842), already certain thinkers had predicted the discontinuation of a perceived false
consciousness intrinsic to religious belief. Nevertheless, within the twentieth century, religion was presumed by social scientists to
be still a principal factor of social control.[13]
Comte and those preceding him were breathing the air of a revolution which occurred during the latter parts of the eighteenth
century (French Revolution) to bring about a so-called enlightened way of being in society, and which brought about a new liberty
for the individual, without the constraints of an over-seeing aristocracy.[14]
In the context social control through penal and correctional services, the rehabilatative ideal (Francis Allen 1964) is an key idea
formed within the 20th century, the first principle of which is behavior has as a first cause, things which happened before (“Human
behaviour is a product of antecedent causes”).[15] The idea was later thought to have less relevancy to the philosophy and exaction
or execution of correctional measures, at least according to a 2007 publication (and elsewhere).[16]

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Techniques
Law is a technique used for the purposes of social control.[17]
A mechanism of social control occurs through the use of selective incentives.[18] Selective incentives are private goods,[19] which
are gifts or services,[20] made available to people depending on whether they do or don’t contribute to the good of a group,
collective, or the common good. If people do contribute, they are rewarded, if they don’t they are punished. Mancur Olson gave
rise to the concept in its first instance (c.f. The Logic of Collective Action ).[19]
Oberschall, in his work, identifies three elements to the pragmatics of social control as they exist in our current society. These are,
confrontational control, such as riot control and crowd control, preventative measures to deter non-normal behaviours, which is
legislation outlining expected boundaries for behaviour, and measures complementary to preventative measures, which amount to
punishment of criminal offences.[21]
Park exclusion orders (prohibiting individuals from frequenting one, some, or all of the parks in a city for an extended period of
time due to a previous infraction), trespass laws (privatizing areas generally thought of as public in order for the police to choose
which individuals to interrogate), and off-limit orders (Stay Out of Drug Areas (SODA) and Stay Out of Areas of Prostitution
(SOAP) which obstructs access to these spaces) are just a few of the new social control techniques employed by cities to displace
certain individuals to the margins of society.[22] Several common themes are apparent in each of these control mechanisms. The
first is the ability to spatially constrain individuals in their own city. Defying any of the above statutes is a criminal offense
resulting in possible incarceration.[22] Although not all individuals subjected to an exclusion order will abide to it, these individuals
are, at the very least, spatially hindered through decreased mobility and freedom throughout the city.[23] This spatial constrain on
individuals leads to a serious disruption and interference of their lives. Homeless individuals generally frequent parks since the area
provides benches for sleeping, public washrooms, occasional public services, and an overall sense of security by being near others
in similar conditions. Privatizing areas such as libraries, public transportation systems, college campuses, and commercial
establishments that are generally public gives the police permission to remove individuals as they see fit, even if the individual has
ethical intent in the space. Off-limit orders attempting to keep drug addicts, prostitutes, and others out of concentrated areas of drug
and sex crimes commonly restricts these individuals’ ability to seek social services beneficial to rehabilitation, since these services
are often located within the SODA and SOAP territories.[23]
Broken Windows Theory in USA
In the USA, early societies were able to easily expel individual deemed undesirable from public space through vagrancy laws and
other forms of banishment. In the 1960s and 1970s, however, these exclusion orders were denounced as unconstitutional in
America[24] and consequently were rejected by the US Supreme Court.[22] The introduction of broken windows theory in the 1980s
generated a dramatic transformation in the concepts used in forming policies in order to circumvent the previous issue of
unconstitutionality.[25] According to the theory, the environment of a particular space signals its health to the public, including to
potential vandals. By maintaining an organized environment, individuals are dissuaded from causing disarray in that particular
location. However, environments filled with disorder, such as broken windows or graffiti, indicate an inability for the neighborhood
to supervise itself, therefore leading to an increase in criminal activity.[26] Instead of focusing on the built environment, policies
substantiated by the Broken Windows Theory overwhelmingly emphasize undesirable human behavior as the environmental
disorder prompting further crime.[22] The civility laws, originating in the late 1980s and early 1990s, provide an example of the
usage of this latter aspect of the Broken Windows Theory as legitimization for discriminating against individuals considered
disorderly in order to increase the sense of security in urban spaces.[24] These civility laws effectively criminalize activities
considered undesirable, such as sitting or lying on sidewalks, sleeping in parks, urinating or drinking in public, and begging,[23] in
an attempt to force the individuals doing these and other activities to relocate to the margins of society.[22] Not surprisingly then,
these restrictions disproportionally affect the homeless.[22]
Individuals are deemed undesirable in urban space because they do not fit into social norms, which causes unease for many
residents of certain neighborhoods.[27] This fear has been deepened by the Broken Windows Theory and exploited in policies
seeking to remove undesirables from visible areas of society.[26] In the post-industrial city, concerned primarily with retail, tourism,
and the service sector,[22] the increasing pressure to create the image of a livable and orderly city has no doubt aided in the most
recent forms of social control.[24] These new techniques involve even more intense attempts to spatially expel certain individuals
from urban space since the police are entrusted with considerably more power to investigate individuals, based on suspicion rather
than on definite evidence of illicit actions.[23]

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Recent Developments
In the decades prior to the end of the 1980s, an increased prevalence of the individual as a feature within society has caused a high
number of new therapists to be established suggesting the use of therapy as a means of social control. (Conrad & Scheider, 1980:
Mechanic 1989) [28]

References
1. a b M. Innes. Understanding Social Control: Crime and Social Order in Late Modernity – Deviance, crime and social order.
McGraw-Hill Education (UK) 1 Dec 2003, 176 pages, ISBN 0335209408. Retrieved2015-07-26.
2. Lindzey, Gardner (Ed), (1954). Handbook of social psychology. I. Theory and method. II. Special fields and applications. (2
vols)., (pp. II, 655-692). Oxford, England: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., xx, 1226 pp.
3. Poore, S. Overview of Social Control Theories. The Hewett School. Retrieved on: September 2, 2007.
4. Ross, E.A. 2009 (1901). Social Control: Control A Survey of the Foundations of Order. Piscataway, NJ: Transcation Publishers.
5. E.A. Ross. text. published by Transaction Publishers 2009, ISBN 1412834279. Retrieved 2015-11-28.
6. H. Roodenburg. text. published by Ohio State University Press 2004, ISBN 0814209688. Retrieved2015-11-29.
7. a b Morris Janowitz (Jul 1975). “Sociological Theory and Social Control”. American Journal of Sociology(The University of
Chicago Press Article) 81 (1): 82–108. doi:10.1086/226035. JSTOR 2777055.
8. Holland G., Skinner B. F. The Analysis of behaviour (The autoinstructing program). McGraw-Hill N. Y., 1961, Lesson 33.
9. Livesay, Chris, “Informal Social Control”, Culture and Identity (Sociology Central), retrieved 2007-09-08
10. Chomsky, Noam; Herman, Edward (1988), Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, New York:
Pantheon, ISBN 0-679-72034-0
11. D.S. McIntosh. DOI: 10.2307/1952567 (p.619). published by The American Political Science Review September 1963.
Retrieved 2015-11-30.
12. B. Hanawalt, D. Wallace. text. published by University of Minnesota Press 1999, ISBN 0816631697,Volume 16 of Medieval
cultures. Retrieved 2015-11-29.
13. R. Stark, W.S. Bainbridge. text. published by Psychology Press 1996, 213 pages, ISBN 0415915295. Retrieved 2015-11-29.
14. G.S. Wood – text published by Oxford University Press September 26, 2009, 800 pages, ISBN 0199741093 Political Science
[Retrieved 2015-11-29]
15. T.G. Blomberg, K. Lucken. text. published by Transaction Publishers, December 31, 2011, 340 pages, Social Science. Retrieved
2015-11-30.term “Rehabilatative ideal” was sourced at Mona Lynch via search: social control within Google Scholar
16. P. Senior, C. Crowther-Dowey, M. Long – text published by McGraw-Hill Education (UK), December 1st 2007, ISBN
0335235271 , Crime and Justice [Retrieved 2015-11-30]
17. R. Pound. text. published by Transaction Publishers 1942 (reprint, revised), ISBN 1560009160, Powell lectures. Retrieved
2015-11-29.
18. B. Janky, K. Takacs – Report published by CEU Political Science Journal September 1, 2010 [Retrieved 2015-12-04]
19. a b P. Oliver. Abstract. published by Blackwell Publishing Ltd. January 14th, 2013, DOI: 10.1002/9780470674871.wbespm185.
Retrieved 2015-12-04.
20. Harvard University Press – summary of The Logic of Collective Action Public Goods and the Theory of Groups, by Mancur
Olson, Jr. Harvard Economic Studies 124 [Retrieved 2015-12-04]
21. Anthony Oberschall. Social Movements: Ideologies, Interests, and Identities. Transaction Publishers 1995, 402 pages, ISBN
1412834368. Retrieved 2015-07-26.
22. a b c d e f g Beckett, Katherine and Steve Herbert. 2008. Dealing with disorder: Social control in the post-industrial city.
Theoretical Criminology. 12: 5-30.
23. a b c d Beckett, Katherine and Steve Herbert. 2010. Penal boundaries: Banishment and the expansion of punishment. Law and
Social Inquiry. 35: 1-38.
24. a b c Herbert, Steve and Katherine Beckett. 2009. Zoning out disorder: Assessing contemporary practices of urban social
control. Studies in Law, Politics, and Society. 47: 1-25.
25. Harcourt, Bernard and Jens Ludwig. 2005. Broken windows: New evidence from New York City and a five-city social
experiment. The University of Chicago Law Review. 73: 271-320.
26. a b Ranasinghe, Prashan. 2010. Public disorder and its relation to the community-civility-consumption triad: A case study on the
uses and users of contemporary urban public space. Urban Studies. 48: 1925-1943.
27. England, Marcia. Stay out of drug areas: Drugs, othering, and regulation of public space in Seattle, Washington. Space and
Polity. 12: 197-213.

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28. A.V. Horwitz – text published by Springer Science & Business Media, June 29th 2013, 290 pages,ISBN 148992230X ,
Psychology [Retrieved 2015-11-28]

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11.9: Genocide

Figure 11.9.1 - Skulls of victims of the Rwandan Genocide

Genocide is the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious or national group. The term
was coined in 1944 by Raphael Lemkin. It is defined in Article 2 of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime
of Genocide (CPPCG) of 1948 as “any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national,
ethnical, racial or religious group, as such: killing members of the group; causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the
group; deliberately inflicting on the groups conditions of life, calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; [and] forcibly transferring children of the group to another
group.”[1]
The preamble to the CPPCG states that “genocide is a crime under international law, contrary to the spirit and aims of the United
Nations and condemned by the civilized world” and that “at all periods of history genocide has inflicted great losses on
humanity.”[1]
Determining what historical events constitute a genocide and which are merely criminal or inhuman behavior is not a clear-cut
matter. In nearly every case where accusations of genocide have circulated, partisans of various sides have fiercely disputed the
details and interpretation of the event, often to the point of depicting wildly different versions of the facts.

International Law

Figure 11.9.2 - Members of the Sonderkommando burn corpses of Jews in the fire pits at Auschwitz II-Birkenau, an extermination
camp
After the Holocaust, which had been perpetrated by the Nazi Germany and its allies prior to and during World War II, Lemkin
successfully campaigned for the universal acceptance of international laws defining and forbidding genocides. In 1946, the first
session of the United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution that “affirmed” that genocide was a crime under international
law, but did not provide a legal definition of the crime. In 1948, the UN General Assembly adopted the Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (CPPCG) which defined the crime of genocide for the first time.[2]
The CPPCG was adopted by the UN General Assembly on 9 December 1948 and came into effect on 12 January 1951 (Resolution
260 (III)). It contains an internationally recognized definition of genocide which has been incorporated into the national criminal
legislation of many countries, and was also adopted by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, which established the
International Criminal Court (ICC). Article II of the Convention defines genocide as:

…any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a
national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:
(a) Killing members of the group;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;

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 (c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its
physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;
(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.

Notes
1. a b “Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide”. Office of the United Nations High
Commissioner for Human Rights. 12 January 1951. Archived from the original on 11 December 2005. Note: “ethnical”,
although unusual, is found in several dictionaries.
2. Rubinstein, W. D. (2004). Genocide: a history. Pearson Education. p. 308. ISBN 0-582-50601-8.

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
12: Supernatural Belief Systems
Religion changes across the globe. Different parts of the world have different beliefs and rules that maintain their religion. Not all
religions follow the same practices but there are some similarities between most, if not all, religions. Religions have their own
rituals attached to their beliefs. Some rituals across religions (like fasting) are specific to one religion while others are practiced
throughout. Religions incorporate myths into how they practice, and why they practice by conveying messages about the
supernatural through stories or metaphors. They are used to help express ideas and concepts as well as help the followers achieve
spirituality. Religion can help people find peace of mind, give them hope, turn their life around, and change their point of view.
Religion can be used to justify things and to motivate others. Rituals and ceremonies are practiced to show dedication and faith to a
religion.
12.1: Introduction to Religion
12.2: Definitions of Religions
12.3: The Function of Religion
12.4: Aspects of Religion
12.5: Patterns of Belief
12.6: Religious Practitioners
12.7: Religious Change
12.8: Four Categories of Religion
12.9: Rite of Passage
12.10: Vision Quest
12.11: Religious Demographics
12.12: Health and Illness

Thumbnail image - Head shaman of Olkhon at Lake Baikal. Buryatia, Russia. By Аркадий Зарубин (Own work) [CC BY-SA 3.0
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons

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1 5/12/2022
12.1: Introduction to Religion
Religion
This section is not meant to provide an in-depth exploration of religion, but simply to introduce students to the anthropological
approach to the study of religion.
You should start with Wade Davis’ TED Talk on The Worldwide Web of Belief and Ritual.

Figure 12.1.1 - Sufi Whirling Dervishes

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12.2: Definitions of Religions

Figure 12.2.1 - Nomad praying

There are various ways to define religion. One, the analytic definition stresses how religion manifests itself within a culture and
identifies six dimensions of religion:
1. Institutional: this refers to the organizational and leadership structure of religions; this may be complex with a bureaucracy or
simple with only one leader
2. Narrative: this refers to myths, e.g., creation stories
3. Ritual: all religions have rites of passage and other activities
4. Social: religions have social activities, perhaps beyond rituals, that helps to promote bonds between members
5. Ethical: religions establish a moral code and approved behaviors for its members and even society at large
6. Experiential: religious behavior is often focused on connection with a sacred reality beyond everyday experience
The functional definition highlights the role religion plays within a culture. This approach defines religion in terms of how it
fulfills cognitive, emotional and social needs for its adherents.
The third definition looks at the essential nature of religion, hence its name, the essentialist definition. This approach defines
religion as a system of beliefs and behaviors that characterizes the relationship between people and the supernatural. It is an
adaptive behavior that promotes a sense of togetherness, unity and belonging. It helps to define one of the groups to which we
belong. Warms (2008) takes an essentialist approach when he defines religion as a system that is composed of stories, includes
rituals, has specialists, believes in the supernatural, and uses symbols and symbolism as well as altered states of consciousness.
Additionally, Warms states that a key factor in religion is that it changes over time.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
3. Laufer, Berthold. 1917. Origin of the word shaman. American Anthropologist 19 (3): 361-371. Also, DOI:
10.1525/aa.1917.19.3.02a00020 (October 28, 2009).
4. Warms, Richard. 2008. Sacred Realms: Readings in the Anthropology of Religion. New York: Oxford University Press.

12.2: Definitions of Religions is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

Lumen Learning 12.2.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5641

12.3: The Function of Religion
Why are People Religious?
There appears to be two primary explanations for the emergence of religious systems: for psychological reasons and social
reasons. Psychologically, religion helps people answer the big existential questions, why do we die and suffer, and help people
cope with uncertainty. Religion provides a clear cut way to deal with the unknown. The Trobriand Islanders are excellent mariners,
yet perform elaborate rituals before setting sail. On 9/11 and in the days following, tens of thousands US citizens went to church,
temple, or mosque to pray and find comfort and answers to the devastation of the terrorist attack.
Socially, religion helps to mediate tension between social roles and relationships. It provides guidelines for how husbands and
wives are supposed to act towards one another. It proscribes the relationship of children to parents, and individuals to their society
at large. Religion is a way for adherents to achieve consensus. It provides guidelines for right living and identifies what values to
hold. Religion gives groups a set of social rules that help to maintain order, invoking a supernatural punishment if its tenets are not
followed.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
3. Laufer, Berthold. 1917. Origin of the word shaman. American Anthropologist 19 (3): 361-371. Also, DOI:
10.1525/aa.1917.19.3.02a00020 (October 28, 2009).
4. Warms, Richard. 2008. Sacred Realms: Readings in the Anthropology of Religion. New York: Oxford University Press.

12.3: The Function of Religion is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

Lumen Learning 12.3.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5642

12.4: Aspects of Religion
Religious systems have stories, or sacred narratives. Some stories may be more sacred than others, e.g., in Christianity the story of
Christ’s resurrection is more sacred then the story of Him turning water into wine at a wedding celebration. Stories may be about
many things, but there are some common themes: origins of earth and humans, what happens when we die, deeds of important
people, and disasters. Anthropologists can study these stories, or myths, to learn more about the people. Myth in anthropology
should not be interpreted as a falsehood. In anthropology, a myth is a truism for the people following that belief system.

Figure 12.4.1 - Photo of the Book of Isaiah page of the Bible

An important part of religion is the belief in the supernatural, which includes a variety of beings from angels and demons to
ghosts and gods and souls. The supernatural is a realm separate from the physical world inhabited by humans, although the
supernatural can influence the human realm either through direct action or by influencing humans. For some peoples the
supernatural realm is disconnected from everyday life; for others it is an intricate part of it. The supernatural can also refer to an
unseen power that infuses humans, nature and for some belief systems, inanimate objects. Some groups refer to this power as
mana, a term that is sometimes used to represent this supernatural power. This belief in a supernatural power is called animatism,
while the belief in supernatural beings is animism.
Through rituals, people can influence or call upon the supernatural and supernatural power using symbolic action. Rituals are
standardized patterns of behavior; e.g., prayer, congregation, etc. In the realm of religion, rituals are a sacred practice. In some
religions, rituals are highly stereotyped and deviation from the ritual results in either no influence on the supernatural or negative
consequences. Nature based religions, particularly those led by shamans (see below) are not as wedded to the ritual and employ a
degree of creativity when trying to influence the supernatural.

Figure 12.4.2 - Diwali, Festival of Lights

Ritual promotes what Victor Turner called communitas, a sense of unity that transcends social distinctions like socioeconomic
class. During the period of the ritual, rank and status are forgotten as members think of themselves as a community. This helps
cement unity among community members.
Ritual can also be a portrayal influence or a reenactment of myth, e.g., communion or baptism. Portrayal influence invokes magic
to manipulate the supernatural. This has nothing to do with David Copperfield type of magic—it is about harnessing supernatural
forces. If the magic does not seem to work, there is not a problem with the magic, but with the ritual—the practitioner did
something wrong in their performance.
Magic uses a couple of principles: imitation (or similarity) and contagion. The principle of imitation (similarity) states that if one
acts out what one wants to happen then the likelihood of that occurring increases. Baptism is a good example of this as is the
Pueblo Indians ritual of whipping yucca juice into frothy suds, which symbolize rain clouds.

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 Figure 12.4.3 - Roman Catholic Infant Baptism in the United States.
The principle of contagion states that things that been in contact with the supernatural remain connected to the supernatural. That
connection can be used to transfer mana from the one thing to the other. Voodoo dolls are the classic example of the law of
contagion, however, some cultures belief that names also have mana, so for anyone outside of the family to know their real name
gives them the power to perform black magic against them.

Figure 12.4.4 - Voodoo Doll

Another form of magic is divination. Divination is the use of ritual to obtain answers to questions from supernatural sources, e.g.,
oracle bones, tea leaves, way a person falls, date of birth, etc. There are two main categories of divination: those results that can be
influenced by diviner and those that cannot. Tarot cards, tea leaves, randomly selecting a Bible verse and interpreting an
astrological sign are examples of the former. Casting lots, flipping a coin or checking to see whether something floats on water are
examples of the latter.
Ritual is infused with symbolic expression. Emile Durkheim suggested that religious systems were a set of practices related to
sacred things. The sacred is that which inspires awe, respect and reverence because it is set apart from the secular world or is
forbidden. People create symbols to represent aspects of society that inspire these feelings. For instance, the totems of Australian
aborigine groups is spiritually related to members of the society. The human soul is a kindred spirit to the sacred plant or animal.
Clifford Geertz discussed how symbols expressed feelings of society to maintain stability. This approach helped to broaden early
definitions of religion beyond supernatural to incorporate actions of people and helped to account for the deep commitment and
behavior of adherents.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
3. Laufer, Berthold. 1917. Origin of the word shaman. American Anthropologist 19 (3): 361-371. Also, DOI:
10.1525/aa.1917.19.3.02a00020 (October 28, 2009).
4. Warms, Richard. 2008. Sacred Realms: Readings in the Anthropology of Religion. New York: Oxford University Press.

12.4: Aspects of Religion is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

Lumen Learning 12.4.2 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5643

12.5: Patterns of Belief
Patterns of belief focused on one or more god of extrahuman origin is called a theism. The pattern may be a reflection of social
organization, e.g., the more centralized and stratified the society, the fewer gods.
Monotheism: belief in one god (Judaism, Christianity, Islam)
Henotheism: worship of only one god, while acknowledging that other gods exist. Henotheists do not necessarily view other
gods as legitimate objects of worship, even while acknowledging they exist (Hinduism)
Polytheism: belief in many gods (Aztec, ancient Greeks, Egyptians)

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
3. Laufer, Berthold. 1917. Origin of the word shaman. American Anthropologist 19 (3): 361-371. Also, DOI:
10.1525/aa.1917.19.3.02a00020 (October 28, 2009).
4. Warms, Richard. 2008. Sacred Realms: Readings in the Anthropology of Religion. New York: Oxford University Press.

12.5: Patterns of Belief is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

Lumen Learning 12.5.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5644

12.6: Religious Practitioners
There are several types of religious practitioners or people who specialize in religious behaviors. These are individuals who
specialize in the use of spiritual power to influence others. A shaman is an individual who has access to supernatural power that
can then be used for the benefit of specific clients. Found in indigenous cultures, shamans may be part-time specialists, but is
usually the only person in the group that can access the supernatural. They have specialized knowledge that is deemed too
dangerous for everyone to know because they do not have the training to handle the knowledge. Oftentimes, shamans train their
replacement in the ways of contacting and utilizing the supernatural. Shamans are often innovative in their practices, using trance
states to contact the supernatural.

Figure 12.6.1 - Buddhist monks

The term shaman originated with the Tungus peoples of eastern Siberia. Anthropologists debate the ethics of using the term to
apply to all indigenous religious practitioners. Some think that we should use each cultures’ name for their religious practitioners;
others take the position that use of the term is not meant to be disrespectful but is simply a way for all anthropologists to categorize
a cultural trait much like we use the names of several cultures for the anthropological kinship terminology systems. There is also
public debate about the increasing number of so-called white shamans, especially in the United States where there is still heated
debate about the plight of Native Americans. For more information on this debate, check out the video White Shamans and Plastic
Medicine Men on YouTube.
Priests are another type of religious practitioner who are trained to perform rituals for benefit of a group. Priests differ from
shamans in a couple of important ways. For priests, rituals are key—innovation and creativity are generally not prized or
encouraged. Priests are found in most organized religions, e.g., Buddhism, Christianity and Judaism, although they have a different
name such as monks, ministers, or rabbis.
Sorcerers and witches, unlike shamans and priests who have high status in their cultures, usually have low status because their
abilities are seen in a negative manner. Both sorcerers and witches have the ability to connect with the supernatural for ill purposes.
Sorcerers often take on a role similar to law enforcement in the United States; they are used by people to punish someone who has
violated socially proscribed rules. Witches are believed to have an innate connection to the supernatural, one that they often cannot
control. Because witches may inadvertently hurt people because they cannot control their power, if discovered, they are often
ostracized or forced to leave their group. It is important to differentiate witches in some cultures from Wiccans. While Christianity
makes no distinction between Wiccans and witches as described above, Wicca has clear mandates against using magic to harm
others. The Wiccan rede states, “An’ it harm none, do what ye will.”
Mediums are part-time practitioners who use trance and possession to heal and divine. Oftentimes after a trance or possession, the
medium remembers nothing about the experience or their actions.
Anthropologists have identified a pattern linking the type and number of practitioners with social complexity: the more complex
the society, the more variety of religious practitioners. Foraging cultures tend to have only one practitioner, a shaman. If a culture
has two practitioners, a shaman and a priest, chances are that they are agriculturalists, albeit without complex political and social
organization. Agriculturalists and pastoralists with more complex political organization that goes beyond the immediate
community, generally have at least three types of practitioners, shamans, priests and a sorcerer, witch or medium. Cultures with
complex political organization, agriculture, and complex social organization usually have all four practitioners (Bonvillain 2010).

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References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.
3. Laufer, Berthold. 1917. Origin of the word shaman. American Anthropologist 19 (3): 361-371. Also, DOI:
10.1525/aa.1917.19.3.02a00020 (October 28, 2009).
4. Warms, Richard. 2008. Sacred Realms: Readings in the Anthropology of Religion. New York: Oxford University Press.

12.6: Religious Practitioners is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

Lumen Learning 12.6.2 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5645

12.7: Religious Change
Religious beliefs and rituals can be the catalyst or vehicle of social change. Most religions are syncretic; they borrow practices,
beliefs and organizational characteristics from other religions. Sometimes this is done voluntarily and at other times it is done by
force. For instance, Catholicism through the practice of forced conversion during the period of European colonialism influenced
other religions. Vodoun borrowed heavily from Catholicism. The one god is manifested in Bondye while St. Patrick is symbolized
by Vodoun’s rainbow serpent deity, Ochumare. Oftentimes special days are adopted by religions. Catholicism adopted Yule, the
winter solstice celebration of Pagans, to celebrate the birth of Jesus Christ. The Zuni merged their native religion with Catholicism,
incorporating images of Christ into their cloths and jewelry.
Revitalization movements are frequently associated with religion. They often occur in disorganized societies due to warfare,
revolutions, etc. They usually call for the destruction of existing social institutions in order to resolve conflict and stabilize the
culture through reorganization. Most recorded revitalization movements were an adaptive response to rapidly changing social and
economic circumstances brought on by contact with an outside culture.
The cargo cults of Melanesia are one example of movements that make a conscious effort to build an ideology that will be
relevant to changing cultural needs. Cargo cults arose in Melanesia and other areas of the world after European contact in response
to “…the expropriation of native land, and the relegation of indigenous peoples to roles as menial laborers and second-class
citizens” (Bonvillain 2010: 374). Rituals were performed in the belief that they would result in increased wealth and prosperity in
line with the European idea of material wealth.

Figure 12.7.1 - The Ghost Dance

Another example of a revitalization movement is the Ghost Dance that swept through western Native American cultures from
1870-1890. The Ghost Dance was begun by a Pauite, Wovoka. Wovoka claimed to have a vision from God during eclipse. In this
vision, he was brought before God and given message for people of earth about peace and right living. He was shown the circle
dance, that represented the movement of harmony around sun. Wovoka prophesied that dead Indian forebears would return soon to
take possession of technology of the whites, who would simultaneously be exterminated in a huge explosion, resulting in a renewal
of earth. Many Native American nations rallied to the Ghost Dance; e.g., Lakota, Ute, Washoe, Shoshone, Cheyenne, Arapaho,
Kiowa, Mandan, and Comanche. However, during the process of learning about the Ghost Dance from Wovoka, some of the new
adherents changed its meaning and intent. The Lakota were one group who changed some of the meaning of the Ghost Dance.
The Lakota had suffered greatly at hands of US Army. Their lands were taken away by miners, the railroads were given rights to
build through the reservations, and traditional hunting grounds were being settled by farmers. One Lakota warrior, Kicking Bear,
visited Wovoka, and returned to his people with the message of the Ghost Dance, but he injected militancy into it. He claimed that
if the people wore a special costume for the dance, one that included eagle feathers, the dancer would be impervious to the white
man’s bullets. The Ghost Dance made the United States government nervous and in November 1890 sent thousands of troops onto
the Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations. Sitting Bull, one of the Lakota peace chiefs was arrested and subsequently murdered.
Meanwhile another peace chief, Big Foot was encamped with his people along Wounded Knee Creek. On December 28, 1890,
soldiers showed up at camp to confiscate weapons in response to the Ghost Dance. One Lakotan man who was deaf and did not
understand what the army was doing struggled to keep his gun, which went off in the melee. This caused the soldiers to open fire
on the camp of mainly elders, women and children. The resulting massacre left 153 Lakotans dead, mostly women and children.
Twenty-five soldiers were killed as well, most by friendly fire, all of whom were posthumously awarded medals of honor.

References
1. Bonvillain, Nancy. 2010. Cultural Anthropology, 2nd edition. Boston: Pearson Education, Inc.
2. Lavenda Robert H. and Emily A. Schultz. 2010. Core Concepts in Cultural Anthropology, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill
Higher Education.

12.7.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5977

 3. Laufer, Berthold. 1917. Origin of the word shaman. American Anthropologist 19 (3): 361-371. Also, DOI:
10.1525/aa.1917.19.3.02a00020 (October 28, 2009).
4. Warms, Richard. 2008. Sacred Realms: Readings in the Anthropology of Religion. New York: Oxford University Press.

12.7: Religious Change is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by LibreTexts.

12.7.2 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5977

12.8: Four Categories of Religion
Anthropologist Anthony F.C. Wallace proposed four categories of religion, each subsequent category subsuming the previous.
These are, however, synthetic categories and do not necessarily encompass all religions.[1]
1. Individualistic: most basic; simplest. Example: vision quest.
2. Shamanistic: part-time religious practitioner, uses religion to heal, to divine, usually on the behalf of a client. The Tillamook
have four categories of shaman. Examples of shamans: spiritualists, faith healers, palm readers. Religious authority acquired
through one’s own means.
3. Communal: elaborate set of beliefs and practices; group of people arranged in clans by lineage, age group, or some religious
societies; people take on roles based on knowledge, and ancestral worship.
4. Ecclesiastical: dominant in agricultural societies and states; are centrally organized and hierarchical in structure, paralleling the
organization of states. Typically deprecates competing individualistic and shamanistic cults.

Figure 12.8.1 - ARABIAN SEA (Feb. 3, 2012) Cmdr. Keith Shuley, chaplain aboard the Nimitz-class aircraft carrier USS Carl
Vinson (CVN 70), leads Roman Catholic Mass in the ship’s chapel

Reference
1. Anthony Wallace www.mnsu.edu/emuseum/informat...e_anthony.html www.amphilsoc.org/collections...d.xml#bioghist

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12.9: Rite of Passage

Figure 12.9.1 - Initiation ritual of boys in Malawi. The ritual marks the passage from child to adult male, each subgroup having its
customs and expectations.
Rite of passage is a celebration of the passage which occurs when an individual leaves one group to enter another. It involves a
significant change of status in society. In cultural anthropology the term is the Anglicisation of rite de passage, a French term
innovated by the ethnographer Arnold van Gennep in his work Les rites de passage, “The Rites of Passage.”[1] The term is now
fully adopted into anthropology as well as into the literature and popular cultures of many modern languages.
In English, Van Gennep’s first sentence of his first chapter begins:[2]

Each larger society contains within it several distinctly separate groupings. … In

addition, all these groups break down into still smaller societies in subgroups.
The population of a society belongs to multiple groups, some more important to the individual than others. Van Gennep uses the
metaphor, “as a kind of house divided into rooms and corridors.”[3] A passage occurs when an individual leaves one group to enter
another; in the metaphor, he changes rooms.
Van Gennep further distinguishes between “the secular” and “the sacred sphere.” Theorizing that civilizations are arranged on a
scale, implying that the lower levels represent “the simplest level of development,” he hypothesizes that “social groups in such a
society likewise have magico-religious foundations.” Many groups in modern industrial society practice customs that can be traced
to an earlier sacred phase. Passage between these groups requires a ceremony, or ritual hence rite of passage.
The rest of Van Gennep’s book presents a description of rites of passage and an organization into types, although in the end he
despairs of ever capturing them all:[4] “It is but a rough sketch of an immense picture ….” He is able to find some universals,
mainly two: “the sexual separation between men and women, and the magico-religious separation between the profane and the
sacred.” (Earlier the translators used secular for profane.) He refuses credit for being the first to recognize type of rites. In the work
he concentrates on groups and rites individuals might normally encounter progressively: pregnancy, childbirth, initiation, betrothal,
marriage, funerals and the like. He mentions some others, such as the territorial passage, a crossing of borders into a culturally
different region, such as one where a different religion prevails.

Stages
Rites of passage have three phases: separation, liminal, andincorporation, as van Gennep described. “I propose to call the rites of
separation from a previous world, preliminal rites, those executed during the transitional stage liminal (or threshold) rites, and the
ceremonies of incorporation into the new world postliminal rites.”[5]
In the first phase, people withdraw from their current status and prepare to move from one place or status to another. “The first
phase (of separation) comprises symbolic behavior signifying the detachment of the individual or group … from an earlier fixed
point in the social structure.”[6] There is often a detachment or “cutting away” from the former self in this phase, which is signified
in symbolic actions and rituals. For example, the cutting of the hair for a person who has just joined the army. He or she is “cutting
away” the former self: the civilian.
The transition (liminal) phase is the period between states, during which one has left one place or state but has not yet entered or
joined the next. “The attributes of liminality or of liminal personae (“threshold people”) are necessarily ambiguous.”[7]
In the third phase (reaggregation or incorporation) the passage is consummated [by] the ritual subject.”[8] Having completed the rite
and assumed their “new” identity, one re-enters society with one’s new status. Re-incorporation is characterized by elaborate rituals
and ceremonies, like debutant balls and college graduation, and by outward symbols of new ties: thus “in rites of incorporation
there is widespread use of the ‘sacred bond’, the ‘sacred cord’, the knot, and of analogous forms such as the belt, the ring, the
bracelet and the crown.”[9]

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Psychological Effects
Laboratory experiments have shown that severe initiations produce cognitive dissonance.[10] It is theorized that such dissonance
heightens group attraction among initiates after the experience, arising from internal justification of the effort used.[11] Rewards
during initiations have important consequences in that initiates who feel more rewarded express stronger group identity.[12] As well
as group attraction, initiations can also produce conformity among new members.[13]Psychology experiments have also shown that
initiations increase feelings of affiliation.[14]

Cultural
Initiation rites are seen as fundamental to human growth and development as well as socialization in many African communities.
These rites function by ritually marking the transition of someone to full group membership.[15] It also links individuals to the
community and the community to the broader and more potent spiritual world. Initiation rites are “a natural and necessary part of a
community, just as arms and legs are natural and necessary extension of the human body”. These rites are linked to individual and
community development. Dr. Manu Ampim identifies five stages; rite to birth, rite to adulthood, rite to marriage, rite to eldership
and rite to ancestorship.[16] In Zulu culture entering womanhood is celebrated by the Umhlanga (ceremony).

Types and Examples

Rites of passage are diverse, and are found throughout many cultures around the world. Many western societal rituals may look like
rites of passage but miss some of the important structural and functional components. However, in many Native and African-
American communities, traditional Rites of Passage programs are conducted by community-based organizations such as Man Up
Global. Typically the missing piece is the societal recognition and reincorporation phase. Adventure Education programs, such as
Outward Bound, have often been described as potential rites of passage. Pamela Cushing researched the rites of passage impact
upon adolescent youth at the Canadian Outward Bound School and found the rite of passage impact was lessened by the missing
reincorporation phase.[17] Bell (2003) presented more evidence of this lacking third stage and described the “Contemporary
Adventure Model of a Rites of Passage” as a modern and weaker version of the rites of passage typically used by outdoor
adventure programs. For non-religious people, Rites of Passage are important as well. They mark important changes in their lives
and they help to guide them.
Coming of Age
In various tribal societies, entry into an age grade—generally gender-separated—(unlike an age set) is marked by an initiation rite,
which may be the crowning of a long and complex preparation, sometimes in retreat.
Bar and Bat Mitzvah
Breeching
Coming of Age in Unitarian Universalism
Completion of toilet training
Confirmation
Débutante ball
Dokimasia
Ear piercing in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States
First crush
First date
First kiss
Losing one’s virginity
First day of school
First house key: In the United States, Canada, Australia, and the United Kingdom, this is a sign that a child’s parents think
he/she is responsible enough to be left alone at home while they are away.
First menstruation
First pet
First steps
First word
Seclusion of girls at puberty
Sevapuneru or Turmeric ceremony in South India

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 Graduation
Kindergarten graduation: Last day of non-mandatory education. Children have finished kindergarten and are ready to attend
elementary school.
Jugendweihe in East Germany
Learning to read and write
Learning to drive
Earning a driver’s license
Prom
Riding a bicycle
Riding a bike without training wheels
Moving out
Okuyi in several West African nations
Quinceañera
Rebellion: First attempt to go against/question authority figures, usually parents.
Retiring
Russ in Norway
Scarification and various other physical endurances
Secular coming of age ceremonies for non-religious youngsters who want a rite of passage comparable to the religious rituals
like confirmation
Sweet Sixteen
Wedding
Walkabout
Religious

Figure 12.9.2 - Jesus underwent Jewish circumcision, here depicted in a Catholic cathedral; a liturgical feast commemorates this on
New Year’s Day
Amrit Sanchar in Sikhism
Annaprashana
Baptism (Christening)
Bar and Bat Mitzvah in Judaism
Circumcision
Bris in Judaism
In Islam[18][19][20][21]
In Coptic Christianity and theEthiopian Orthodox Church[22][23]
Confirmation
Confirmation in Reform Judaism
Diving for the Cross, in someOrthodox Christian churches
First Eucharist and First Confession(especially First Communion inCatholicism)
Hajj
Muran or Hair cutting in Hinduism
Rumspringa

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 Saṃskāra a series of sacraments inHinduism
Shinbyu in Theravada Buddhism
Vision quest in some Native American cultures
Wiccaning in Wicca
Pilgrimage
Military
Blood wings
Line-crossing ceremony
Krypteia, a rite involving young Spartans, part of the agoge regime of Spartan education.
Wetting-down. In the U.S. Navy and Royal Navy, is a ceremony in which a Naval officer is ceremonially thrown into the ocean
upon receiving a promotion.
Academic
Graduation
Matura
Some academic circles such as dorms, fraternities, teams and other clubs practice hazing, ragging and fagging. Szecskáztatás, a
mild form of hazing (usually without physical and sexual abuse) practiced in some Hungarian secondary schools. First-year junior
students are publicly humiliated through embarrassing clothing and senior students branding their faces with marker pens; it is
sometimes also a contest, with the winners usually earning the right to organize the next event.
Vocational/Professional
White coat ceremony in medicine and pharmacy.
The Ritual of the Calling of an Engineer, also known as the Iron Ring Ceremony
Walk on Water: Second-year students must pass the competition to continue in the school of architecture at Florida International
University in the United States
Sports
Batizados in Capoeira
Black Belt Grading in Martial Arts
Other
Castration in some sects and special castes

References
1. Van Gennep 1909, Lay Summary
2. Van Gennep, Vizedom & Caffee 2010, I. The Classification of Rites
3. Journet, Nicolas (1 January 2001). “Les rites de passage”. Sciences Humaines (112). “chaque société générale peut être
considérée comme une sorte de maison divisée en chambres et couloirs”
4. Van Gennep, Vizedom & Caffee 2010, X. Conclusions
5. van Gennep 1977: 21
6. Turner 1969: 80.
7. Turner 1969: 95
8. Turner 1969: 80
9. van Gennep 1977: 166
10. Aronson & Mills 1959.
11. Festinger 1961.
12. Kamau 2012.
13. Keating et al. 2005.
14. Lodewijkx et al. 2005.
15. “African Culture Complex”. Retrieved 2011-10-04.
16. www.manuampim.com/AfricanInit...onRites.htmThe Five Major African Initiation Rites Prof. Manu Ampim
17. Cushing 1998.
18. Morgenstern 1966.

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19. “Rites of Passage”. Oxford Islamic Studies Online. 2013. Retrieved 27 May 2013.
20. “Traditional Muslim Male Circumcision: Performed by Arabs, Turkish, Malaysian and Others of this faith.”.CIRCLIST. 1992–
2013. Retrieved 27 May 2013.
21. Hamid, Ismail (2005). “Islamic Rites of Passage”. The Encyclopedia of Malaysia Volume 10: Religions and Beliefs. Retrieved
27 May 2013.
22. Thomas Riggs (2006). “Christianity: Coptic Christianity”.Worldmark Encyclopedia of Religious Practices: Religions and
denominations. Thomson Gale. ISBN 978-0-7876-6612-5.
23. “Circumcision”. Columbia Encyclopedia. Columbia University Press. 2011.

Bibliography
Aronson, E. & Mills, J. (1959) “The effect of severity of initiation on liking for a group.” Journal of Abnormal and Social
Psychology’dickcidkcidk
177–181.
Bell, B.J. (2003). “The rites of passage and outdoor education: Critical concerns for effective programming.” The Journal of
Experiential Education, 26, 1, pp. 41–50.
Cushing, P.J. (1998). “Competing the cycle of transformation: Lessons from the rites of passage model.” Pathways: The
Ontario Journal of Experiential Education, 9, 5, 7–12.
Festinger, L. (1961). The psychological effects of insufficient rewards. American Psychologist, 16(1), 1–11.
Garces-Foley, Kathleen (2006). Death and religion in a changing world. ME Sharpe.
Kamau, C. (2012). What does being initiated severely into a group do? The role of rewards.International Journal of Psychology,
dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207594.2012.663957
Keating, C. F., Pomerantz, J., Pommer, S. D., Ritt, S. J. H., Miller, L. M., & McCormick, J. (2005). Going to college and
unpacking hazing: A functional approach to decrypting initiation practices among undergraduates. Group Dynamics: Theory,
Research, and Practice, 9(2), 104–126.
Lodewijkx, H. F. M., van Zomeren, M.,&Syroit, J. E. M. M. (2005). The anticipation of a severe initiation: Gender differences
in effects on affiliation tendency and group attraction. Small Group Research, 36(2), 237–262.
Morgenstern, Julian (1966). Rites of Birth, Marriage, Death, and Kindred Occasions among the Semites. Cincinnati.
Turner, Victor (1967). “Betwixt and between: the liminal period in rites de passage”. Forest of symbols: aspects of the Ndembu
ritual. Ithaca: Cornell UP. pp. 23–59.
Turner, Victor W. (1969). The Ritual Process. Penguin.
Van Gennep, Arnold (1909). Les rites de passage (in French). Paris: Émile Nourry. Lay summary – Review by Frederick Starr,
The American Journal of Sociology, V. 15, No. 5, pp 707-709(March 1910).
——; Vizedom, Monika B (Translator); Caffee, Gabrielle L (Translator) (1977) [1960]. The Rites of Passage. Routledge
Library Editions Anthropology and Ethnography (Paperback Reprint ed.). Hove, East Sussex, UK: Psychology Press. ISBN
0-7100-8744-6.
——; ——; —— (2010) [1960]. The Rites of Passage(Reprint ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-61156-5.

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12.10: Vision Quest
A vision quest is a rite of passage in some Native American cultures. It is usually only undertaken by young males entering
adulthood.[1] Individual indigenous cultures have their own names for their rites of passage. “Vision quest” is an English umbrella
term, and may not always be accurate or used by the cultures in question.
Among Native American cultures who have this type of rite, it usually consists of a series of ceremonies led by Elders and
supported by the young man’s community.[1] The process includes a complete fast for four days and nights, alone at a sacred site in
nature which is chosen by the Elders for this purpose.[1] Some communities have used the same sites for many generations. During
this time, the young person prays and cries out to the spirits that they may have a vision, one that will help them find their purpose
in life, their role in community, and how they may best serve the People.[1]
Dreams or visions may involve natural symbolism – such as animals or forces of nature – that require interpretation by Elders.[1]
After their passage into adulthood, and guided by this experience, the young person may then become an apprentice or student of
an adult who has mastered this role.[1]
When talking to Yellow Wolf, Lucullus Virgil McWhorter came to believe that the person fasts, and stays awake and concentrates
on their quest until their mind becomes “comatose.”[1] It was then that their Weyekin (Nez Perce word) revealed itself.[1]

New Age Misappropriation

Many Non-Native, New Age and “wilderness training” schools offer what they call “vision quests” to the non-Native public.[2]
This cultural misappropriation sometimes includes New Age versions of a sweat lodge, which has at times led to untrained
people causing harm and even death, such as in the James Arthur Ray manslaughter incident, which involved a 36-hour, non-
Native idea of a vision quest, for which the participants paid almost $10,000.[3][4]

References
1. a b c d e f g h McWhorter, Lucullus Virgil (1940). Yellow Wolf: His Own Story. Caldwell, ID: Caxton Printers, Ltd. pp. 295–300.
2. King, Thomas, “Dead Indians: Too Heavy to Lift” in Hazlitt, November 30, 2012. Accessed April 3, 2016. “A quick trip to the
Internet will turn up an outfit offering a one-week “Canyon Quest and Spiritual Warrior Training” course for $850 and an eight-
night program called “Vision Quest,” in the tradition of someone called Stalking Wolf, “a Lipan Apache elder” who has
“removed all the differences” of the vision quest, “leaving only the simple, pure format that works for everyone.” There is no
fee for this workshop, though a $300-$350 donation is recommended. Stalking Wolf, by the way, was supposedly born in 1873,
wandered the Americas in search of spiritual truths, and finally passed all his knowledge on to Tom Brown, Jr., a seven- year-
old White boy whom he met in New Jersey. Evidently, Tom Brown, Jr., or his protégés, run the workshops, having turned
Stalking Wolf’s teachings into a Dead Indian franchise.”
3. O’Neill, Ann (22 June 2011). “Sweat lodge ends a free spirit’s quest”. CNN. “But she forged ahead in the next exercise, the 36-
hour vision quest. She built a Native-American style medicine wheel in the desert and meditated for 36 hours without food and
water.”
4. Arizona sweat lodge sentencing, CNN

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12.11: Religious Demographics

Figure 12.11.1 - Major Religions of the World (2009)

The five largest religious groups by world population, estimated to account for 5.8 billion people and 84% of the population, are
Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism (with the relative numbers for Buddhism and Hinduism dependent on the extent of
syncretism) and traditional folk religion.
Five largest religions 2010 (billion)[10] 2010 (%) 2000 (billion)[62][63] 2000 (%) Demographics

Christianity 2.2 32% 2.0 33% Christianity by country

Islam 1.6 23% 1.2 19.6% Islam by country

Hinduism 1.0 15% 0.811 13.4% Hinduism by country
Buddhism 0.5 7% 0.360 5.9% Buddhism by country
Folk religion 0.4 6% 0.385 6.4%
Total 5.8 84% 4.8 78.3%

A global poll in 2012 surveyed 57 countries and reported that 59% of the world’s population identified as religious, 23% as not
religious, 13% as “convinced atheists”, and also a 9% decrease in identification as “religious” when compared to the 2005 average
from 39 countries.[64] A follow up poll in 2015 found that 63% of the globe identified as religious, 22% as not religious, and 11%
as “convinced atheists”.[65] On average, women are “more religious” than men.[66] Some people follow multiple religions or
multiple religious principles at the same time, regardless of whether or not the religious principles they follow traditionally allow
for syncretism.[67][68][69]

References
1. a b Geertz, C. (1993) Religion as a cultural system. In: The interpretation of cultures: selected essays, Geertz, Clifford, pp.87-
125. Fontana Press.
2. a b Tylor, E.B. (1871) Primitive Culture: Researches Into the Development of Mythology, Philosophy, Religion, Art, and
Custom. Vol. 1. London: John Murray; (p.424).
3. a b James, W. (1902) The Varieties of Religious Experience. A Study in Human Nature. Longmans, Green, and Co. (p. 31)
4. a b Durkheim, E. (1915) The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. London: George Allen & Unwin.
5. a b Tillich, P. (1957) Dynamics of faith. Harper Perennial; (p.1).
6. a b Vergote, A. (1996) Religion, belief and unbelief. A Psychological Study, Leuven University Press. (p. 16)

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 7. a b Paul James and Peter Mandaville (2010). Globalization and Culture, Vol. 2: Globalizing Religions. London: Sage
Publications.
8. a b Faith and Reason by James Swindal,http://www.iep.utm.edu/faith-re/
9. African Studies Association; University of Michigan (2005).History in Africa (Volume 32 ed.). p. 119.
10. a b c Pew Forum on Religion & Public Life. “The Global Religious Landscape”. Retrieved December 18, 2012.
11. “Religiously Unaffiliated”. The Global Religious Landscape.Pew Research Center: Religion & Public Life. December 18,
2012.
12. Harper, Douglas. “religion”. Online Etymology Dictionary.
13. Shorter Oxford English Dictionary
14. In The Pagan Christ: Recovering the Lost Light.Toronto. Thomas Allen, 2004. ISBN 0-88762-145-7
15. In The Power of Myth, with Bill Moyers, ed. Betty Sue Flowers, New York, Anchor Books, 1991. ISBN 0-385-41886-8
16. Johan Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages (1919) 1924:75.
17. a b c d e f g h Harrison, Peter (2015). The Territories of Science and Religion. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 022618448X.
18. a b c d e Nongbri, Brent (2013). Before Religion: A History of a Modern Concept. Yale University Press. ISBN 030015416X.
19. a b Josephson, Jason Ananda (2012). The Invention of Religion in Japan. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226412342.
20. Max Müller, Natural Religion, p.33, 1889
21. Lewis & Short, A Latin Dictionary
22. Max Müller. Introduction to the science of religion. p. 28.
23. Kuroda, Toshio and Jacqueline I. Stone, translator. “The Imperial Law and the Buddhist Law” at the Wayback
Machine(archived March 23, 2003). Japanese Journal of Religious Studies 23.3-4 (1996)
24. Neil McMullin. Buddhism and the State in Sixteenth-Century Japan. Princeton, N.J. : Princeton University Press, 1984.
25. Hershel Edelheit, Abraham J. Edelheit, History of Zionism: A Handbook and Dictionary, p.3, citing Solomon Zeitlin, The Jews.
Race, Nation, or Religion? ( Philadelphia: Dropsie College Press, 1936).
26. Linda M. Whiteford; Robert T. Trotter II (2008). Ethics for Anthropological Research and Practice. Waveland Press. p. 22.
ISBN 978-1-4786-1059-5.
27. Kant, Immanuel (2001). Religion and Rational Theology. Cambridge University Press. p. 177. ISBN 9780521799980.
28. Émile Durkheim|Durkheim, E. (1915) The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life. London: George Allen & Unwin, p.10.
29. Colin Turner. Islam without Allah? New York: Routledge, 2000. pp. 11-12.
30. McKinnon, AM. (2002). ‘Sociological Definitions, Language Games and the “Essence” of Religion’. Method & theory in the
study of religion, vol 14, no. 1, pp. 61–83. [1]
31. Smith, Wilfred Cantwell (1978). The Meaning and End of Religion New York: Harper and Row
32. MacMillan Encyclopedia of Religions, Religion, p.
33. Hueston A. Finlay. “‘Feeling of absolute dependence’ or ‘absolute feeling of dependence’? A question revisited”. Religious
Studies 41.1 (2005), pp.81-94.
34. Max Müller. “Lectures on the origin and growth of religion.”
35. (ibid, p. 34)
36. (ibid, p. 38)
37. (ibid, p. 37)
38. (ibid, pp. 40–41)
39. Frederick Ferré, F. (1967) Basic modern philosophy of religion. Scribner, (p.82).
40. Tillich, P. (1959) Theology of Culture. Oxford University Press; (p.8).
41. Pecorino, P.A. (2001) Philosophy of Religion. Online Textbook. Philip A. Pecorino.
42. (ibid, p. 90)
43. MacMillan Encyclopedia of religions, Religion, p.7695
44. Oxford Dictionaries mythology, retrieved 9 September 2012
45. Joseph Campbell, The Power of Myth, p. 22 ISBN 0-385-24774-5
46. Joseph Campbell, Thou Art That: Transforming Religious Metaphor. Ed. Eugene Kennedy. New World Library ISBN 1-57731-
202-3.
47. “myth”. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2016-04-24.
48. Kevin R. Foster and Hanna Kokko, “The evolution of superstitious and superstition-like behaviour”, Proc. R. Soc. B(2009) 276,
31–37 Archived July 28, 2010, at the Wayback Machine.
49. Boyer (2001). “Why Belief”. Religion Explained.

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50. Fitzgerald 2007, p. 232
51. Veyne 1987, p 211 [clarification needed]
52. Polybius, The Histories, VI 56.
53. Harvey, Graham (2000). Indigenous Religions: A Companion. (Ed: Graham Harvey). London and New York: Cassell. Page 06.
54. Brian Kemble Pennington Was Hinduism Invented?New York: Oxford University Press US, 2005. ISBN 0-19-516655-8
55. Russell T. McCutcheon. Critics Not Caretakers: Redescribing the Public Study of Religion. Albany: SUNY Press, 2001.
56. Nicholas Lash. The beginning and the end of ‘religion’.Cambridge University Press, 1996. ISBN 0-521-56635-5
57. Joseph Bulbulia. “Are There Any Religions? An Evolutionary Explanation.” Method & Theory in the Study of Religion 17.2
(2005), pp.71-100
58. Hinnells, John R. (2005). The Routledge companion to the study of religion. Routledge. pp. 439–440. ISBN 0-415-33311-3.
Retrieved 2009-09-17.
59. Timothy Fitzgerald. The Ideology of Religious Studies. New York: Oxford University Press USA, 2000.
60. Craig R. Prentiss. Religion and the Creation of Race and Ethnicity. New York: NYU Press, 2003. ISBN 0-8147-6701-X
61. Tomoko Masuzawa. The Invention of World Religions, or, How European Universalism Was Preserved in the Language of
Pluralism. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005. ISBN 0-226-50988-5
62. Darrell J. Turner. “Religion: Year In Review 2000”.Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 16 June 2012.
63. but cf: www.worldometers.info/world-p...ion/#religions
ab
64. “Global Index of Religiosity and Atheism” (PDF). WIN-Gallup International. 27 July 2012. Retrieved 24 August 2012.
65. “Losing our Religion? Two Thirds of People Still Claim to be Religious” (PDF). WIN/Gallup International. WIN/Gallup
International. April 13, 2015.
66. “Women More Religious Than Men”. Livescience.com. Retrieved July 14, 2013.
67. Soul Searching:The Religious and Spiritual Lives of American Teenagers – Page 77, Christian Smith, Melina Lundquist Denton
– 2005
68. Christ in Japanese Culture: Theological Themes in Shusaku Endo’s Literary Works, Emi Mase-Hasegawa – 2008
69. New poll reveals how churchgoers mix eastern new age beliefs retrieved 26 July 2013

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12.12: Health and Illness

Figure 12.12.1 - The U.S. Army – MEDRETE in the Bac Ninh Province of Vietnam.
Medical anthropology is the research area within cultural anthropology that marries concepts from biological and cultural
anthropology to better understand health and disease among humans. It is one of the fastest growing research areas within
anthropology. Some would classify it as part of applied anthropology, the fifth (often overlooked) anthropological sub-discipline.
Applied anthropologists use anthropological research methods and results to “identify, assess, and solve contemporary problems”
(Gezen and Kottak 2014: 240). Applied anthropologists are found in many areas of work, including public health, economic
development, forensics, linguistics, and human rights, in both rural and urban settings across the globe. For decades,
anthropologists have been studying the interaction of cultural values and norms on health-related issues. In recent years, Western
medical practitioners are beginning to use anthropological data to better understand their multicultural patients’ responses to
“modern” health care practices.

Defining Health and Illness

In order to understand the anthropological approach to health and illness, it is necessary to know the definitions of terms related to
the topics.
All definitions of health are imbued with moral, ethical, and political implications. Perhaps the broadest definition of health is that
proposed by the World Health Organization (WHO), defining health with reference to an “overall sense of well-being.” By WHO’s
criteria, only a relatively small percentage of the world’s population could be classified as healthy (Glazier and Hallin 2010: 925).
Disease and illness are separate concepts. Disease is a condition caused by a pathogen, e.g., bacterium, parasite, or virus, which has
been scientifically verified; it is something that can be objectively measured. These can vary by group (e.g., ethnicity and
socioeconomic status), geography, incidence, and severity. Illness is a feeling or perception of not being healthy. Illness may be
caused by disease, but it can also be caused by psychological or spiritual factors and tied to an individual’s worldview. Health
systems include cultural perceptions and classification of health-related issues, healing practices, diagnosis, prevention, and healers
(Miller 2011).

Theoretical Approaches
Anthropologists George Foster and Barbara Anderson, who together with Khwaja Hassan established the field of medical
anthropology, identified three disease theory systems that explain illness:
1. Personalistic disease theory: Illness is due to the action of an agent such as a witch, sorcerer, or supernatural entity, e.g.,
ancestor spirit or ghost. Healers must use supernatural means to learn the cause and to help cure illness.
2. Emotionalistic disease theory: Illness is due to a negative emotional experience. For many Latin Americans, anxiety or fright
may cause lethargy and distraction, an illness called susto. Psychotherapists are interested in the role emotions play in physical
health.
3. Naturalistic theory: Illness is due to an impersonal factor, e.g., pathogen, malnutrition, obstruction (e.g., kidney stone), or
organic deterioration (e.g., heart failure). Naturalistic theory has its origins in the work of Hippocrates and dominates the
pedagogy of modern medical schools.
Barbara Miller (2011) outlines three theoretical approaches that attempt to understand health systems:

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 1. Ecological/Epidemiological Approach: This approach aims to produce data that can be used by public health programs by
focusing how the interaction of the natural environment and culture can cause health problems and influence their spread
through a population.
2. Interpretivist Approach: Drawing on the work of Claude Lévi-Strauss, the interpretivist approach examines how community
and individual distress is alleviated through healing systems and how illness is defined and experienced. The assumption is that
the healing system provides meaning for suffering.
3. Critical Medical Anthropology: Critical medical anthropologists examine how health systems are impacted by structural
elements, e.g., social inequality, political economy, global media, etc.

Ethnomedicine
The cross-cultural study of health systems is called ethnomedicine. It goes beyond examination of health systems to look at such
things as the impact of globalization on the health system as well as cultural concepts of the body and disability and the use of
plants and animals within the health system. Early ethnomedicine studies focused on the health systems of indigenous peoples
across the globe. More recently Western biomedical practices are identified as an ethnomedicine and included in the scope of
ethnomedicine studies.
All people try to understand the cause of illness and disease. The cross-cultural study of specific causal explanations for health-
related problems is called ethno-etiology. Ethno-etiological studies of migraines demonstrate that in the Bahia area of Brazil,
migraines the causal explanation of migraines is certain types of winds. In the U.S., biomedical explanations for migraines include
emotional stress, sensitivity to certain chemicals and preservatives in food, excessive caffeine, menstrual periods, skipping meals,
changes in sleep patterns, excessive fatigue, changing weather conditions, and numerous medical conditions such as hypertension,
asthma, and chronic fatigue syndrome.
Structural suffering, or social suffering resulting from poverty, famine, conflict, and forced migration, is a focus of ethnomedicine
and medical anthropology in general. Frequently, structural suffering is related to culture-bound syndromes, which are
psychopathologies (suite of signs and symptoms) restricted to certain cultural environments. Witiko is a culture-bound syndrome
found among indigenous peoples of Canada. The symptoms include an aversion to food accompanied by depression and anxiety.
The witiko spirit, which is a giant human-eating monster, eventually possesses the inflicted individual causing the person to acts of
cannibalism and homicide. Studies indicate that witiko is an extreme form of starvation anxiety (Martin 2012). Other examples of
culture-bound syndromes that are not necessarily to structural suffering include:
Amok afflicts males in Indonesia, Malaysai, and Thailand. The term means ‘to engage furiously in battle.’ Symptoms include
wild, aggressive behavior. The inflicted first withdraws or broods then attempts to kill or hurt another person until they are
restrained, exhausted, or killed. The condition is caused by loss of either social or economic status, a loved one, or a real or
perceived insult (Gomez 2006).
Anorexia nervosa is a culture-bound syndrome associated with affluent industrial societies. It is an eating disorder characterized
by self-starvation. Affecting primarily women, anorexia nervosa is associated with cultures that place excessive value on female
thinness. Contributing factors include over-controlling parents and socially, economically upwardly mobile family, earl onset of
puberty, tallness, low self-esteem, depression, and some illnesses like juvenile diabetes.
Hwa-byung, meaning fire disease, occurs in Korea. Eastern medicine relates its cause to an imbalance between yin (negative
force) and yang (positive force) or between ki (vital energy) and hwa (illness with properties of fire). Western biomedicine
attributes it to incomplete suppressed anger or projection of anger into the body. Symptoms include feelings of frustration,
anxiety, guilt, fear, humiliation, hatred, depression, and disappointment. Physical manifestations are many, including
palpitations, indigestion, dizziness, nausea, constipation, pain, insomnia, and more. Individuals suffering from hwa-byung may
be abnormally talkative, short-tempered, absent-minded, paranoid, and have suicidal thoughts (Park 2006).
Latah has been found predominantly in Malaysia, but similar syndromes occur in the Philippines (mali-mali), Burma (yaun),
and among indigenous peoples in Siberia (myriachif) and Japan (imo). Caused by a sudden shock, e.g., death of a loved one, or
fright, the individual enters a dissociative, highly suggestible state where they readily follow the commands of others. They
often suffer from echolalia when they compulsively repeat what others say, or echopraxia when they mimic the actions of
others. Socially inappropriate behaviors are common with this syndrome, including touching or hitting others, saying sexually
explicit things, and singing out loud (Legerski 2006).

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Healing & Healers
In the Western biomedical approach to healing, private healing is the norm; oftentimes only the patient and the professional health
practitioner(s) is/are in the room. In other health systems community healing or humoral healing are common. The community
healing approach considers social context critical for the healing process. Healing practices take place in front of the whole
community and often involve their participation. One example is the healing dance of Ju/hoansi foragers of the Kalahari. Several
times a month, the healing dance is performed to draw on the collective energy of the participants. Men, and sometimes women,
dance around a circle of women who sit around a fire, clapping and singing. Healers draw on the spiritual energy of the dancers and
singers to enhance their consciousness. During this period of enhanced consciousness, healers can heal those in need (Miller 2011).
Humoral healing systems use a philosophy centered on the idea that heat and coolness imbalances in the body cause disease.
Coolness causes death in some Chinese, Indian, and Islamic cultures while in others such as the Orang Asli in Malaysia heat is the
culprit. Food and drugs are used to offset these imbalances.

Figure 12.12.2 - A Tsaatan shaman in northern Mongolia prepares for a ceremony. Khovsgol Province, Mongolia.
Healing is generally done through a combination of informal methods, e.g., self-diagnosis and treatment, and formal treatment
using a healing specialist. There are many different types of healing specialists:
Shamans and shmankas,
Midwives,
Bonesetters,
Doctors,
Nurses,
Dentists,
Chiropractors,
Herbalists,
Psychiatrists and psychologists, and
Acupuncturists.
All healing specialists go through similar process to become specialists. First there is the selection process. In most cases, the
candidate must show some aptitude. In an indigenous society it might be an ability to connect with the supernatural realm. In
cultures reliant on the Western biomedical approach, candidates must past entry exams and academic courses to become specialists.
Training from seasoned healing specialists is a key component for all those who wish to become healing specialist whether in the
form of apprenticeship with a shaman to formal training in a medical school. Training can be arduous both physically and mentally
no matter the type of training. Once training is complete, the candidate earns a medical degree in the Western biomedical system. In
indigenous societies, initiation rituals are performed. Once this certification process is complete, the healing specialist can adopt the
raiment of the professional healer, e.g., the white coat of the medical doctor. Payment is generally expected for services rendered.
What constitutes payment is highly variable, from salaries to livestock.

Explore: Learn More About the Anthropologists

Claude Lévi-Strauss: www.egs.edu/library/claude-le...uss/biography/

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References
1. Ancis, Julie R. “Culture-Bound Syndromes.” In Encyclopedia of Multicultural Psychology, edited by Yo Jackson, p. 130-132.
Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
2. “Anorexia.” In The Gale Encyclopedia of Psychology, edited by Bonnie Strickland, p. 37-38. Detroit: Gale, 2001.
3. DeWalt, Kathleen Musante. “Anthropology, Medical.” In International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, edited by
William A. Darity, Jr., p. 130-132. Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008.
4. Foster, George M. and Barbara G. Anderson. Medical Anthropology. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1978.
5. Gaines, Atwood D. “Ethnomedicine.” In Encyclopedia of Anthropology, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx, p. 859-861. Thousand
Oaks, CA: SAGE Publications, 2006.
6. Glazier, Stephen D. and Mary J. Hallin. “Health and Illness.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2,
edited by H. James Birx, p. 925-935. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
7. Gomez, Michael. “Culture-Bound Syndromes: Amok.” In Encyclopedia of Multicultural Psychology, edited by Yo Jackson, p.
132. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
8. Legerski, John-Paul. “Culture-Bound Syndromes: Latah.” In Encyclopedia of Multicultural Psychology, edited by Yo Jackson,
p. 139-140. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.
9. Martin, Kimberly. “Examples of Culture-Bound Syndromes.” Kimberly Martin, PhD. Accessed April 23, 2015.
www.kimberlymartin.com/wp-con...-Syndromes.pdf.
10. “Migraines and Headaches.” WebMd. Accessed April 23, 2015. www.webmd.com/migraines-heada...es-migraines#2.
11. Miller, Barbara. Cultural Anthropology, 6th edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2011.
12. O’Neil, Dennis. “Medical Anthropology: How Illness Is Traditionally Perceived and Cured Around the World.” Last updated
February 8, 2012. anthro.palomar.edu/medical/default.htm.
13. Park, Young-Joo. “Culture-Bound Syndromes: Hwa-Byung.” In Encyclopedia of Multicultural Psychology, edited by Yo
Jackson, p. 137-138. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2006.

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
13: Art
Topic hierarchy
13.1: Art
13.2: Anthropology of Art
13.3: Purpose of Art
13.4: Paleolithic Art
13.5: Tribal Art
13.6: Folk Art
13.7: Indigenous Australian Art
13.8: Sandpainting
13.9: Ethnomusicology
13.10: Dance
13.11: Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act

Thumbnail image - M0010862 Navajo sand-painting, negative made from postcard Credit: Wellcome Library, London. Wellcome
Images images@wellcome.ac.uk http://wellcomeimages.org Navajo sand-painting, negative made from postcard, "All publication
rights reserved. Apply to J.R. Willis, Gallup, N.M. Kodaks-Art Goods" (U.S.A.) Painting Published: - Copyrighted work available
under Creative Commons Attribution only licence CC BY 4.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

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1 5/12/2022
13.1: Art

Figure 13.1.1 - Clockwise from upper left: a self-portrait by Vincent van Gogh; a female ancestor figure by a Chokwe artist; detail
from The Birth of Venus by Sandro Botticelli; and an Okinawan Shisa lion.
Art is a diverse range of human activities in creating visual, auditory or performing artifacts – artworks, expressing the author’s
imaginative or technical skill, intended to be appreciated for their beauty or emotional power.[1][2] In their most general form these
activities include the production of works of art, the criticism of art, the study of the history of art, and the aesthetic dissemination
of art.
The oldest documented forms of art are visual arts, which include creation of images or objects in fields including painting,
sculpture, printmaking, photography, and other visual media. Architecture is often included as one of the visual arts; however, like
the decorative arts, it involves the creation of objects where the practical considerations of use are essential—in a way that they
usually are not in a painting, for example. Music, theatre, film, dance, and other performing arts, as well as literature and other
media such as interactive media, are included in a broader definition of art or the arts.[1][3] Until the 17th century, art referred to
any skill or mastery and was not differentiated from crafts or sciences. In modern usage after the 17th century, where aesthetic
considerations are paramount, the fine arts are separated and distinguished from acquired skills in general, such as the decorative or
applied arts.
Art may be characterized in terms of mimesis (its representation of reality), expression, communication of emotion, or other
qualities. During the Romantic period, art came to be seen as “a special faculty of the human mind to be classified with religion and
science”.[4] Though the definition of what constitutes art is disputed[5][6][7] and has changed over time, general descriptions mention
an idea of imaginative or technical skill stemming from human agency[8] and creation.[9]

Notes
1. a b “Art: definition”. Oxford Dictionaries.
2. “art”. Merriam-Websters Dictionary.
3. “Art, n. 1”. OED Online. December 2011. Oxford University Press. http://www.oed.com. (Accessed 26 February 2012.)
4. Gombrich, Ernst. (2005). “Press statement on The Story of Art”. The Gombrich Archive. Archived from the original on 6
October 2008. Retrieved 18 November 2008.
5. Stephen Davies (1991). Definition of Art. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-9794-0.
6. Robert Stecker (1997). Artworks: Definition, Meaning, Value. Pennsylvania State University Press. ISBN 978-0-271-01596-5.
7. Noël Carroll, ed. (2000). Theories of Art Today. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-16354-9.
8. |url=http://www.ubc.ca/okanagan/creative/...t_is_Art_.html |date=20120427192624 |df=y What Is Art?Archive copy at the
Wayback Machine
9. a b “art”. Encyclopedia Britannica.

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13.2: Anthropology of Art

Figure 13.2.1 - Michelangelo’s David, 1501-1504, Galleria dell’Accademia (Florence)

Anthropology of art is a sub-field in cultural anthropology dedicated to the study of art in different cultural contexts. The
anthropology of art focuses on historical, economic and aesthetic dimensions in non-Western art forms, including what is known as
‘tribal art’.

History
Franz Boas, one of the pioneers of modern anthropology, conducted many field studies of the arts, helping create a foundation to
the field. His book, Primitive Art (1927), summarizes his main insights into so-called ‘primitive’ art forms, with a detailed case
study on the arts of the Northwest Pacific Coast.[1] The famous anthropologist Claude Lévi-Strauss took Boas’ analyses further in
his book The Way of the Masks, where he traced changes in the plastic form of Northwest Pacific masks to patterns of intercultural
interaction among the indigenous peoples of the coast.[2]

The Problem of Art

One of the central problems in the anthropology of art concerns the universality of ‘art’ as a cultural phenomenon. Several
anthropologists have noted that the Western categories of ‘painting’, ‘sculpture’, or ‘literature’, conceived as independent artistic
activities, do not exist, or exist in a significantly different form, in most non-Western contexts.[3]Thus, there is no consensus on a
single, cross-cultural definition of ‘art’ in anthropology.[4][5] To surmount this difficulty, anthropologists of art have focused on
formal features in objects which, without exclusively being ‘artistic’, have certain evident ‘aesthetic’ qualities. Boas’ Primitive Art,
Claude Lévi-Strauss’ The Way of the Masks (1982) or Geertz’s ‘Art as Cultural System’ (1983) are some examples in this trend to
transform the anthropology of ‘art’ into an anthropology of culturally-specific ‘aesthetics’. More recently, in his book Art and
Agency, Alfred Gell proposed a new definition of ‘art’ as a complex system of intentionality, where artists produce art objects to
effect changes in the world, including (but not restricted to) changes in the aesthetic perceptions of art audiences.[6] Gell’s ideas
have stirred a large controversy in the anthropology of art in the 2000s.[7][8][9]

Bibliography
Boas, Franz. (1927) Primitive Art. New York: Dover
Coote, Jeremy and Anthony Shelton, eds. (1992) Anthropology Art and Aesthetics. Oxford: Clarendon Press ISBN 0-19-
827945-0
Forge, Anthony, ed. (1973) Primitive Art & Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press
Forge, Anthony. (1979) The Problem of Meaning in Art, in Exploring the Visual Art of Oceania. Sidney M. Mead, ed.
Honolulu: Hawaii University Press, pp. 278–286
Geertz, Clifford. (1983). Art as a Cultural System, in Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology. New
York: Basic Books
Gell, Alfred. (1998) Art and Agency: An Anthropological Theory of Art. Oxford: Oxford University Press ISBN 0-19-828014-9
Hatcher, Evelyn Payne. (1985) Art As Culture: An Introduction to the Anthropology of Art. Lanham: University Press of
America ISBN 0-89789-628-9
Layton, Robert. (1981) The Anthropology of Art. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press ISBN 978-0-521-36894-0
Lévi-Strauss, Claude. (1982) The Way of the Masks, translated by Sylvia Modelski. Seattle: University of Washington Press
Morphy, Howard and Morgan Perkins, eds. (2006) The Anthropology of Art: A Reader. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing

Lumen Learning 13.2.1 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5648

 Munn, Nancy. (1973) Walpiri Iconography. Ithaca: Cornell University Press
Price, Sally. (1989) Primitive Art in Civilized Places. Chicago: University of Chicago Press

References
1. Franz Boas. (1927) Primitive art.
2. Claude Lévi-Strauss. (1982) The Way of the Masks.
3. Robert Layton. (1981) The Anthropology of Art.
4. Howard Morphy & Morgan Perkins. (2006) Introduction, in The Anthropology of Art: A Reader.
5. G. Angioni, Fare dire sentire: l’identico e il diverso nelle culture, Nuoro, il Maestrale, 2011
6. Alfred Gell. (1998) Art and Agency.
7. Ross Bowden. (2004) A Critique of Alfred Gell on Art and Agency. Oceania, 74: 309-325
8. Robert H. Layton. (2003) Art and Agency: A reassessment. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 9: 447-464
9. Howard Morphy. (2009). Art as a Mode of Action: Some Problems with Gell’s Art and Agency. Journal of Material Culture, 14
(1): 5-27

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13.3: Purpose of Art

Figure 13.3.1 - A Navajo rug made circa 1880

Art has had a great number of different functions throughout its history, making its purpose difficult to abstract or quantify to any
single concept. This does not imply that the purpose of Art is “vague”, but that it has had many unique, different reasons for being
created. Some of these functions of Art are provided in the following outline. The different purposes of art may be grouped
according to those that are non-motivated, and those that are motivated (Lévi-Strauss).

Figure 13.3.2 - Mozarabic Beatus miniature. Spain, late 10th century

Non-Motivated Functions of Art

The non-motivated purposes of art are those that are integral to being human, transcend the individual, or do not fulfill a specific
external purpose. In this sense, Art, as creativity, is something humans must do by their very nature (i.e., no other species creates
art), and is therefore beyond utility.
1. Basic human instinct for harmony, balance, rhythm. Art at this level is not an action or an object, but an internal appreciation
of balance and harmony (beauty), and therefore an aspect of being human beyond utility.

“Imitation, then, is one instinct of our nature. Next, there is the instinct for ‘harmony’
and rhythm, meters being manifestly sections of rhythm. Persons, therefore, starting
with this natural gift developed by degrees their special aptitudes, till their rude
improvisations gave birth to Poetry.” -Aristotle[1]
2. Experience of the mysterious. Art provides a way to experience one’s self in relation to the universe. This experience may
often come unmotivated, as one appreciates art, music or poetry.

“The most beautiful thing we can experience is the mysterious. It is the source of all
true art and science.” -Albert Einstein[2]
3. Expression of the imagination. Art provides a means to express the imagination in non-grammatic ways that are not tied to the
formality of spoken or written language. Unlike words, which come in sequences and each of which have a definite meaning,
art provides a range of forms, symbols and ideas with meanings that are malleable.

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 “Jupiter’s eagle [as an example of art] is not, like logical (aesthetic) attributes of an
object, the concept of the sublimity and majesty of creation, but rather something else –
something that gives the imagination an incentive to spread its flight over a whole host
of kindred representations that provoke more thought than admits of expression in a
concept determined by words. They furnish an aesthetic idea, which serves the above
rational idea as a substitute for logical presentation, but with the proper function,
however, of animating the mind by opening out for it a prospect into a field of kindred
representations stretching beyond its ken.” -Immanuel Kant[3]
4. Ritualistic and symbolic functions. In many cultures, art is used in rituals, performances and dances as a decoration or symbol.
While these often have no specific utilitarian (motivated) purpose, anthropologists know that they often serve a purpose at the
level of meaning within a particular culture. This meaning is not furnished by any one individual, but is often the result of many
generations of change, and of a cosmological relationship within the culture.

“Most scholars who deal with rock paintings or objects recovered from prehistoric
contexts that cannot be explained in utilitarian terms and are thus categorized as
decorative, ritual or symbolic, are aware of the trap posed by the term ‘art’.” -Silva
Tomaskova[4]
Motivated Functions of Art
Motivated purposes of art refer to intentional, conscious actions on the part of the artists or creator. These may be to bring about
political change, to comment on an aspect of society, to convey a specific emotion or mood, to address personal psychology, to
illustrate another discipline, to (with commercial arts) sell a product, or simply as a form of communication.
1. Communication. Art, at its simplest, is a form of communication. As most forms of communication have an intent or goal
directed toward another individual, this is a motivated purpose. Illustrative arts, such as scientific illustration, are a form of art
as communication. Maps are another example. However, the content need not be scientific. Emotions, moods and feelings are
also communicated through art.

“[Art is a set of] artifacts or images with symbolic meanings as a means of

communication.” -Steve Mithen[5]
2. Art as entertainment. Art may seek to bring about a particular emotion or mood, for the purpose of relaxing or entertaining the
viewer. This is often the function of the art industries of Motion Pictures and Video Games.
3. The Avante-Garde. Art for political change. One of the defining functions of early twentieth-century art has been to use visual
images to bring about political change. Art movements that had this goal—Dadaism, Surrealism, Russian Constructivism, and
Abstract Expressionism, among others—are collectively referred to as the avante-garde arts.

“By contrast, the realistic attitude, inspired by positivism, from Saint Thomas Aquinas
to Anatole France, clearly seems to me to be hostile to any intellectual or moral
advancement. I loathe it, for it is made up of mediocrity, hate, and dull conceit. It is
this attitude which today gives birth to these ridiculous books, these insulting plays. It
constantly feeds on and derives strength from the newspapers and stultifies both
science and art by assiduously flattering the lowest of tastes; clarity bordering on
stupidity, a dog’s life.” -André Breton (Surrealism)[6]
4. Art as a “free zone”, removed from the action of the social censure. Unlike the avant-garde movements, which wanted to erase
cultural differences in order to produce new universal values, contemporary art has enhanced its tolerance towards cultural
differences as well as its critical and liberating functions (social inquiry, activism, subversion, deconstruction …), becoming a
more open place for research and experimentation.[7]

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 5. Art for social inquiry, subversion and/or anarchy. While similar to art for political change, subversive or deconstructivist art
may seek to question aspects of society without any specific political goal. In this case, the function of art may be simply to
criticize some aspect of society.

Figure 13.3.3 - Spray-paint graffiti on a wall in Rome

Graffiti art and other types of street art are graphics and images that are spray-painted or stenciled on publicly viewable walls,
buildings, buses, trains, and bridges, usually without permission. Certain art forms, such as graffiti, may also be illegal when
they break laws (in this case vandalism).
6. Art for social causes. Art can be used to raise awareness for a large variety of causes. A number of art activities were aimed at
raising awareness of autism,[8][9][10] cancer,[11][12][13] human trafficking,[14][15]and a variety of other topics, such as ocean
conservation,[16] human rights in Darfur,[17] murdered and missing Aboriginal women,[18]elder abuse,[19] and pollution.[20]
Trashion, using trash to make fashion, practiced by artists such as Marina DeBris is one example of using art to raise awareness
about pollution.
7. Art for psychological and healing purposes. Art is also used by art therapists, psychotherapists and clinical psychologists as art
therapy. The Diagnostic Drawing Series, for example, is used to determine the personality and emotional functioning of a
patient. The end product is not the principal goal in this case, but rather a process of healing, through creative acts, is sought.
The resultant piece of artwork may also offer insight into the troubles experienced by the subject and may suggest suitable
approaches to be used in more conventional forms of psychiatric therapy.
8. Art for propaganda, or commercialism. Art is often utilized as a form of propaganda, and thus can be used to subtly influence
popular conceptions or mood. In a similar way, art that tries to sell a product also influences mood and emotion. In both cases,
the purpose of art here is to subtly manipulate the viewer into a particular emotional or psychological response toward a
particular idea or object.[21]
9. Art as a fitness indicator. It has been argued that the ability of the human brain by far exceeds what was needed for survival in
the ancestral environment. One evolutionary psychology explanation for this is that the human brain and associated traits (such
as artistic ability and creativity) are the human equivalent of the peacock’s tail. The purpose of the male peacock’s extravagant
tail has been argued to be to attract females (see also Fisherian runaway and handicap principle). According to this theory
superior execution of art was evolutionary important because it attracted mates.[22]
The functions of art described above are not mutually exclusive, as many of them may overlap. For example, art for the purpose of
entertainment may also seek to sell a product, i.e. the movie or video game.

Notes
1. Aristotle. The Poetics, Republic. Note: Although speaking mostly of poetry here, the Ancient Greeks often speak of the arts
collectively. http://www.authorama.com/the-poetics-2.html
2. Einstein, Albert. “The World as I See It”.http://www.aip.org/history/einstein/essay.htm
3. Immanuel Kant, Critique of Aesthetic Judgement(1790).
4. Silvia Tomaskova, “Places of Art: Art and Archaeology in Context”: (1997)
5. Steve Mithen. The Prehistory of the Mind: The Cognitive Origins of Art, Religion and Science. 1999
6. André Breton, Surrealist Manifesto (1924)
7. According to Maurizio Bolognini this is not only associated with the postmodern rejection of all canons but with a process of
secularization of art, which is finally considered as “a mere (albeit essential) convention, sustained and reproduced by the art
system (artists, galleries, critics, collectors), providing a free zone, that is, a more open place for experimentation, removed
from the constraints of the practical sphere.”: see Maurizio Bolognini (2008). Postdigitale. Rome: Carocci. ISBN 978-88-430-
4739-0, chap. 3.
8. Trotter, Jeramia (15 February 2011). “RiverKings raising autism awareness with art”. WMC tv. Archived from the original on
22 February 2011. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
9. “Art exhibit aims to raise awareness of autism”. Daily News-Miner. 4 April 2012. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
10. “Anchorage art exhibit to raise awareness about autism”(PDF). Alaska Department of Health and Social Services. Retrieved
21 February 2013.

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11. Ruhl, Ashleigh (18 February 2013). “Photographer Seeks Subjects To Help Raise Cancer Awareness”. Gazettes. Retrieved 21
February 2013.
12. “Bra art raising awareness for breast cancer”. The Palm Beach Post. n.d. Retrieved 22 January 2015.
13. Flynn, Marella (10 January 2007). “October art walk aims to raise money, awareness for breast cancer”. Flagler College
Gargoyle. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
14. “Students get creative in the fight against human trafficking”.WDTN Channel 2 News. 26 November 2012. Archived from the
original on 22 January 2015. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
15. “Looking to raise awareness at ArtPrize”. WWMT, Newschannel 3. 10 January 2012. Archived from the originalon 6 October
2012. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
16. “SciCafe – Art/Sci Collision: Raising Ocean Conservation Awareness”. American Museum of Natural History. Retrieved21
February 2013.
17. “SMU students raise awareness with ‘Art for Darfur'”. SMU News Release. 4 March 2008. Retrieved 21 February 2003.
18. Donnelly, Greg (3 May 2012). “Red dress art project to raise awareness of murdered and missing Aboriginal women”. Global
Edmonton. Archived from the original on 22 January 2015. Retrieved 21 February 2013.
19. “Raising elder abuse awareness through intergenerational art”. Human Resources and Skills Development Canada. Retrieved
21 February 2013.
20. Mathema, Paavan (16 January 2013). “Trash to treasure: Turning Mt. Everest waste into art”. CNN. Retrieved21 February
2013.
21. Roland Barthes, Mythologies
22. Dutton, Denis. 2003. “Aesthetics and Evolutionary Psychology” in The Oxford Handbook for Aesthetics. Oxford University
Press.

13.3: Purpose of Art is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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13.4: Paleolithic Art
Lower and Middle Paleolithic
The earliest undisputed art originated with the Aurignacian archaeological culture in the Upper Paleolithic. However, there is some
evidence that the preference for the aesthetic emerged in the Middle Paleolithic, from 100,000 to 50,000 years ago. Some
archaeologists have interpreted certain Middle Paleolithic artifacts as early examples of artistic expression.[3][4]The symmetry of
artifacts, evidence of attention to the detail of tool shape, has led some investigators to conceive of Acheulean hand axes and
especially laurel points as having been produced with a degree of artistic expression.
Similarly, a zig-zag etching made with a shark tooth on a freshwater clam-shell around 500,000 years ago (i.e. well into the Lower
Paleolithic), associated with Homo erectus, was proposed as the earliest evidence of artistic activity in 2014.[5]
The Mask of La Roche-Cotard has been taken as evidence of Neanderthal figurative art, although in a period post-dating their
contact with Homo sapiens. There are other claims of Middle Paleolithic sculpture, dubbed the “Venus of Tan-Tan” (before 300
kya)[6] and the “Venus of Berekhat Ram” (250 kya). In 2002 in Blombos cave, situated in South Africa, stones were discovered
engraved with grid or cross-hatch patterns, dated to some 70,000 years ago. This suggested to some researchers that early Homo
sapiens were capable of abstraction and production of abstract art or symbolic art.

Upper Paleolithic

Figure 13.4.1 - Aurochs on a cave painting in Lascaux, France

The oldest undisputed works of figurative art were found in the Schwäbische Alb, Baden-Württemberg, Germany. The earliest of
these, the Venus figurine known as the Venus of Hohle Fels and the Löwenmensch figurine date to some 40,000 years ago.

Figure 13.4.2 - Venus of Willendorf

Further depictional art from the Upper Palaeolithic period (broadly 40,000 to 10,000 years ago) includes cave painting (e.g., those
at Chauvet, Altamira, Pech Merle, and Lascaux) and portable art: Venus figurines like the Venus of Willendorf, as well as animal
carvings like the Swimming Reindeer, Wolverine pendant of Les Eyzies, and several of the objects known asbâtons de
commandement.

Figure 13.4.3 - Image of a horse from the Lascaux caves.

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Cave paintings from the Indonesian island of Sulawesi were in 2014 found to be 40,000 years old, a similar date to the oldest
European cave art, which may suggest an older common origin for this type of art, perhaps in Africa.[7]
Monumental open air art in Europe from this period include Côa Valley and Mazouco in Portugal, Domingo García and Siega
Verde in Spain, and Fornols-Haut in France.
A cave at Turobong in South Korea containing human remains has been found to contain carved deer bones and depictions of deer
that may be as much as 40,000 years old.[8] Petroglyphs of deer or reindeer found at Sokchang-ri may also date to the Upper
Paleolithic. Pot shards in a style reminiscent of early Japanese work have been found at Kosan-ri on Jeju island, which, due to
lower sea levels at the time, would have been accessible from Japan.[9]
The oldest petroglyphs are dated to approximately the Mesolithic and late Upper Paleolithic boundary, about 10,000 to 12,000
years ago. The earliest undisputed African rock art dates back about 10,000 years. The first naturalistic paintings of humans found
in Africa date back about 8,000 years apparently originating in the Nile River valley, spread as far west as Mali about 10,000 years
ago. Noted sites containing early art include Tassili n’Ajjer in southern Algeria, Tadrart Acacus in Libya (A Unesco World Heritage
site), and the Tibesti Mountains in northern Chad.[10] Rock carvings at the Wonderwerk Cave in South Africa have been dated to
this age.[11]Contentious dates as far back as 29,000 years have been obtained at a site in Tanzania. A site at the Apollo 11 Cave
complex in Namibia has been dated to 27,000 years.

Notes
1. “The term “prehistoric” ceases to be valid some thousands of years B.C. in the near east but remains a warranted description
down to about 500 A.D. in Ireland”, Review by “A. T. L.” of Prehistoric Art by T. G. E. Powell, The Journal of the Royal
Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, Vol. 97, No. 1 (1967), p. 95, Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland, JSTOR
2. “Shell ‘art’ made 300,000 years before humans evolved – New Scientist”. New Scientist.
3. New York Times
4. The Metropolitan Museum of New York City Introduction to Prehistoric Art Retrieved 2012-5-12
5. Joordens, Josephine C. A.; d’Errico, Francesco; Wesselingh, Frank P.; Munro, Stephen; de Vos, John; Wallinga, Jakob;
Ankjærgaard, Christina; Reimann, Tony; Wijbrans, Jan R.; Kuiper, Klaudia F.; Mücher, Herman J.; Coqueugniot, Hélène; Prié,
Vincent; Joosten, Ineke; van Os, Bertil; Schulp, Anne S.; Panuel, Michel; van der Haas, Victoria; Lustenhouwer, Wim; Reijmer,
John J. G.; Roebroeks, Wil (2014). “Homo erectus at Trinil on Java used shells for tool production and engraving”. Nature 518
(7538): 228–231.doi:10.1038/nature13962.
6. Chase, pp. 145-146
7. “Indonesian Cave Paintings As Old As Europe’s Ancient Art”. NPR.org. 8 October 2014.
8. Portal, p. 25
9. a b Portal, p. 26
10. Coulson, pp. 150–155

References
Arbib, Michael A (2006). Action to language via the mirror neuron system: The Mirror Neuron System. Cambridge University
Press. ISBN 978-0-521-84755-1.
Bailey, Douglass (2005). Prehistoric Figurines: Representation and Corporeality in the Neolithic. Routledge Publishers. ISBN
0-415-33152-8.
Bruhns, Karen O (1994). Ancient South America. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-27761-7.
Chase, Philip G (2005). The Emergence of Culture: The Evolution of a Uniquely Human Way of Life. Birkhäuser. ISBN 978-0-
387-30512-7.
Coulson, David; Campbell, Alec (2001). African Rock Art. Harry N. Abrams, Inc. ISBN 0-8109-4363-8.
Lavallée, Danièle (1995). The First South Americans. Bahn, Paul G (trans.). University of Utah Press. ISBN 0-87480-665-8.
Portal, Jane (2000). Korea: Art and Archaeology. Thames & Hudson.
Sandars, Nancy K., Prehistoric Art in Europe, Penguin (Pelican, now Yale, History of Art), 1968 (nb 1st edn.)
Stone-Miller, Rebecca (1995). Art of the Andes. Thames and Hudson. ISBN 0-500-20286-9.
Thackeray, Anne I.; Thackeray, JF; Beaumont, PB; Vogel, JC; et al. (1981-10-02). “Dated Rock Engravings from Wonderwerk
Cave, South Africa”. Science 214 (4516): 64–67. doi:10.1126/science.214.4516.64. PMID 17802575.
“Unesco World Heritage announcement on Twyfelfontein”. Retrieved 2008-11-13.

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13.4: Paleolithic Art is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by Lumen Learning.

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13.5: Tribal Art

Figure 13.5.1 - A Punu tribe mask. Gabon West Africa

Tribal art is the visual arts and material culture of indigenous peoples. Also known as ethnographic art, or, controversially,
primitive art,[2]tribal arts have historically been collected by Western anthropologists, private collectors, and museums,
particularly ethnographic and natural history museums. The term “primitive” is criticized as being Eurocentric and pejorative.[3]

Figure 13.5.2 - Artwork in the Museum of Indian Terracotta, New Delhi, India.[1]

Description
Tribal art is often ceremonial or religious in nature.[4] Typically originating in rural areas, tribal art refers to the subject and
craftsmanship of artefacts from tribal cultures.
In museum collections, tribal art has three primary categories:
African art, especially arts of Sub-Saharan Africa
Art of the Americas[5]
Oceanic art, originating notably from Australia, Melanesia, New Zealand, and Polynesia.
Collection of tribal arts has historically been inspired by the Western myth of the “noble savage”, and lack of cultural context has
been a challenge with the Western mainstream public’s perception of tribal arts.[6] In the 19th century, non-western art was not seen
by mainstream Western art professional as being as art at all.[3] The art world perception of tribal arts is becoming less paternalistic,
as indigenous and non-indigenous advocates have struggled for more objective scholarship of tribal art. Before Post-Modernism
emerged in the 1960s, art critics approached tribal arts from a purely formalist approach,[7] that is, responding only to the visual
elements of the work and disregarding historical context, symbolism, or the artist’s intention.

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 Figure 13.5.3 - Congolese Nkisi Nkondi, a female power figure, with nails, collection BNK, Royal Tribal Art

Influence on Modernism
Major exhibitions of tribal arts in the late 19th through mid-20th centuries exposed the Western art world to non-Western art. Major
exhibitions included the Museum of Modern Art’s 1935 Africa Negro Art and 1941 Indian Art of the United States.[7] Exposure to
tribal arts provide inspiration to many modern artists,[8] notably Expressionists,[7] Cubists, and Surrealists, notably Surrealist Max
Ernst.[9] Cubist painter, Pablo Picasso stated that “primitive sculpture has never been surpassed.”[3]

Figure 13.5.4 - A male Kifwebe mask. Songye tribe. D.R. Congo. Central Africa

Notes
1. Tales in terracotta: Set up in 1990, the Sanskriti Museum has contextualised and documented terracotta from all parts of the
country, Indian Express, 15 May 2005.
2. Dutton, Denis, Tribal Art. In Michael Kelly (editor), Encyclopedia of Aesthetics. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998.
3. a b c Perkins and Morphy 132
4. Folk and Tribal Art, Cultural Heritage, Know India.
5. Russel, James S. “Glass Cube Dazzles at Boston MFA’s $345 Million Wing: Review.” Bloomberg. 21 Nov 2010. Retrieved 11
Jan 2011.
6. Perkins and Morphy 136
7. a b c Storr, Robert. “Global Culture and the American Cosmos.” Andy Warhol Foundation for the Visual Arts: Arts, Culture and
Society. 1995. (retrieved 15 Nov 2011)
8. Perkins and Morphy 133
9. Perkins and Morphy 134

References
Morphy, Howard and Morgan Perkins, eds. The Anthropology of Art: A Reader. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2006.
ISBN 978-1-4051-0562-0.

External Links
Tribal Art Magazine
Paleobree — Tribal Art Information Service

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 Art Tribal Newsletter
Tribal art forgeries
Oceanic Art Society

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13.6: Folk Art

Figure 13.6.1 - “Gran calavera eléctrica” by José Guadalupe Posada, Mexico, 1900–1913
Folk art encompasses art produced from an indigenous culture or by peasants or other laboring tradespeople. In contrast to fine art,
folk art is primarily utilitarian and decorative rather than purely aesthetic.[1] Folk Art is characterized by a naïve style, in which
traditional rules of proportion and perspective are not employed.
As a phenomenon that can chronicle a move towards civilization yet rapidly diminish with modernity, industrialization, or outside
influence, the nature of folk art is specific to its particular culture. The varied geographical and temporal prevalence and diversity
of folk art make it difficult to describe as a whole, though some patterns have been demonstrated.

Figure 13.6.2 - Island of Salvation Botanica, Piety Street, Bywater, New Orleans
Characteristically folk art is not influenced by movements in academic or fine art circles, and, in many cases, folk art excludes
works executed by professional artists and sold as “high art” or “fine art” to the society’s art patrons.[1] On the other hand, many
18th- and 19th-century American folk art painters made their living by their work, including itinerant portrait painters, some of
whom produced large bodies of work.[2]
Terms that might overlap with folk art are naïve art, tribal art, primitive art, popular art, outsider art, traditional art, tramp art and
working-class art/blue-collar art. As one might expect, these terms can have multiple and even controversial connotations but are
often used interchangeably with the term “folk art”.
Folk art expresses cultural identity by conveying shared community values and aesthetics. It encompasses a range of utilitarian and
decorative media, including cloth, wood, paper, clay, metal and more. If traditional materials are inaccessible, new materials are
often substituted, resulting in contemporary expressions of traditional folk art forms. Folk art reflects traditional art forms of
diverse community groups — ethnic, tribal, religious, occupational, geographical, age- or gender-based — who identify with each
other and society at large. Folk artists traditionally learn skills and techniques through apprenticeships in informal community
settings, though they may also be formally educated. Folk art are simple, direct, and mostly always colorful.

Figure 13.6.3 - Darrel Mortimer holding 8′ tattooed bamboo chillum; photograph by Sally Larsen, 2009

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 Figure 13.6.4 - House in New Orleans

Antique Folk Art

Antique folk art is distinguished from traditional art in that, while collected today based mostly on its artistic merit, it was never
intended to be ‘art for art’s sake’ at the time of its creation. Examples include: weathervanes, old store signs and carved figures,
itinerant portraits, carousel horses, fire buckets, painted game boards, cast iron doorstops and many other similar lines of highly
collectible “whimsical” antiques.

Figure 13.6.5 - Detail of 17th century calendar stick carved with national coat of arms, a common motif in Norwegian folk art.

Contemporary Folk Art

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 Figure 13.6.6 - A folk art wall in Lincoln Park, Chicago
Many folk art traditions like quilting, ornamental picture framing, and decoy carving continue to thrive, while new forms
constantly emerge.
Contemporary folk artists are frequently self-taught as their work is often developed in isolation or in small communities across the
country.[3] The Smithsonian American Art Museum houses over 70 such artists; for example,Elito Circa, a famous and
internationally recognized folk artist, developed his own styles without professional training or guidance from the masters.

Influence on Mainstream Art

Folk artworks, styles and motifs have inspired various artists. For example, Pablo Picasso was inspired by African tribal sculptures
and masks, while Natalia Goncharova and others were inspired by traditional Russian popular prints called luboks.[4] In music, Igor
Stravinsky’s seminal The Rite of Spring was inspired by pagan religious rites.

References
1. a b West, Shearer (general editor), The Bullfinch Guide to Art History, page 440, Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, United Kingdom,
1996. ISBN 0-8212-2137-X
2. Bishop, Robert and Weissman, Judith Reiter. The Knopf Collectors’ Guides to American Antiques: Folk Art. Folk art are
simple,direct, and mostly always colorful. Knopf. 1983
3. Slide show of 73 works of folk art with brief descriptions Smithsonian American Art Museum. Retrieved July 6, 2011
4. Goncharova Biography, Hatii, retrieved 19/2/2012

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13.7: Indigenous Australian Art

Figure 13.7.1 - Bradshaw rock paintings found in the north-west Kimberley region of Western Australia

Figure 13.7.2 - Aboriginal pictographs known as Wandjina in the Wunnumurra Gorge, Barnett River, Kimberley, Western Australia
Indigenous Australian art or Australian Aboriginal art is art made by the Indigenous peoples of Australia and in collaborations
between Indigenous Australians and others. It includes works in a wide range of media including painting on leaves, wood carving,
rock carving, sculpting, ceremonial clothing and sand painting. This article discusses works that pre-date European colonization as
well as contemporary Indigenous Australian art by Aboriginal Australians. These have been studied in recent years and have
gained much international recognition.[1]

Traditional Indigenous Art

There are several types of aboriginal art, and ways of making art, including rock painting, dot painting, rock engravings, bark
painting, carvings, sculptures, and weaving and string art.

Rock Painting

Figure 13.7.3 - Aboriginal Namadgi National Parkfeaturing a Kangaroo, Dingoes,Echidna or Turtles, totems and stories are created
using dots.

Figure 13.7.4 - This photo shows the painting of Baiame made by an unknown Wiradjuri artist in “Baiame’s cave”, near Singleton,
NSW. Notice the length of his arms which extend to the two trees either side.
Australian Indigenous art is the oldest unbroken tradition of art in the world. The oldest firmly dated rock art painting in Australia
is a charcoal drawing on a rock fragment found during the excavation of the Narwala Gabarnmang rock shelter in south-western
Arnhem Land in the Northern Territory. Dated at 28,000 years, it is one of the oldest known pieces of rock art on Earth with a
confirmed date. Rock art, including painting and engraving or carving, can be found at sites throughout Australia. Rock paintings
appear on caves in the Kimberley region of Western Australia known as Bradshaws. They are named after the European, Joseph

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Bradshaw, who first reported them in 1891. To Aboriginal people of the region they are known as Gwion Gwion[2] or Giro Giro.[3]
Other painted rock art sites include Laura, Queensland,[4] Ubirr, in the Kakadu National Park,[5] Uluru,[6] and Carnarvon Gorge.[7]
Aboriginal rock art has been around for a long period of time, with the oldest examples, in Western Australia’s Pilbara region and
the Olary district of South Australia, estimated to be up to around 40,000 years old.[8] Examples have been found that are believed
to depict extinct megafauna such as Genyornis[9] and Thylacoleo[10] as well as more recent historical events such as the arrival of
European ships.[11]

Rock Engravings
Rock engraving depends on the type of rock being used. Many different methods are used to create rock engravings. There are
several different types of Rock art across Australia, the most famous of which is Murujuga in Western Australia, the Sydney rock
engravings around Plymouth in New South Wales, and the Panaramitee rock art in Central Australia. The Sydney engravings,
depicting carved animals and humans, have their own peculiar style not found elsewhere in Australia.
The rock art at Murujuga is said to be the world’s largest collection of petroglyphs[12] and includes images of extinct animals such
as the thylacine. Activity prior to the last ice age until colonisation is recorded.

Dot Painting
Dot painting consists of various paint colours like yellow (representing the sun), brown (the soil), red (desert sand) and white (the
clouds and the sky). These are traditional Aboriginal colours. Dot paintings can be painted on anything though in aboriginal times
they were painted on rocks, in caves, etc. The paintings were mostly images of animals or lakes, and the Dreamtime. Stories and
legends were depicted on caves and rocks to represent the artists’ religion and beliefs.
On modern artwork, dots are generally applied with one of two instruments, (1) bamboo satay sticks and (2) ink bottles. The larger
flat end of bamboo satay sticks are more commonly used for single application of dots to paintings, but the sharp pointier end is
used to create fine dots. To create superimposed dotting, artists may take a bunch of satay sticks, dip the pointy ends into the paint
and then transfer it onto the canvas in quick successions of dotting.[13]

Bark Painting
Bark paintings are regarded as fine art, and today the finest art commands high prices on the international art markets. The best
artists are recognized annually in the National Aboriginal & Torres Strait Islander Art Award.

Aerial Desert “Country” Landscapes

From ancient times, Australian aboriginal culture also produced a genre of aerial landscape art, often titled simply “country”. It is a
kind of maplike, bird’s-eye view of the desert landscape, and it is often meant to tell a traditional Dreaming story. In the distant
past, the common media for such artwork were rock, sand or body painting, but the tradition continues today in the form of colored
drawings with liquid based color on canvas (see section Papunya Tula and “Dot Painting” below).

Stone Arrangements
Stone arrangements in Australia range from the 50m-diameter circles of Victoria, with 1m-high stones firmly embedded in the
ground, to the smaller stone arrangements found throughout Australia, such as those near Yirrkala which depict accurate images of
thepraus used by Macassan Trepang fishermen and spear throwers.
See Aboriginal stone arrangements for more details.

Carvings and Sculpture

Carved shells – Riji
Mimih (or Mimi) small man-like carvings of mythological impish creatures. Mimihs are so frail that they never venture out on
windy days lest they be swept away like leaf litter. It is said their necks are so thin a slight breeze might snap their heads off. If
approached by men they will run into a rock crevice; if no crevice is there, the rocks themselves will open up and seal behind
the Mimih.
Fibre sculpture

Weaving and String-Art

Basket weaving – see Australian Aboriginal fibrecraft
Necklaces and other jewellery, such as those from the Tasmanian Aborigines

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 Figure 13.7.5 - Ochre Pits in central Australia where a variety of clay earth pigments were obtained

Symbols
Certain symbols within the Aboriginal modern art movement retain the same meaning across regions although the meaning of the
symbols may change within the context of a painting. When viewed in monochrome other symbols can look similar, such as the
circles within circles, sometimes depicted on their own, sparsely, or in clustered groups. Depending upon the tribe of which the
artist is a murnanember, symbols such as campfire, tree, hill, digging hole, waterhole, or spring can vary in meaning. Use of the
symbol can be clarified further by the use of colour, such as water being depicted in blue or black.
Many paintings by Aboriginal artists, such as those that represent a “dreamtime story”, are shown from an aerial perspective. The
narrative follows the lie of the land, as created by ancestral beings in their journey or during creation. The modern day rendition is
a reinterpretation of songs, ceremonies, rock art and body art that was the norm for many thousands of years.
Whatever the meaning, interpretations of the symbols should be made in context of the entire painting, the region from which the
artist originates, the story behind the painting, and the style of the painting, with additional clues being the colours used in some of
the more modern works, such as blue circles signifying water.(Source: Aboriginal Symbols – Indigenous Australia)[14]

Religious and Cultural Aspects of Aboriginal Art

Figure 13.7.6 - Aboriginal art at Uluru

Figure 13.7.7 - Aboriginal art showing Barramundi fish

Traditional indigenous art almost always has a mythological undertone relating to the Dreamtime of indigenous Australian artists.
Wenten Rubuntja, an indigenous landscape artist, says it is hard to find any art that is devoid of spiritual meaning:

Doesn’t matter what sort of painting we do in this country, it still belongs to the people,
all the people. This is worship, work, culture. It’s all Dreaming. There are two ways of
painting. Both ways are important, because that’s culture. – source The Weekend
Australian Magazine, April 2002
Story-telling and totem representation feature prominently in all forms of Aboriginal artwork. Additionally, the female form,
particularly the female womb in X-ray style, features prominently in some famous sites in Arnhem Land.

Graffiti and Other Destructive Influences

Many culturally significant sites of Aboriginal rock paintings have been gradually desecrated and destroyed by encroachment of
early settlers and modern-day visitors. This includes the destruction of art by clearing and construction work, erosion caused by
excessive touching of sites, and graffiti. Many sites now belonging to National Parks have to be strictly monitored by rangers, or
closed off to the public permanently.

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Contemporary Indigenous Art
Modern Aboriginal Artists

Figure 13.7.7 - Picture of Albert Namatjira at the Albert Namatjira Gallery, Alice Springs Cultural Precinct, in 2007.

Figure 13.7.8 - Rainbow serpent byJohn Mawurndjul, 1991

In 1934 Australian painter Rex Batterbee taught Aboriginal artist Albert Namatjira western style watercolour landscape painting,
along with other Aboriginal artists at the Hermannsburg mission in the Northern Territory. It became a popular style, known as the
Hermannsburg School, and sold out when the paintings were exhibited in Melbourne, Adelaide and other Australian cities.
Namatjira became the first Aboriginal Australian citizen, as a result of his fame and popularity with these watercolour paintings.
In 1966, one of David Malangi’s designs was produced on the Australian one dollar note, originally without his knowledge. The
subsequent payment to him by the Reserve Bank marked the first case of Aboriginal copyright in Australian copyright law.
In 1988 the Aboriginal Memorial was unveiled at the National Gallery of Australia in Canberra made from 200 hollow log coffins,
which are similar to the type used for mortuary ceremonies in Arnhem Land. It was made for the bicentenary of Australia’s
colonisation, and is in remembrance of Aboriginal people who had died protecting their land during conflict with settlers. It was
created by 43 artists from Ramingining and communities nearby. The path running through the middle of it represents the Glyde
River.[15]
In that same year, the new Parliament House in Canberra opened with a forecourt featuring a design by Michael Nelson
Tjakamarra, laid as a mosaic.
The late Rover Thomas is another well known modern Australian Aboriginal artist. Born in Western Australia, he represented
Australia in the Venice Biennale of 1991. He knew and encouraged other now well-known artists to paint, including Queenie
McKenzie from the East Kimberley / Warmun region, as well as having a strong influence on the works of Paddy Bedford and
Freddy Timms.
In the late 1980s and early 1990s the work of Emily Kngwarreye, from the Utopia community north east of Alice Springs, became
very popular. Although she had been involved in craftwork for most of her life, it was only when she was in her 80s that she was
recognised as a painter. Her works include Earth’s Creation. Her styles, which changed every year, have been seen as a mixture of
traditional Aboriginal and contemporary Australian. Her rise in popularity has prefigured that of many Indigenous artists from
central, northern and western Australia, such as Kngwarreye’s niece Kathleen Petyarre, Minnie Pwerle, Dorothy Napangardi, Lena
Pwerle, Angelina Ngale (Pwerle) and dozens of others, all of whose works have become highly sought-after. The popularity of
these often elderly artists, and the resulting pressure placed upon them and their health, has become such an issue that some art
centres have stopped selling these artists’ paintings online, instead placing prospective clients on a waiting list for work.[16]
Current artists in vogue include Jacinta Hayes, popular for her iconic representation of “Bush Medicine Leaves” and “Honey Ants”,
Rex Sultan (who studied with Albert Namatjira), Trephina Sultan and Reggie Sultan, Bessie Pitjara and Joyce Nakamara, amongst
others.[17]

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Despite concerns about supply and demand for paintings, the remoteness of many of the artists, and the poverty and health issues
experienced in the communities, there are widespread estimates of an industry worth close to half a billion Australian dollars each
year, and growing rapidly.[18]

Papunya Tula and “Dot Painting”

In 1971–1972, art teacher Geoffrey Bardon encouraged Aboriginal people in Papunya, north west of Alice Springs to put their
Dreamings onto canvas. These stories had previously been drawn on the desert sand, and were now given a more permanent form.
The dots were used to cover secret-sacred ceremonies. Originally, the Tula artists succeeded in forming their own company with an
Aboriginal Name, Papunya Tula Artists Pty Ltd,[19] however a time of disillusionment followed as artists were criticised by their
peers for having revealed too much of their sacred heritage. Secret designs restricted to a ritual context were now in the market
place, made visible to Australian Aboriginal painting. Much of the Aboriginal art on display in tourist shops traces back to this
style developed at Papunya. The most famous of the artists to come from this movement was Clifford Possum Tjapaltjarri. Also
from this movement is Johnny Warangkula, whose Water Dreaming at Kalipinya twice sold at a record price, the second time being
$486,500 in 2000.
The Papunya Collection at the National Museum of Australia contains over 200 artifacts and paintings, including examples of
1970’s dot paintings.[20]

Issues

Figure 13.7.9 - Albert Namatjira refueling for a trip to Alice Springs, around 1948.
There have been cases of some exploitative dealers (known as carpetbaggers) that have sought to profit from the success of the
Aboriginal art movements. Since Geoffrey Bardon’s time and in the early years of the Papunya movement, there has been concerns
about the exploitation of the largely illiterate and non-English speaking artists.
One of the main reasons the Yuendumu movement was established, and later flourished, was due to the feeling of exploitation
amongst artists:

“Many of the artists who played crucial roles in the founding of the art centre were aware
of the increasing interest in Aboriginal art during the 1970s and had watched with
concern and curiosity the developments of the art movement at Papunya amongst people
to whom they were closely related. There was also a growing private market for
Aboriginal art in Alice Springs. Artists’ experiences of the private market were marked by
feelings of frustration and a sense of disempowerment when buyers refused to pay prices
which reflected the value of the Jukurrpa or showed little interest in understanding the
story. The establishment of Warlukurlangu was one way of ensuring the artists had some
control over the purchase and distribution of their paintings.” (Source: “Warlukurlangu
Artists”. warlu.com. Archived from the original on 2005-07-23.)
Other cases of exploitation include:
painting for a lemon (car): “Artists have come to me and pulled out photos of cars with mobile phone numbers on the back.
They’re asked to paint 10-15 canvasses in exchange for a car. When the ‘Toyotas’ materalise, they often arrive with a flat tyre,
no spares, no jack, no fuel.” (Coslovich 2003)
preying on a sick artist: “Even coming to town for medical treatment, such as dialysis, can make an artist easy prey for dealers
wanting to make a quick profit who congregate in Alice Springs” (op.cit.)
pursuing a famous artist: “The late (great) Emily Kngwarreye…was relentlessly pursued by carpetbaggers towards the end of
her career and produced a large but inconsistent body of work.” According to Sotheby’s “We take about one in every 20

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 paintings of hers, and with those we look for provenance we can be 100% sure of.” (op.cit.)
In March 2006, the ABC reported art fraud had hit the Western Australian Aboriginal Art movements. Allegations were made of
sweatshop-like conditions, fake works by English backpackers, overpricing and artists posing for photographs for artwork that was
not theirs. A detective on the case said:

“People are clearly taking advantage…Especially the elderly people. I mean, these are
people that, they’re not educated; they haven’t had a lot of contact with white people.
They’ve got no real basic understanding, you know, of the law and even business law.
Obviously they’ve got no real business sense. A dollar doesn’t really have much of a
meaning to them, and I think to treat anybody like that is just… it’s just not on in this
country.”Call for ACCC to investigate Aboriginal Art industry, ABC PM, 15 March.
In August 2006, following concerns raised about unethical practices in the Indigenous art sector, the Australian Senate initiated an
inquiry into issues in the sector. It heard from the Northern Territory Art Minister, Marion Scrymgour, that backpackers were often
the artists of Aboriginal art being sold in tourist shops around Australia:

“The material they call Aboriginal art is almost exclusively the work of fakers, forgers
and fraudsters. Their work hides behind false descriptions and dubious designs. The
overwhelming majority of the ones you see in shops throughout the country, not to
mention Darling, are fakes, pure and simple. There is some anecdotal evidence here in
Darwin at least, they have been painted by backpackers working on industrial scale wood
production.”[21]
The inquiry’s final report made recommendations for changed funding and governance of the sector, including a code of practice.

Aboriginal Art Movements and Cooperatives

Australian Indigenous art movements and cooperatives have been central to the emergence of Indigenous Australian art. Whereas
many western artists pursue formal training and work as individuals, most contemporary Indigenous art is created in community
groups and art centres.[22]
Many of the centres operate online art galleries where local and international visitors can purchase works directly from the
communities without the need of going through an intermediary. The cooperatives reflect the diversity of art across Indigenous
Australia from the north west region where ochre is significantly used; to the tropical north where the use of cross-hatching
prevails; to the Papunya style of art from the central desert cooperatives. Art is increasingly becoming a significant source of
income and livelihood for some of these communities.

Awards

Figure 13.7.10 - US President George W. Bush examines a Yirrkala Bark Painting at the Australian National Maritime Museum,
2007
The winners of the West Australian Indigenous Arts Awards were announced on 22 August 2013. From over 137 nominations from
throughout Australia, Churchill Cann won the Best West Australian Piece (A$10,000) and North Queensland artist Brian Robinson
won the Best Overall prize (A$50,000),[23]

Aboriginal Art in International Museums

The Museum for Australian Aboriginal art “La grange” (at Neuchâtel, Switzerland) is one of the few museums in Europe that
dedicates itself entirely to this kind of art. During seasonal exhibitions, works of art by internationally renowned artists are being

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shown. Also, the Musée du Quai Branly, Paris, has an “Oceania” collection,[24] which includes works by Australian Aboriginal
artists Lena Nyadbi, Paddy Nyunkuny Bedford, Judy Watson, Gulumbu Yunupingu, John Mawurndjul, Tommy Watson, Ningura
Napurrula and Michael Riley.[25]
Two museums that solely exhibit Australian Aboriginal art are the Museum of Contemporary Aboriginal Art (AMU), in Utrecht,
The Netherlands and the Kluge-Ruhe Aboriginal Art Collection of the University of Virginia.[26][27]

References
1. Caruna, W.(2003)’Aboriginal Art’ Thames and Hudson, London, p.7
2. Doring, Jeff Gwion Gwion: Chemins Secrets Et Sacrés Des Ngarinyin, Aborigènes D’Australie (Gwion Gwion: Secret and
Sacred Pathways of the Ngarinyin Aboriginal People of Australia) Könemann 2000 ISBN 9783829040600 p. 55
3. Worms, Ernest Contemporary and prehistoric rock paintings in Central and Northern North Kimberley Anthropos Switzerland
1955 p. 555
4. “Rock Art Sites & Tours”. Quinkan & Regional Cultural Centre. 2009. Retrieved 29 August 2013.
5. Department of Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities (2012). “Ubirr art site”. Australian
Government. Retrieved29 August 2013.
6. Department of Sustainability, Environment, Water, Population and Communities (2013). “Rock art sites”. Australian
Government. Retrieved29 August 2013.
7. “Pre-history of Carnarvon Gorge”. Australian Nature Guides. Retrieved29 August 2013.
8. Rock Art, Aboriginal Art Online, retrieved April 2008.
9. Masters, Emma (31 May 2010). “Megafauna cave painting could be 40,000 years old”. Australian Broadcasting Corporation.
Retrieved29 August 2013.
10. Akerman, Kim; Willing, Tim (March 2009). “An ancient rock painting of a marsupial lion, Thylacoleo carnifex, from the
Kimberley, Western Australia”. Antiquity (journal). Retrieved 11 December 2012.
11. Middleton, Amy; AAP (2 August 2013). “Aboriginal rock art may depict first sea arrivals”. Australian Geographic. Retrieved
29 August 2013.
12. Department of Environment and Conservation (6 February 2013).”Creation of Western Australia’s 100th National Park –
Murujuga National Park”. Government of Western Australia. Retrieved 29 August 2013.
13. “Fine Dot Paintings”. Utopia Lane Art. Retrieved 2015-11-21.
14. Team AusEmade (2008-09-28). “Aboriginal Symbols”. Ausemade.com.au. Retrieved 2013-08-16.
15. Caruana, Wally (2003). Aboriginal Art (2nd ed.). London: Thames & Hudson. p. 226. ISBN 978-0-500-20366-8.
16. Warlayirti Artists, ‘Supply and Demand’,www.balgoart.org.au/art_centre/mainframe.htm, retrieved July 2007
17. Nazvanov, DR Greg. The Australian Aboriginal Art Investment Handbook, 2010.ISBN 1445776073
18. Senate Standing Committee on the Environment, Communications, Information Technology and the Arts (2007), Indigenous
Art: Securing the Future – Australia’s Indigenous visual arts and craft sector, Canberra: The Senate
19. “Papunya Tula Artists”. Papunyatula.com.au. Retrieved 2013-08-16.
20. Papunya Collection, National Museum of Australia. Retrieved 19 June 2011.
21. Sydney Morning Herald (2007) Backpackers fake Aboriginal art, Senate told
22. Wright, Felicity and Morphy, Frances 1999-2000. The Art & Craft Centre Story. Canberra: ATSIC (3 vols).
23. Craig Quartermaine (23 August 2013). “Winner of the West Australian Indigenous Art prize announced”. SBS World News
Australia. Retrieved28 August 2013.
24. “musée du quai Branly: Oceania”. Quaibranly.fr. Retrieved 2013-08-16.
25. “Musée du Quai Branly Australian Aboriginal Art Museum at the Aboriginal Art Directory. View information about Musée du
Quai Branly”. Aboriginalartdirectory.com. 2010-07-15. Retrieved 2013-08-16.
26. “Home”. AAMU. AAMU. August 2013. Retrieved 28 August 2013.
27. “The Kluge-Ruhe Aboriginal Art Collection”. Campaign for the Arts at the University of Virginia. Rector & Visitors, U.Va.
August 2013. Retrieved28 August 2013.

13.7: Indigenous Australian Art is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by LibreTexts.

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13.8: Sandpainting
Sandpainting is the art of pouring colored sands, and powdered pigments from minerals or crystals, or pigments from other natural
or synthetic sources onto a surface to make a fixed, or unfixed sand painting. Unfixed sand paintings have a long established
cultural history in numerous social groupings around the globe, and are often temporary, ritual paintings prepared for religious or
healing ceremonies. It is also referred to as dry painting.
Drypainting is practiced by Native Americans in the Southwestern United States, by Tibetan and Buddhist monks, as well as
Australian Aborigines, and also by Latin Americans on certain Christian holy days.

Figure 13.8.1 - SLNSW 75764 Warriors in Ambush series 49 Aboriginal Mystic Bora Ceremony

History
Native American Sandpainting

Figure 13.8.2 - Navajo sandpainting, photogravure by Edward S. Curtis, 1907, Library of Congress
In the sandpainting of southwestern Native Americans (the most famous of which are the Navajo (known as the Diné)), the
Medicine Man (or Hatałii) paints loosely upon the ground of a hogan, where the ceremony takes place, or on a buckskin or cloth
tarpaulin, by letting the coloured sands flow through his fingers with control and skill. There are 600 to 1,000 different traditional
designs for sandpaintings known to the Navajo. They do not view the paintings as static objects, but as spiritual, living beings to be
treated with great respect. More than 30 different sandpaintings may be associated with one ceremony.
The colors for the painting are usually accomplished with naturally coloured sand, crushed gypsum (white), yellow ochre, red
sandstone, charcoal and a mixture of charcoal and gypsum (blue). Brown can be made by mixing red and black; red and white
make pink. Other colouring agents include corn meal, flower pollen, or powdered roots and bark.
The paintings are for healing purposes only. Many of them contain images of Yeibicheii (the Holy People). While creating the
painting, the medicine man will chant, asking the yeibicheii to come into the painting and help heal the patient.
When the medicine man finishes painting, he checks its accuracy. The order and symmetry of the painting symbolize the harmony
which a patient wishes to reestablish in his or her life. The accuracy of a sandpainting is believed to determine its efficacy as a
sacred tool. The patient will be asked to sit on the sandpainting as the medicine man proceeds with the healing chant. It is claimed
the sandpainting acts as a portal to attract the spirits and allow them to come and go. Practitioners believe sitting on the
sandpainting helps the patient to absorb spiritual power, while in turn the Holy People will absorb the illness and take it away.
Afterward, when the sandpainting has served its purpose, it is considered to be toxic, since it has absorbed the illness. For this
reason, the painting is destroyed. Because of the sacred nature of the ceremonies, the sandpaintings are begun, finished, used and
destroyed within 12 hours.

Figure 13.8.3 - Navajo sandpainting, photo by H.S. Poley, published c. 1890-1908, Library of Congress
The ceremonies involving sandpaintings are usually done in sequences, termed ‘chants’, lasting a certain number of days
depending on the ceremony. At least one fresh, new sandpainting is made for each day.

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Some Navajo laws and taboos relate to the sandpaintings, and protect their holiness:
Women of child-bearing age are not supposed to sing the chants associated with the yeibicheii. This is both because the
ceremony has a possibility of injuring an unborn child, and because of a taboo preventing menstruating women from attending.
(Some cultures considered menstruation and presence of blood to be powerful spiritual events that had to be restrained, as they
represented life forces.) Post-menopausal women are more likely to be chanters or diagnosticians.
Authentic sandpaintings are rarely photographed, so as to not disrupt the flow of the ceremony. For many reasons, medicine
men will seldom allow outsiders inside a sacred ceremony. Because so many outsiders are curious about sandpainting, some
medicine men may create pieces for exhibition purposes only, using reversed colors and variations. To create an authentic
sandpainting solely for viewing would be a profane act. The sandpaintings for sale in shops and on the Internet are
commercially produced and contain deliberate errors, as the real sandpaintings are considered sacred.
The earliest credited instance of traditional Navajo sandpaintings (being rendered in coloured sands as opposed to tapestry or
other media) being created in a permanent form for sale, have been traced to between 1945 and 1955. The main credit is
generally given to a Navajo Hatałii named Fred Stevens, Jr. (Grey Squirrel), who developed the primary method of
“permatizing” for commercial sandpaintings that is still used.[1]

Indigenous Australian Sandpainting

Figure 13.8.4 - Artwork in Alice Springs

Indigenous Australian art has a history which covers more than 30,000 years, and a wide range of native traditions and styles.
These have been studied in recent decades and their complexity has gained increased international recognition.[2] Aboriginal Art
covers a wide variety of media, including sandpainting, painting on leaves, wood carving, rock carving, sculpture, and ceremonial
clothing, as well as artistic embellishments found on weaponry and also tools. Art is one of the key rituals of Aboriginal culture. It
was and still is, used to mark territory, record history, and tell stories about “The Dreaming”.
Gulgardi

Artist Kaapa Tjampitjinpa

Year 1971

Type Acrylic paint on hardboard

Dimensions 61.0 cm × 137.0 cm (24.0 in × 53.9 in)

Location Araluen Cultural Precinct, Alice Springs

Aboriginal people have taken to transforming their tradition sand paintings into more permanent forms using modern techniques
and materials. [1]
Geoffrey Bardon was an Australian art teacher who was instrumental in creating the Aboriginal art of the Western Desert
movement, and in bringing Australian indigenous art to the attention of the world.”… [directed by Bardon, the elders] began to
interact with certain issues in 1960s and 70s international painting, especially the extreme schematisation of New York
minimalism.” In the History of Painting”Lyrical Abstraction in the late 1960s is characterized by the paintings of Dan Christensen,
Ronnie Landfield, Peter Young and others, and along with the fluxus movement and postminimalism (a term first coined by Robert
Pincus-Witten in the pages of Artforum in 1969)[3]sought to expand the boundaries of abstract painting and minimalism by
focusing on process, new materials and new ways of expression. ”

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This connection is seen most obviously in the connection between the paintings from the late sixties of Peter Young (artist) and the
paintings that follow in the early seventies produced in thePapunya Tula[2] [3]
Papunya Tula, or Papunya Tula Artists Pty Ltd, is an artist cooperative formed in 1972 that is owned and operated by Aboriginal
people from the Western Desert of Australia. Kaapa Tjampitjinpa is one of the early Papunya Tula artists and is known for
GulgardiIt is notable for being the first work by an Indigenous Australian artist to win a contemporary art award, and the first
public recognition of a Papunya painting.[1]

Tibetan Sandpainting

Figure 13.8.5 - Mandala made of sand in the Sera Monastery, Lhasa

Figure 13.8.6 - Mandala Sable 2008-05 showing the use of Chak-pur

Tibetan Buddhist sand paintings usually composed mandalas. In Tibetan, it is called dul-tson-kyil-khor (mandala of colored
powders). The sand is carefully placed on a large, flat table. The construction process takes several days, and the mandala is
destroyed shortly after its completion. This is done as a teaching tool and metaphor for the “impermanence” (Pali:anicca) of all
contingent and compounded phenomena (Sanskrit: Pratītya-samutpāda).
The mandala sand-painting process begins with an opening ceremony, during which the lamas, or Tibetan priests, consecrate the
site and call forth the forces of goodness. They chant, declare intention, mudra, asana, pranayama, do visualisations, play music,
recite mantras, etc.

Figure 13.8.7 - Mandala zel-tary using Vajra to ceremoniously divide the painting

Figure 13.8.8 - Tibetan monks in a ceremony after having broken their mandala, Twentse Welle
On the first day, the lamas begin by drawing an outline of the mandala to be painted on a wooden platform. The following days see
the laying of the colored sands, which is effected by pouring the sand from traditional metal funnels called chak-pur. Each monk
holds a chak-pur in one hand, while running a metal rod on its serrated surface; the vibration causes the sands to flow like liquid.
Formed of traditional prescribed iconography that includes geometric shapes and a multitude of ancient spiritual symbols (e.g.:
Ashtamangala and divine attributes of yidam), seed syllables, mantra, the sand-painted mandala is used as a tool or instrument for
innumerable purposes. A primary purpose is to reconsecrate the earth and its inhabitants. When the meditation is complete, the
sand painting is ceremoniously destroyed using a Vajra and the sand is then gathered and taken to a body of water for offering.

Japanese Tray Pictures

From the 15th century in Japan, Buddhist artists in the times of the shoguns practiced the craft of bonseki by sprinkling dry colored
sand and pebbles onto the surface of plain black lacquered trays. They used bird feathers as brushes to form the sandy surface into

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seascapes and landscapes. These tray pictures were used in religious ceremonies. Japanese esoteric Buddhism was transmitted from
East Central Asia after the 8th century, and thus these Japanese Buddhist sandpaintings may share earlier historical roots with the
more intricate brightly coloured Buddhist sand mandalas created by Tibetan Buddhist monks.

Figure 13.8.9 - A woman making a tray landscape showing the full moon. Ukiyo-e woodblock print by Yōshū Chikanobu, 1899

Figure 13.8.10 - Mt Fuji bonseki

Table Decking
During the 17th and 18th centuries, the royal courts of Europe employed “table deckers”, who decorated the side tables at royal
banquets having adapted the craft of ‘bonseki’ from the Japanese. The table deckers sprinkled coloured sands, marble dust, sugars,
etc. upon the surface of plain white tablecloths to create unfixed pictures of fruit, flowers, birds and rustic scenery. In between each
design spaces were left for fruit bowls and sweetmeat dishes so that the diners could refresh themselves in between the main
courses of the feast. These ornate pictures were discarded along with the debris of the feast.
As a fine example of the table deckers’ craft, Woburn Abbey in Bedfordshire, England possesses an ornate folding screen with
three panels, decorated with sand pictures protected by glass. The centre one has five spaces for sweetmeat pyramid dishes while
the two side leaves of the screen have three spaces for fruit trays. There are four sand pictures in each corner of the side panels of
the screen, featuring 18th-century pastoral scenes, while the remaining areas of the screen are decorated with butterflies, doves,
fruit, flowers, etc. The screen would be laid upon the surface of a side table. It doubled as a serving base for elaborate porcelain
dishes and glass trays containing fruits, bonbons and sweetmeats, from which the hosts and their guests could help themselves
while socializing or stretching their legs between the multiple courses being served on the main table in the dining hall. This screen
may have been the work of the German artisan F. Schweikhardt, who specialised in still-life studies in the style of the Dutch painter
Jan van Huysum.

Georgian Sandpainting

Figure 13.8.11 - A Hermit by a Wayside Shrine by Benjamin Zobel (early 19th century)
Sandpainting as a craft was inspired by King George III, who was a skilled watchmaker and craftsman in his own right, and took an
interest in the skills demonstrated by royal functionaries, known as Table Deckers, who decorated the white table-cloths at royal
banquets with ornate centre-pieces decorated by using coloured sands and sugars as ‘paint’, and a bird’s feather as a ‘brush’ a craft
introduced by a European traveller who had observed the craftsmen at work in Japan.
It was while watching the table deckers at work the King suggested that if the sand pictures could be temporarily laid out upon the
surface of the tablecloths rather than being fixed permanently in place but discarded with the remains of the feast this would save
much time and energy employing a multitude of skilled embroiderers toiling over such skilled work. So on one occasion the King
bellowed “Haas! – Hass! Why don’t you fix it!” This set an number of craftsmen including Haas, Schweikhardt and Zobel to
successfully invent suitable methods to achieve their goal, and these pictures were commissioned by the royal worthies of the day
and became highly prized by the aristocracy. The King’s brother, the Duke of York, commissioned a number of works by Zobel and
the others, although the sand artists jealously guarded their methods a secret from their competitors. Zobel depicted “pigs in the
manner of Morland”; “Nelson”, the favourite dog of the Duke of York; “Tiger after George Stubbs”, and an impressive “Vulture
and snake.” Although many of Zobel’s works have survived, few of those by Haas have survived the passage of time, although
observers considered his work superior to that of Zobel. This may reflect the differing techniques used by each artist. A diarist
observed Zobel’s coating the surface of the baseboard with a mixture of gum arabic and white lead and sprinkling sand upon the

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sticky surface using a folded paper funnel as a brush. He had to work quickly since the adhesive would dry in a few hours. Several
of his surviving pictures have unfinished work on the reverse.
Haas followed more closely the techniques developed in Japan, but mixing dry powdered gum arabic with the sand, sprinkling the
mixture through a sieve and using feathers as brushes to create the pictures upon the baseboard, then fixing them by some method
which he kept a secret. Due to the damp conditions in many of the stately homes of the day, his pictures failed to last more than a
few years. On one occasion Haas was called away while working on an unfixed sand picture. When he returned he found one of
Windsor Castles’ cats curled up on the picture, damaging it.
Eventually Zobel returned to Memmingen in Bavaria where he continued to successfully pursue his craft. Some of his work is
displayed in Memmingen Town Hall. Haas was forced to give up sand painting, probably due to the ongoing disasters with his
pictures. He opened a bakery in Windsor instead, and the icing on his cakes may well have been decorated with pictures in
coloured sugar instead of sand.
With the passing of these Georgian craftsmen and the disposal of the Duke of York’s collection the interest and skills evolved in
sand picture work declined. The only Royal personage to take further interest in the craft was the late Queen Mary, consort to
George V who bequeathed her Georgian sand paintings to the Victoria and Albert Museum, and her collection of Isle of Wight sand
pictures to Carisbrooke Castle Museum on the Isle of Wight.
In the first half of the 20th century Lt. Colonel Rybot was a keen collector of sand paintings, which were the source material of the
articles written on the subject in the arts and crafts magazines of the day. Eventually 37 of his collection of sand paintings were the
main feature at an auction held at Sotheby’s New Bond Street gallery on 15 June 1956.

Victorian Sand Picture Souvenirs

Thousands of sites exist where it is possible to collect natural coloured sands for craftwork, with an enormous range of colours
being available around the globe varying with the contents of the mineral charged waters leaching through the sands. But for the
tourist the vertical sand cliffs at Alum Bay on the Isle of Wight form the central portion of a visual geological phenomenon (best
viewed after a shower of rain) which encapsulates the impressive chalk spires of The Needles and Tennyson Downs. Although
tourists are no longer encouraged to obtain their own sand from the cliffs, numerous companies on the Island sell sand for the
purpose of Sandpainting.
After her marriage to Prince Albert and having chosen Osborne House near Cowes to be her new family retreat, Queen Victoria
was the prime mover in the gentrification of this former backwater, local artisans benefitted from the influx of wealthy visitors, and
a number of craftsmen sold their fixed sand pictures and unfixed sand jars featuring views of the Island as unique keepsakes of the
Isle of Wight.
Some of these sand pictures were small and crude and left unsigned, but Edwin and John Dore of Arreton produced some fine work
in the 1840s. The pictures were of postcard size and the subject matter local views such as Carisbrooke Castle, and other touristy
subjects. Edwin always signed his quaint pictures in a fine hand with a mapping pen and Indian ink, one of his most successful
mass-produced subjects being ‘Collecting birds eggs on Needles Cliffs’. John Dore used a card embellished with a printed border
of lace design on which to execute his sand pictures although the quality of his work was inferior to that of his brother.
Few of the Island sand artists filled in the sky, giving that detail a light colourwash as a finishing touch, sometimes leaving doors
and windows free of sand which would be blocked in with Indian ink. In the 1860s and 1870s J. Symons of Cowes kept up the
good work, producing local views much larger than postcard size, mounted in glazed oak or maple frames and signed with the
artist’s signature on the reverse. The father and son team the Neates of Newport sold their works from a stall outside Carisbrooke
Castle gates where visitors were offered sand pictures and sand jars priced from 1/- to 2/6 each and the son grew his fingernails
abnormally long in order to distribute the sand on his pictures. During the 1930s and 1940s R.J.Snow of Lake came nearest to
producing sand pictures in the manner of the Georgian craftsmen, but postcard size, although he did produce some fine
commissioned work, particularly a view of Oddicombe in Devon, in which the sea and sky were also ‘painted’ in sand, but after the
war years the quality of the postcard sand pictures deteriorated with the mass-produced article with little taste or skill being offered
for sale for a few shillings.

Senegal

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 Figure 13.8.12 - Sand painting workshop in Dakar, Senegal
In Senegal, designs are glued to board and are typically of figures in the landscape.

Sand Bottles
In the 1860s to 1890s Andrew Clemens a deaf mute born in Dubuque, Iowa, USA became famous for his craft of creating unfixed
pictures using multicoloured sands compressed inside glass bottles or ornate chemist jars. The sand was collected from the bluffs
overlooking the Mississippi. The subjects of his sand bottles included ornately decorated sentimental verses, sailing ships, plants,
animals and portraits.
He exhibited his work at the St. Louis trade fair and having spent hours creating a picture in a bottle would demonstrate to an
incredulous audience that the picture inside was unfixed by destroying the bottle with a hammer. Clemens’ sand bottles have
become museum pieces and highly prized antiques which have since sold at auction for thousands of U.S. dollars.

Sand Carpets

Figure 13.8.13 - Sandpainting on the tiled floor (on the wall are handpainted decorated tiles)

Figure 13.8.14 - “Carpet” of land in the Town Hall Square in La Orotava Tenerife in celebration of Corpus Christi.
In the province of Drenthe in the Netherlands in the late 19th, early 20th centuries it was custom to use a stiff broom to sweep
patterns in white sand to form simple decorations on the tiled floors of the houses, mostly for special occasions or celebrations. The
next day it was swept up. This custom was also practiced in Northern Belgium by the Dutch speaking communities while in
Hekelgem, 1973 was the centenary year of the craft of “Old Zandtapijt”. The hotels and cafes would employ artisans to strew
ornate sand pictures in unfixed coloured sands on the tiled floors of their premises to encourage passing tourists to halt and enjoy
local hospitality on their way towards Brussels. Roger de Boeck, born in 1930, was a well-respected exponent of this craft, who
used glue to fix his sand pictures to a suitable base selling them to visitors to his atelier. In addition to biblical scenes, his finest
works included a portrait of Queen Elizabeth 1953, and US president John Kennedy, in the early 60s. This craft continues, and a
booklet to celebrate the centenary was published on 1 February 1973.[4]

Modern Culture

Figure 13.8.15 - “Asynchronous Syntropy” painting using colored sand as seen at The Museum of Arts and Design “Swept Away”
exhibit May 2012
In modern days, sandpainting is most often practiced during Dia de los Muertos (Day of the Dead) in Mexico and the United States.
Streets are decorated with sand paintings that are later swept away, symbolizing the fleeting nature of life. Of note are the

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sandpaintings done during the Seattle Dia De Muertos Festival, but the most exciting development has been the Performance Art of
Sand Animation which has created a new wave of younger artists and also revived interest in all types of sand painting.
A number of contemporary artists use sand in ways that depart from specific cultural traditions exploring techniques by raking
sand, pouring it, carving it, creating unique designs. The works are ephemeral and are primarily shared through documentation or
part of a live performance.
Many of these artists were included in an exhibit at the Museum of Arts and Design in New York City titled “Swept Away: Dust,
Ashes, and Dirt in Contemporary Art and Design” which was featured in the galleries in 2012.[5][6] Curator David Revere
McFadden described his reasoning for curating the exhibit as wanting to spotlight the work of contemporary artists who specialize
in what he described as “unorthodox, unusual, or unexpected materials.”[7]
Artist included in the exhibit that use sand and techniques related to sand painting were: Elvira Wersche,[8] who collects sands from
all over the world to create geometric patterned paintings, only to be destroyed as part of a performance.[9] Andy Goldsworthy is
known for his ephemeral works using nature, and began sand painting in 1986,[10][11] documented the deterioration of a giant ball
of sand on the beach packed with bones for the exhibit. Jim Denevan known for his massive raked sand paintings also shared
documentation of his process on California beaches.[12][13] Igor Eskinja used dust to paint an architectural floor plan in the
galleries.[14]Cui Fei produces calligraphic works in sand using tradition chak-pur and brushes.[15]Vik Muniz uses dust, chocolate
syrup, grains of sand, sugar, caviar, magazines and industrial garbage in a way that reflects sand painting.[16][17] The rotating
exhibit “Swept Away Projects” featured Linda Florence and Joe Mangrum whose works were added to the galleries after removal
of previous works.[18] Linda Florence used chalk to stencil patterns onto the floor and often uses various materials like sugar to
create installations.[19] Joe Mangrum poured colored sand from his hand for two consecutive days on 8–9 May 2012 he titled
“Asynchronous Syntropy” and an outdoor project that acted as a circumambulation of the museum itself. Mangrum worked a total
of 24 hours over the span of two days, spontaneously improvising his sand painting design, only to have it quickly disappear under
the bustle of Columbus Circle foot traffic.[5][20]
Other contemporary artists who work with sand include Andrew van der Merwe, based in Cape Town, who carves calligraphic
imagery into the sand on beaches;[21] Andres Amador, an American artist who rakes designs into beaches;[22] Ahmad Nadalian, an
Iranian artist who uses natural ground pigments to paint with sand;[23] and Motoi Yamamoto, who makes paintings reflecting
typhoons and natural phenomena using salt.[24][25]

Present-day Sand Painting Techniques

Figure 13.8.16 - Brian Pike’s 1985 portrait of Margaret Thatcher incorporates magnetised iron filings
Some sand artists work exclusively in environmentally friendly re-cycled and found materials with no preparatory drawing. Dry
naturally occurring oxidised and mineral-charged coloured sands are traced by reference to geological maps, and collected on field
trips, and then with the addition of powdered charcoal to widen the palette, the sands are sprinkled through sieves or ‘drawn’ with a
paper funnel onto the area of the picture being worked on, and then blended in, either with a discarded feather used as a ‘brush’ or
gently blown into position with a drinking straw before being permanently fixed to a plywood offcut which is used as the ‘canvas’.
Having been allowed to dry, the sand painter moves on to the next section of the picture. Any minor adjustments or snags are sorted
out before the work is sprayed with a coat of Calaton, (a nylon adhesive used to protect fragile ancient papyri) then finally being
sprayed with varnish to intensify the depth of color without the disadvantage of surface reflection which occurs in the case of many
oil paintings.
Other artists use industrial tinted quartz sands with a long lasting colors with capacity to resist intemperie action and a new
generation of strong adhesives. The painting technique starts with a sketch over the protective cover of the adhesive. After, the
cover is retired by small or big parts, using a scalpel, pouring the tinted sands by hand to build the color and the motives in the

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uncovered area. The work is protected with a vernis spray similar to used with powder materials. No glass cover is needed with this
sands and the adhesives. The paintings have proven to resist the effect of direct sun without changes of colours or yellowsing of the
adhesive.

References
1. Parezo, Nancy J. Navajo Sandpainting: From Religious Act to Commercial Art, University of Arizona Press, 1983
2. Caruna, W.(2003) Aboriginal Art, Thames and Hudson, London, p.7
3. Movers and Shakers, New York, “Leaving C&M”, by Sarah Douglas, Art and Auction, March 2007, V.XXXNo7.
4. nl:Hekelgemse zandschilderkunst
5. a b “Museum of Arts and Design Collection Database”. Collections.madmuseum.org. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
6. “Museum of Arts and Design Collection Database”. Collections.madmuseum.org. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
7. “Mite Makes Right”. ARTnews. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
8. “Modern mandalas: a guest post on the stunning art of Elvira Wersche – Through The Sandglass”.
Throughthesandglass.typepad.com. 2011-08-02. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
9. “Elvira Wersche, Electron”. YouTube. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
10. “Andy Goldsworthy Digital Catalogue: 1983_127”. Goldsworthy.cc.gla.ac.uk. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
11. www.crmoon.com/gold%20beach%2...wing%20web.jpg
12. “YouTube”. YouTube. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
13. “Amazing Sand Drawings on California Beaches”. Bored Panda. 2011-07-20. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
14. “Museum of Arts and Design Collection Database”. Collections.madmuseum.org. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
15. “VIDEO: Chinese Artist Cui Fei Traces Her Philosophical Sand-Paintings at MAD | BLOUIN ARTINFO”. Origin-
www.artinfo.com. 2012-08-12. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
16. “Vik Muniz » Arts at MIT / Artists”. Arts.mit.edu. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
17. “10 Most Creative Artworks Made From Unexpected Materials By Vik Muniz | The Most 10 Of Everything”. Themost10.com.
Retrieved 2014-05-01.
18. “New, Temporary Floor Installations Added to ‘Swept Away’ Exhibit at MAD Museum”. Arts Observer. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
19. “Installations |”. Lindaflorence.me.uk. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
20. “Sand Painting at Columbus Circle”. Hyperallergic.com. 2012-06-08. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
21. “Bow Down To This Stunning, Ephemeral Sand Calligraphy”. Huffingtonpost.com. 2013-08-13. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
22. 23K views (2012-03-21). “Stunning Sand Drawings by Andres Amador”. Bored Panda. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
23. “Morning Earth Artist/Naturalist Ahmad Nadalian”. Morning-earth.org. 2007-02-14. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
24. “Monterey Museum of Art Hosts Return to the Sea, Saltworks by Motoi Yamamoto « Monterey Museum of Art”.
Montereyart.org. Retrieved 2014-05-01.
25. “Sand Art Made From Salt – Return to the Sea”. Videosift.com. Retrieved 2014-05-01.

Sources
Eugene Baatsoslanii Joe, Mark Bahti, Oscar T. Branson, Navajo Sandpainting Art, (Treasure Chest Publications, Inc, 1978.)
ISBN 0-918080-20-7
Gold, Peter (1994). Navajo & Tibetan sacred wisdom: the circle of the spirit. ISBN 0-89281-411-X. Rochester, Vermont: Inner
Traditions International.
Villasenor, David. Tapestries in Sand: The Spirit of Indian Sandpainting. California, Naturegraph Company, Inc. 1966.
Wilson, Joseph A.P. “Relatives Halfway Round The World: Southern Athabascans and Southern Tarim Fugitives”, Limina, 11.
2005. pp. 67–78. URL: www.limina.arts.uwa.edu.au/__...432/wilson.pdf
Arthur Morrison. Japanese Sand-Pictures pp. 609–612. Strand Magazine,1909.
G. B. Hughes. Decorating the Georgian Dessert Table. Country Life, 21.5.1959.
F.C.H.. Marmortinto or Sandpainting. Notes and Queries, pp217/8 11.3.1854 [4]
J. Mummery. Marmortinto or Sandpainting.Notes and Queries, pp327/8 8.4.1854 [5]
Fred Lee Carter. The “Lost Art” of sandpainting pp. 215–221. The Connoisseur Illustrated, 1927.
Fred Lee Carter. Sand Pictures. Notes and Queries, 8.12.1928.[6]
E. McCoy. Pictures Painted with Sand. Antiques, March 1936.
Bea Howe. Sand Pictures. Homes and Gardens, April 1940.
D. A. Ponsonby. A Sand Painter and Morland pp. 111–113. The Connoisseur-American Edition, April 1955.

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 Lt.-Colonel Rybot. Auction of Sand Paintings. Sotherby and Co, 15.6.1956
S. Groves. They Painted in Sand. The Lady, 22.1.1959.
J. Toller. The Regency and Victorian Crafts. Ward Lock, 1969.
C. P. Woodhouse. The Victoriana Collectors Handbook. Bell, 1970.
Bea Howe. Antiques from the Victorian Home. Batsford, 1973.
J. Field. Victorian Crafts. Heinemann, 1973.
Brian Pike sand painter. Painting with Sand-Golden Hands Crafts-vol.70. Marshall Cavendish, 1976.
Joyce Eley. Sand Pictures. Wight Life, Oct-Nov. 1974.
A. H. Trelawny. Keepsake Castles in the Sand. Country Life, 2.2.1995.
Etienne le compte. 1873 – 1973 Oud Zandtapijt published Hekelgem 1 February 1973.
Villasenor, David & Jean. How to do Permanent Sand Paintings. Villasenor, David & Jean, 1972.
K. Beese. Sand Painting Techniques. Design 60, 1959.
P. Nelson. Sandpainting. Creative Crafts, April 1974.
Brian Pike sand painter. Sand Art.Family Circle Book of Crafts, 1980.
Brian Pike sand painter. The Craft of Sand-painting.The Craftsman Magazine, 1989.

13.8: Sandpainting is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by LibreTexts.

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13.9: Ethnomusicology

Figure 13.9.1 - Ethnomusicologist Frances Densmore recording Blackfoot chief Mountain Chief for the Bureau of American
Ethnology in 1916
Ethnomusicology is an area of study that encompasses distinct theoretical and methodical approaches to the study of music that
emphasizes the cultural, social, material, cognitive, biological, and other dimensions or contexts of musical behavior instead of or
in addition to its isolated sound component.
The term ethnomusicology, said to have been first coined by Jaap Kunst from the Greek words ἔθνος (ethnos, “nation”) and
μουσική (mousike, “music”), is often defined as the anthropology or ethnography of music, or as musical anthropology.[1] During
its early development from comparative musicology in the 1950s, ethnomusicology was primarily oriented toward non-Western
music, but for several decades has included the study of all and any musics of the world (including Western art music and popular
music) from anthropological, sociological and intercultural perspectives. Bruno Nettl once characterized ethnomusicology as a
product of Western thinking, proclaiming that “ethnomusicology as western culture knows it is actually a western phenomenon”;[2]
in 1992, Jeff Todd Titon described it as the study of “people making music”.[3]

Figure 13.9.2 - The didgeridoo and clap stick players of the One Mob Different Country dance troupe at the Nightcliff Seabreeze
Festival 04 May 2013

Definition
Stated broadly, ethnomusicology may be described as a holistic investigation of music in its cultural contexts.[4] Combining aspects
of folklore, psychology, cultural anthropology, linguistics, comparative musicology, music theory, and history,[5] ethnomusicology
has adopted perspectives from a multitude of disciplines.[6] This disciplinary variety has given rise to many definitions of the field,
and attitudes and foci of ethnomusicologists have evolved since initial studies in the area of comparative musicology in the early
1900s. When the field first came into existence, it was largely limited to the study of non-Western music—in contrast to the study
of Western art music, which had been the focus of conventional musicology. In fact, the field was referred to early in its existence
as “comparative musicology,” defining Western musical traditions as the standard to which all other musics were compared, though
this term fell out of use in the 1950s as critics for the practices associated with it became more vocal about ethnomusicology’s
distinction from musicology.[7] Over time, the definition broadened to include study of all the musics of the world according to
certain approaches.[8][9]
While there is not a single, authoritative definition for ethnomusicology, a number of constants appear in the definitions employed
by leading scholars in the field. It is agreed upon that ethnomusicologists look at music from beyond a purely sonic and historical

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perspective, and look instead at music within culture, music as culture, and music as a reflection of culture.[7][9] In addition, many
ethnomusicological studies share common methodological approaches encapsulated in ethnographic fieldwork, often conducting
primary fieldwork among those who make the music, learning languages and the music itself, and taking on the role of a participant
observer in learning to perform in a musical tradition, a practice Hood termed “bi-musicality”.[10] Musical fieldworkers often also
collect recordings and contextual information about the music of interest.[7] Thus, ethnomusicological studies do not rely on printed
or manuscript sources as the primary source of epistemic authority.

References
1. Seeger, Anthony. 1983. Why Suyá Sing. London: Oxford University Press. Pp. xiii-xvii.
2. Nettl, Bruno (1983). The Study of Ethnomusicology. Urbana, Ill.: University of Illinois Press. p. 25.
3. Titon, Jeff Todd (1992). Worlds of Music (2nd ed.). New York: Schirmer. pp. xxi.
4. See Hood, Mantle (1969). “Ethnomusicology”. In Willi Apel.Harvard Dictionary of Music (2nd ed.). Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press.
5. McCollum, Jonathan and Hebert, David, Eds., (2014). Theory and Method in Historical Ethnomusicology Lanham, MD:
Rowman&Littlefield.
6. Pegg, Carole (et al) (2001). “Ethnomusicology”. In Sadie, Stanley. New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians (2nd ed.).
London: Macmillan. pp. 8:367–403.
7. a b c Nettl, Bruno. “The Harmless Drudge: Defining Ethnomusicology.” The Study of Ethnomusicology: Thirty-one Issues and
Concepts. Urbana: University of Illinois, 2005. 3-15. Print.
8. Myers, Helen. 1992. “Ethnomusicology.” In Ethnomusicology: An Introduction, ed. Helen Myers, 3-18. New York: Norton.
9. a b Merriam, Alan. 1960. “Ethnomusicology: A Discussion and Definition of the Field.” Ethnomusicology 4(3): 107-114.
10. a b Hood, Mantle (1960). “The Challenge of Bi-musicality”.Ethnomusicology 4. pp. 55–59.

13.9: Ethnomusicology is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by LibreTexts.

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13.10: Dance
Dance is a performance art form consisting of purposefully selected sequences of human movement. This movement has aesthetic
and symbolic value, and is acknowledged as dance by performers and observers within a particular culture.[nb 1] Dance can be
categorized and described by its choreography, by its repertoire of movements, or by its historical period or place of origin.

Origins

Figure 13.10.1 - Mesolithic dancers at Bhimbetka

Archaeological evidence for early dance includes 9,000-year-old paintings in India at the Rock Shelters of Bhimbetka, and
Egyptian tomb paintings depicting dancing figures, dated c. 3300 BC. It has been proposed that before the invention of written
languages, dance was an important part of the oral and performance methods of passing stories down from generation to
generation.[5] The use of dance in ecstatic trance states and healing rituals (as observed today in many contemporary indigenous
cultures, from the Brazilian rainforest to the Kalahari Desert) is thought to have been another early factor in the social development
of dance.[6]

Figure 13.10.2 - Greek bronze statuette of a veiled and masked dancer, 3rd-2nd century BC, Alexandria, Egypt.
References to dance can be found in very early recorded history; Greek dance(horos) is referred to by Plato, Aristotle, Plutarch and
Lucian.[7] The Bible and Talmud refer to many events related to dance, and contain over 30 different dance terms.[8] In Chinese
pottery as early as the Neolithic period, groups of people are depicted dancing in a line holding hands,[9]and the earliest Chinese
word for “dance” is found written in the oracle bones.[10] Dance is further described in the Lüshi Chunqiu.[11][12] Primitive dance in
ancient China was associated with sorcery and shamanic rituals.
During the first millennium BCE in India, many texts were composed which attempted to codify aspects of daily life. Bharata
Muni’s Natyashastra (literally“the text of dramaturgy”) is one of the earlier texts. It mainly deals with drama, in which dance plays
an important part in Indian culture. It categorizes dance into four types – secular, ritual, abstract, and, interpretive – and into four
regional varieties. The text elaborates various hand-gestures (mudras) and classifies movements of the various limbs, steps and so
on. A strong continuous tradition of dance has since continued in India, through to modern times, where it continues to play a role
in culture, ritual, and, notably, the Bollywood entertainment industry. Many other contemporary dance forms can likewise be traced
back to historical, traditional, ceremonial, and ethnic dance.

Cultural Traditions
Africa

Figure 13.10.3 - Ugandan youth dance at a cultural celebration of peace

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Dance in Africa is deeply integrated into society and major events in a community are frequently reflected in dances: dances are
performed for births and funerals, weddings and wars.[13]:13 Traditional dances impart cultural morals, including religious traditions
and sexual standards; give vent to repressed emotions, such as grief; motivate community members to cooperate, whether fighting
wars or grinding grain; enact spiritual rituals; and contribute to social cohesiveness.[14]
Thousands of dances are performed around the continent. These may be divided into traditional, neotraditional, and classical styles:
folkloric dances of a particular society, dances created more recently in imitation of traditional styles, and dances transmitted more
formally in schools or private lessons.[13]:18 African dance has been altered by many forces, such as European missionaries and
colonialist governments, who often suppressed local dance traditions as licentious or distracting.[14] Dance in contemporary African
cultures still serves its traditional functions in new contexts; dance may celebrate the inauguration of a hospital, build community
for rural migrants in unfamiliar cities, and be incorporated into Christian church ceremonies.[14]

Figure 13.10.4 - An Indian classical dancer

Asia
All Indian classical dances are to varying degrees rooted in the Natyashastra and therefore share common features: for example,
the mudras (hand positions), some body positions, and the inclusion of dramatic or expressive acting or abhinaya. Indian classical
music provides accompaniment and dancers of nearly all the styles wear bells around their ankles to counterpoint and complement
the percussion.
There are now many regional varieties of Indian classical dance. Dances like “Odra Magadhi”, which after decades long debate,
has been traced to present day Mithila, Odisha region’s dance form of Odissi (Orissi), indicate influence of dances in cultural
interactions between different regions.[15]
The Punjab area overlapping India and Pakistan is the place of origin of Bhangra. It is widely known both as a style of music and a
dance. It is mostly related to ancient harvest celebrations, love, patriotism or social issues. Its music is coordinated by a musical
instrument called the ‘Dhol’. Bhangra is not just music but a dance, a celebration of the harvest where people beat the dhol (drum),
sing Boliyaan (lyrics) and dance. It developed further with the Vaisakhi festival of the Sikhs.
The dances of Sri Lanka include the devil dances (yakun natima), a carefully crafted ritual reaching far back into Sri Lanka’s pre-
Buddhist past that combines ancient “Ayurvedic” concepts of disease causation with psychological manipulation and combines
many aspects including Sinhalese cosmology. Their influence can be seen on the classical dances of Sri Lanka.[16]

Figure 13.10.5 - Two classical ballet dancers perform a sequence of The Nutcracker, one of the best known works of classical
dance

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The dances of the Middle East are usually the traditional forms of circle dancing which are modernized to an extent. They would
include dabke, tamzara, Assyrian folk dance, Kurdish dance, Armenian dance and Turkish dance, among others.[17][18] All these
forms of dances would usually involve participants engaging each other by holding hands or arms (depending on the style of the
dance). They would make rhythmic moves with their legs and shoulders as they curve around the dance floor. The head of the
dance would generally hold a cane or handkerchief.[17][19]

Europe and North America

Ballet developed first in Italy and then in France from lavish court spectacles that combined music, drama, poetry, song, costumes
and dance. Members of the court nobility took part as performers. During the reign of Louis XIV, himself a dancer, dance became
more codified. Professional dancers began to take the place of court amateurs, and ballet masters were licensed by the French
government. The first ballet dance academy was the Académie Royale de Danse (Royal Dance Academy), opened in Paris in 1661.
Shortly thereafter, the first institutionalized ballet troupe, associated with the Academy, was formed; this troupe began as an all-
male ensemble but by 1681 opened to include women as well.[5]
20th century concert dance brought an explosion of innovation in dance style characterized by an exploration of freer technique.
Early pioneers of what became known as modern dance include Loie Fuller, Isadora Duncan,Mary Wigman and Ruth St. Denis.
The relationship of music to dance serves as the basis for Eurhythmics, devised by Emile Jaques-Dalcroze, which was influential to
the development of Modern dance and modern ballet through artists such as Marie Rambert. Eurythmy, developed by Rudolf
Steiner and Marie Steiner-von Sivers, combines formal elements reminiscent of traditional dance with the new freer style, and
introduced a complex new vocabulary to dance. In the 1920s, important founders of the new style such as Martha Grahamand Doris
Humphrey began their work. Since this time, a wide variety of dance styles have been developed.

Figure 13.10.6 - Street samba dancers perform in carnival parades and contests
African American dance developed in everyday spaces, rather than in dance studios, schools or companies. Tap dance, disco, jazz
dance, swing dance, hip hop dance, the lindy hop with its relationship to rock and roll music and rock and roll dance have had a
global influence.

Latin America
Dance is central to Latin American social life and culture. Brazilian Samba, Argentinian tango, and Cuban salsa are internationally
popular partner dances, and other national dances—merengue, cueca, plena, jarabe, joropo, marinera, cumbia, and others—are
important components of their respective countries’ cultures.[20]Traditional Carnival festivals incorporate these and other dances in
enormous celebrations.[21]
Dance has played an important role in forging a collective identity among the many cultural and ethnic groups of Latin America.[22]
Dance served to unite the many African, European, and indigenous peoples of the region.[20] Certain dance genres, such as
capoeira, and body movements, especially the characteristic quebrada or pelvis swing, have been variously banned and celebrated
throughout Latin American history.[22]

Notes
1. Many definitions of dance have been proposed. This definition is based on the following:“Dance is human movement created
and expressed for an aesthetic purpose.”[1]“Dance is a transient mode of expression performed in a given form and style by the
human body moving in space. Dance occurs through purposefully selected and controlled rhythmic movements; the resulting
phenomenon is recognized as dance both by the performer and the observing members of a given group.”[2]“Dance is human
behaviour composed (from the dancer’s perspective, which is usually shared by the audience members of the dancer’s culture)
of purposeful (individual choice and social learning play a role), intentionally rhythmical, and culturally patterned sequences of
nonverbal body movement mostly other than those performed in ordinary motor activities. The motion (in time, space, and with
effort) has an inherent and aesthetic value (the notion of appropriateness and competency as viewed by the dancer’s culture) and
symbolic potential.”[3]

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References
1. Sondra Horton Fraleigh (1987). Dance and the Lived Body: A Descriptive Aesthetics. University of Pittsburgh Pre. p. 49. ISBN
978-0-8229-7170-2.
2. Joann Kealinohomoku (1970). Copeland, Roger; Cohen, Marshall, eds. An Anthropologist Looks at Ballet as a Form of Ethnic
Dance (PDF). What is Dance? Readings in Theory and Criticism (1983 ed.) (New York: Oxford University Press).
3. Judith Lynne Hanna (1983). The performer-audience connection: emotion to metaphor in dance and society. University of
Texas Press. ISBN 978-0-292-76478-1.
4. Canadian National Arts Centre – Dance Forms: An Introduction
5. a b Nathalie Comte. “Europe, 1450 to 1789: Encyclopedia of the Early Modern World”. Ed. Jonathan Dewald. Vol. 2. New
York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2004. pp 94–108.
6. Guenther, Mathias Georg. ‘The San Trance Dance: Ritual and Revitalization Among the Farm Bushmen of the Ghanzi District,
Republic of Botswana.’ Journal, South West Africa Scientific Society, v30, 1975–76.
7. Raftis, Alkis, The World of Greek Dance Finedawn, Athens (1987) p25.
8. Yemenite Dances and their influence on the new Jewish folk dances
9. “Basin with design of dancers”. National Museum of China. Pottery from the Majiayao culture ( 3100 BC to 2700 BC)
10. Wang Kefen (1985). The History of Chinese Dance. China Books & Periodicals. p. 7. ISBN 978-0835111867.
11. Zehou Li (2009). The Chinese Aesthetic Tradition. translated by Maija Bell Samei. University of Hawaii Press. p. 5. ISBN 978-
0824833077.
12. Lü Shi Chun Qiu Original text:

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13.11: Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act

Figure 13.11.1 - Susquehannock artifacts on display at the State Museum of Pennsylvania, 2007
The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act(NAGPRA), Pub. L. 101-601, 25 U.S.C. 3001 et seq., 104 Stat.
3048, is a United States federal law enacted on 16 November 1990.
The Act requires federal agencies and institutions that receive federal funding[1] to return Native American “cultural items” to
lineal descendants and culturally affiliated Indian tribes and Native Hawaiian organizations. Cultural items include human
remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony. A program of federal grants assists in the repatriation
process and the Secretary of the Interior may assess civil penalties on museums that fail to comply.
NAGPRA also establishes procedures for the inadvertent discovery or planned excavation of Native American cultural items on
federal or tribal lands. While these provisions do not apply to discoveries or excavations on private or state lands, the collection
provisions of the Act may apply to Native American cultural items if they come under the control of an institution that receives
federal funding.
Lastly, NAGPRA makes it a criminal offense to traffic in Native American human remains without right of possession or in Native
American cultural items obtained in violation of the Act. Penalties for a first offense may reach 12 months imprisonment and a
$100,000 fine.
The intent of the NAGPRA legislation is to address long-standing claims by federally recognized tribes for the return of human
remains and cultural objects unlawfully obtained from prehistoric, historic, former, and current Native American homelands.
Interpretation of human and indigenous rights, prehistoric presence, cultural affiliation with antiquities, and the return of remains
and objects can be controversial and contested. It includes provisions that delineate the legal processes by which museums and
federal agencies are required to return certain Native American cultural items—human remains, gravesite materials, and other
objects of cultural patrimony—to proven lineal descendants, culturally related Native American tribes, and Native Hawaiian
groups. Specifically, these types of items which are found and scientifically dated to a time prior to 1492 C.E. are to be turned over
to Native American tribes. This would include any future discovery of Viking burials, such as those from Leif Ericson’s lost colony
(which is thought to be similar to L’Anse aux Meadows).
Outcomes of NAGPRA repatriation efforts are slow and cumbersome, leading many tribes to spend considerable effort
documenting their requests; collections’ holders are obliged to inform and engage with tribes whose materials they may possess.
NAGPRA was enacted primarily at the insistence and by the direction of members of Native American nations.[2]

Tribal Concerns
Tribes had many reasons based in law that made legislation concerning tribal grave protection and repatriation necessary.
State Statutory Law: Historically, states only regulated and protected marked graves. Native American graves were often
unmarked and did not receive the protection provided by these statutes.
Common Law: The colonizing population formed much of the legal system that developed over the course of settling the
United States. This law did not often take into account the unique Native American practices concerning graves and other burial
practices. It did not account for government actions against Native Americans, such as removal, the relationship that Native
Americans as different peoples maintain with their dead, and sacred ideas and myths related to the possession of graves.
Equal Protection: Native Americans, as well as others, often found that the remains of Native American graves were treated
differently from the dead of other races.
First Amendment: As in most racial and social groups, Native American burial practices relate strongly to their religious beliefs
and practices. They held that when tribal dead were desecrated, disturbed, or withheld from burial, their religious beliefs and
practices are being infringed upon. Religious beliefs and practices are protected by the first amendment.
Sovereignty Rights: Native Americans hold unique rights as sovereign bodies, leading to their relations to be controlled by their
own laws and customs. The relationship between the people and their dead is an internal relationship, to be understood as under

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 the sovereign jurisdiction of the tribe.
Treaty: From the beginning of the U.S. government and tribe relations, the tribe maintained rights unless specifically divested to
the U.S. government in a treaty. The U.S. government does not have the right to disturb Native American graves or their dead,
because it has not been granted by any treaty.

Description
The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act is a law that establishes the ownership of cultural items excavated or
discovered on federal or tribal land after November 16, 1990. The act also applies to land transferred by the federal government to
the states under the Water Resources Department Act.[3] However, the provisions of the legislation do not apply to private lands.
The Act states that Native American remains and associated funerary objects belong to lineal descendants. If lineal descendants
cannot be identified, then those remains and objects, along with associated funerary and sacred objects, and objects of cultural
patrimony belong to the tribe on whose lands the remains were found or the tribe having the closest known relationship to them.[3]
Tribes find the burden of proof is on them, if it becomes necessary to demonstrate a cultural relationship that may not be well-
documented or understood. Nowhere has this issue been more pronounced than in California, where many small bands were
extinguished before they could be recognized, and only a handful, even today, have obtained federal recognition as Native
Americans and descendants of Native American bands.
Congress attempted to “strike a balance between the interest in scientific examination of skeletal remains and the recognition that
Native Americans, like people from every culture around the world, have a religious and spiritual reverence for the remains of their
ancestors.”[4]
The act also requires each federal agency, museum, or institution that receives federal funds to prepare an inventory of remains and
funerary objects and a summary of sacred objects, cultural patrimony objects, and unassociated funerary objects. The act provides
for repatriation of these items when requested by the appropriate descendant of the tribe. This applies to remains or objects
discovered at any time, even before November 16, 1990.[5]
Since the legislation passed, the human remains of approximately 32,000 individuals have been returned to their respective tribes.
Nearly 670,000 funerary objects, 120,000 unassociated funerary objects, and 3,500 sacred objects have been returned.[5] NAGPRA
serves as a limitation, sometimes restricting excavation of American Indian remains and cultural objects, thereby potentially
limiting the possible study of these objects.[6]

Figure 13.11.2 - Map of Native American reservations

The statute attempts to mediate a significant tension that exists between the tribes’ communal interests in the respectful treatment
of their deceased ancestors and related cultural items and the scientists’ individual interests in the study of those same human
remains and items. The act divides the treatment of American Indian human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects
of cultural patrimony into two basic categories. Under the inadvertent discovery and planned excavation component of the act and
regulations, if federal officials anticipate that activities on federal and tribal lands after November 16, 1990 might have an effect on
American Indian burials—or if burials are discovered during such activities—they must consult with potential lineal descendants or
American Indian tribal officials as part of their compliance responsibilities. For planned excavations, consultation must occur
during the planning phase of the project. For inadvertent discoveries, the regulations delineate a set of short deadlines for initiating
and completing consultation. The repatriation provision, unlike the ownership provision, applies to remains or objects discovered at
any time, even before the effective date of the act, whether or not discovered on tribal or federal land. The act allows archaeological
teams a short time for analysis before the remains must be returned. Once it is determined that human remains are American
Indian, analysis can occur only through documented consultation (on federal lands) or consent (on tribal lands).

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A criminal provision of the Act prohibits trafficking in Native American human remains, or in Native American “cultural items.”
Under the inventory and notification provision of the act, federal agencies and institutions that receive federal funds are required to
summarize their collections that may contain items subject to NAGPRA. Additionally, federal agencies and institutions must
prepare inventories of human remains and funerary objects. Under the act, funerary objects are considered “associated” if they were
buried as part of a burial ceremony with a set of human remains still in possession of the federal agency or other institution.
“Unassociated” funerary objects are artifacts where human remains were not initially collected by—or were subsequently
destroyed, lost, or no longer in possession of—the agency or institution. Consequently, this legislation also applies to many Native
American artifacts, especially burial items and religious artifacts. It has necessitated massive cataloguing of the Native American
collections in order to identify the living heirs, culturally affiliated Indian tribes, and Native Hawaiian organizations of remains and
artifacts. NAGPRA has had a dramatic effect on the day-to-day practice of archaeology and physical anthropology in the United
States. In many cases, NAGPRA helped stimulate interactions of archaeologists and museum professionals with Native Americans
that were felt to be constructive by all parties.

History
Background
The late 19th century was one of the most difficult periods in Native American history in regards to the loss of cultural artifacts and
land. With the founding of museums and scholarly studies of Native American peoples increasing with the growth of anthropology
and archaeology as disciplines, private collectors and museums competed to acquire artifacts, which many Native Americans
considered ancestral assets, but others sold. This competition existed not only between museums such as the Smithsonian
Institution (founded in 1846) and museums associated with universities, but also between museums in the United States and
museums in Europe. In the 1880s and 1890s, collecting was done by untrained adventurers. As of the year 1990, federal agencies
reported having the remains of 14,500 deceased Natives in their possession, which had accumulated since the late 19th century.
Many institutions said they used the remains of Native Americans for anthropological research, to gain more information about
humans. At one time, in since discredited comparative racial studies, institutions such as the Army Medical Museum sought to
demonstrate racial characteristics to prove the inferiority of Native Americans.[7]

Maria Pearson
Maria Pearson is often credited with being the earliest catalyst for the passage of NAGPRA legislation; she has been called “the
Founding Mother of modern Indian repatriation movement” and the “Rosa Parks of NAGPRA”.[8] In the early 1970s, Pearson was
appalled that the skeletal remains of Native Americans were treated differently from white remains. Her husband, an engineer with
the Iowa Department of Transportation, told her that both Native American and white remains were uncovered during road
construction in Glenwood, Iowa. While the remains of 26 white burials were quickly reburied, the remains of a Native American
mother and child were sent to a lab for study instead. Pearson protested to Governor Robert D. Ray, finally gaining an audience
with him after sitting outside his office in traditional attire. “You can give me back my people’s bones and you can quit digging
them up”, she responded when the governor asked what he could do for her. The ensuing controversy led to the passage of the Iowa
Burials Protection Act of 1976, the first legislative act in the United States that specifically protected Native American remains.
Emboldened by her success, Pearson went on to lobby national leaders, and her efforts, combined with the work of many other
activists, led to the creation of NAGPRA.[8][9] Pearson and other activists were featured in the 1995 BBC documentary Bones of
Contention.[10]

Slack Farm and Disckson Mounts

The 1987 looting of a 500-year-old burial mound at the Slack Farm in Kentucky, in which human remains were tossed to the side
while relics were stolen, made national news and helped to galvanize popular support for protection of Native American graves.[11]
[12]
Likewise, several protests at the Dickson Mounds site in Illinois, where numerous Indian skeletons were exposed on display,
also increased national awareness of the issue.[13]

Return to the Earth Project

Return to the Earth is an inter-religious project whose goal is to inter unidentified remains in regional burial sites.[14] Over 110,000
remains that cannot be associated with a particular tribe are held in institutions across the United States, as of 2006.[15] The project
seeks to enable a process of reconciliation between Native and non-Native peoples, construct cedar burial boxes, produce burial

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cloths and fund the repatriation of remains. The first of the burial sites is near the Cheyenne Cultural Center in Clinton, Oklahoma.
[15][16]

Controversial Issues
Archaeologists are concerned that they are being prevented from studying ancient remains which cannot be traced to any historic
tribe. Many of the tribes migrated to their territories at the time of European encounter within 100–500 years from other locations,
so their ancestors were not located in the historic territories.[17] Such controversies have repeatedly stalled archaeological
investigations, such as in the case of the Spirit Cave mummy; fears have been voiced that an anti-scientific sentiment could well
have permeated politics to an extent that scientists might find their work to be continuously barred by Native Americans rights
activists.[18]

Kennewick Man
Compliance with the legislation can be complicated. One example of controversy is that of Kennewick Man, a skeleton found on
July 28, 1996 near Kennewick, Washington. The federally recognized Umatilla, Colville, Yakima, and Nez Perce tribes had each
claimed Kennewick Man as their ancestor, and sought permission to rebury him. Kennewick, Washington is classified as part of the
ancestral land of the Umatilla.
Archaeologists said that because of Kennewick Man’s great age, there was insufficient evidence to connect him to modern tribes.
The great age of the remains makes this discovery scientifically valuable.[19] As archaeologists, forensic specialists, and linguists
differed about whether the adult male was of indigenous origin, the standing law, if conclusively found by a preponderance of
evidence to be Native American, would give the tribe of the geographic area where he was found a claim to the remains.[20] New
evidence could still emerge in defense of tribal claims to ancestry, but emergent evidence may require more sophisticated and
precise methods of determining genetic descent, given that there was no cultural evidence accompanying the remains.
One tribe claiming ancestry to Kennewick Man offered up a DNA test, and in 2015 it was found that the Kennewick man is “more
closely related to modern Native Americans than any other living population.” However, the remains still have not been released.
[21]

International Policies

Fiigure 13.11.3 - Distinctive Marking of Cultural Property, Hague Convention

The issues of such resources are being addressed by international groups dealing with indigenous rights. For example, in 1995 the
United States signed an agreement with El Salvador in order to protect all pre‑Columbian artifacts from leaving the region. Soon
after, it signed similar agreements with Canada, Peru, Guatemala, and Mali and demonstrated leadership in implementing the 1970
UNESCO Convention. The UNESCO convention had membership increase to 86 countries by 1997, and 193 by 2007. UNESCO
appears to be reducing the illicit antiquities trade. It is not an easy business to track, but the scholar Phyllis Messenger notes that
some antiquities traders have written articles denouncing the agreements, which suggests that it is reducing items sold to them.[22]
An international predecessor of the UNESCO Convention and NAGPRA is the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of
Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict.[23] The Hague Convention was the first international convention to focus on
preserving cultural heritage from the devastation of war. Looting and destruction of other civilizations have been characteristics of
war recorded from the first accounts of all cultures.

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 Figure 13.11.4 - Minik Wallace (Kalaallit) in New York, 1897
On September 30, 1897, Lieutenant Robert Peary brought six Inuit people from Greenland to the American Museum of Natural
History in New York, at the request of the anthropologist Franz Boas, in order to “obtain leisurely certain information which will be
of the greatest scientific importance” regarding Inuit culture.[24] About two weeks after arrival at the museum, all six of the Inuit
people became sick with colds and fever. They began to perform their tribal healing process and were mocked for their bizarre
behavior. These people became a form of entertainment for the Americans. By November 1, 1897, they were admitted to the
Bellevue Hospital Center with tuberculosis, which they likely had contracted before their trip. In February, the first Inuit died and
shortly after that two more followed. By the time the sickness had run its course, two men survived. Minik was adopted by a
superintendent of the museum, while Uissakassakreturned to his homeland in Greenland. Later, after being lied to and being told
that his father Qisuk had received a proper Inuit burial, Minik was shocked to find his father’s skeleton on display in the museum.
In 1993 the museum finally agreed to return the four Inuit skeletons to Greenland for proper burial. Representatives of the Museum
went to Greenland that year to participate. In contrast to peoples in other areas, some local Inuit thought that the burial was more
desired by the Christian representatives of the museum, and that the remains could have just as appropriately been kept in New
York.[25] David Hurst Thomas’ study of the case shows the complexity of reburial and repatriation cases, and the need for
individual approaches to each case by all affected parties.[25]

Protecting Cultural Property

In the United States, the Archaeological Resources Protection Act (ARPA) protects archaeological sites on federally owned lands.
Privately owned sites are controlled by the owners. In some areas, archaeological foundations or similar organizations buy
archaeological sites to conserve associated the cultural property.
Other countries may use three basic types of laws to protect cultural remains:
Selective export control laws control the trade of the most important artifacts while still allowing some free trade. Countries that
use these laws include Canada, Japan, and the United Kingdom.
Total export restriction laws are used by some countries to enact an embargo and completely shut off export of cultural property.
Many Latin American and Mediterranean countries use these laws.
Other countries, such as Mexico, use national ownership laws to declare national ownership for all cultural artifacts. These laws
cover control of artifacts that have not been discovered, to try to prevent looting of potential sites before exploration.

Notes
1. The Smithsonian Institution is exempt from this act, but rather must comply with similar requirements under the National
Museum of the American Indian Act of 1989.
2. Carrillo, Jo (1998). Readings in American Indian Law: Recalling the Rhythm of Survival Temple University Press,
Philadelphia.ISBN 1-56639-582-8
3. a b Canby Jr., William C. (2004). American Indian Law in a Nutshell. St. Paul: West,. Page 276.
4. Native American Graves Protection Act at the Wayback Machine (archived December 31, 2001)
5. a b Frequently Asked Questions – NAGPRA, U.S. Park Service.
6. Tom, Georgina. “NAGPRA – Overview and Controversy.” 12 Dec 2007. Retrieved 10 Nov 2009.
7. Carrillo, Jo, ed. Readings In American Indian Law.Temple University Press, 1998. Pg 169.
8. a b Gradwohl, David M.; Joe B. Thomson; Michael J. Perry(2005). Still Running: A Tribute to Maria Pearson, Yankton Sioux.
Special issue of the Journal of the Iowa Archeological Society52. Iowa City: Iowa Archeological Society.

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 9. Peason, Maria D. (2000). “Give Me Back My People’s Bones: Repatriation and Reburial of American Indian Skeletal Remains
in Iowa”. In Gretchen Bataille, David M. Gradwohl, Charles L. P. Silet. The Worlds between Two Rivers: Perspectives on
American Indians in Iowa (expanded ed.). Iowa City: University of Iowa Press. pp. 131–141. ISBN 087745700X. line feed
character in |title= at position 4 (help)
10. “Bones of Contention”. British Broadcasting Corp. 1995. Retrieved 1 December 2009.
11. “Battle over Athlete Jim Thorpe’s burial site continues”.Washington Post. 17 March 2012.
12. National Geographic Magazine, March 1989
13. “Neighbors Mourn Dickson Mounds` Demise”. Chicago Tribune. November 26, 1991.
14. “Return to the Earth”. Religions for Peace. Retrieved2008-04-24. “Mission: The Return to the Earth project supports Native
Americans in burying unidentifiable ancestral remains now scattered across the United States and enables a process of
education and reconciliation between Native and Non-Native peoples.”
15. a b “Return to the Earth”. Mennonite Central Committee. Archived from the original on 2006-11-20. Retrieved 2007-04-13.
16. “Cheyenne Cultural Center”. City of Clinton, Oklahoma. Archived from the original on 2007-04-07. Retrieved 2007-04-13.
17. George Johnson, “Indian Tribes’ Creationists Thwart Archeologists,” New York Times, 22 October 1996, accessed 19 June 2011
18. Jump up^archive.nevadajournal.com/nj9...over_story.htm
19. Custred, Glynn (2000). “The Forbidden Discovery of Kennewick Man”. Academic Questions 13 (3): 12–30.
doi:10.1007/s12129-000-1034-8.
20. McManamon, F. P. Kennewick Man. National Park Service Archeology Program. May 2004 (retrieved 6 May 2009)
21. www.burkemuseum.org/blog/kenn...an-ancient-one
22. Messenger, Phyllis Mauch. The Ethics of Collecting Cultural Property Whose Culture? Whose Property? New York: University
of New Mexico, 1999.
23. Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict at the Wayback Machine (archived May 25,
1997)
24. Thomas, David H. Skull Wars: Kennewick Man, Archaeology, and the Battle for Native American Identity, p.78. New York:
Basic Books
25. a b Thomas, David H. Skull Wars, pp. 218-9

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 CHAPTER OVERVIEW
14: Globalization
Learning Objectives
By the end of the chapter, you should be able to answer the following questions:
What is globalization?
How did the modern era of globalization develop?
What is the relationship between culture and globalization?

We will skim the surface of globalization with a particular emphasis of the history of modern era of globalization and its effects on
indigenous peoples. Modern economic and political development is driven by the assumption that modernization and development
will be beneficial for all people; however, cultural differences are not taken into consideration, often leading to the destruction of
indigenous cultures. Understanding the context of modern development enables us to understand our own place in an increasingly
interconnected world.
14.1: Introduction to Globalization
14.2: Globalization
14.3: Modernization
14.4: Development
14.5: GNI Per Capita, Atlas Method (Current US $)
14.6: Technology
14.7: The Global Digital Divide
14.8: Global Life Expectancy and Mortality Statistics
14.9: Global Warming
14.10: Indigenous People
14.11: Cultural Survival
14.12: Multiculturalism

Thumbnail: Counter service in a McDonald's restaurant in Dukhan, Qatar. (CC BY-SA 3.0; Vincent van Zeijst).

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1 5/12/2022
14.1: Introduction to Globalization
"We talk about globalization today as if it’s some great big new thing that we’ve all just discovered. But there’s really nothing new
about it." - Jacqueline Winspear
In this section, we will skim the surface of globalization with a particular emphasis of the history of modern era of globalization
and its effects on indigenous peoples. Modern economic and political development is driven by the assumption that modernization
and development will be beneficial for all people; however, cultural differences are not taken into consideration, often leading to
the destruction of indigenous cultures. Understanding the context of modern development enables us to understand our own place
in an increasingly interconnected world.

Figure 14.1.1 - Mall culture in Jakarta

Start with this TedTalk video of Wade Davis, anthropologist in residence at the National Geographic Society, speaking about
endangered cultures [run time: 22.04].

References
Cultural Anthropology · History of Anthropological Theory

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14.2: Globalization
What is Globalization?
The answer to this question is not a simple one. There are various definitions of globalization depending on the perspective with
which the topic is approached. Many think of globalization as processes that cause changes that make people more interconnected
and interdependent. Others think of it as “…a reorganization of time and space in which many movements of peoples, things, and
ideas throughout much of the world have become increasingly faster and effortless (Morris 2010: 865). Still others focus on the
interaction and integration promoted by international trade, investment, and information technology (The Levin Institute 2015).

Figure 14.2.1 : English and Hebrew Coke labels. (CC BY-SA 3.0 unported; Yoninah).
Anthropologists acknowledge that all of these definitions are relevant to the study of globalization and use long-term ethnographic
studies to understand the dynamics of globalization. One of the things that make anthropological research on globalization
important is that it remains focused on the impact of these global processes on individuals and cultures. Anthropologists do not
assume that globalization is “natural and unavoidable” as that approach is steeped in Social Darwinist ideology and obscures how
power and privilege are constructed and maintained (Morris 2010). It is an experiential process, meaning that it is different for each
person. In an anthropological sense, globalization is “…an intensification of global interconnectedness, suggesting a world full of
movement and mixture, contact and linkages, and persistent cultural interaction and exchange” (Inda and Rosaldo 2002: 2).
Enmeshed in the concept of globalization are modernization, development, and the legacy of European colonialism.

References
1. Bodley, John H. Cultural Anthropology: Tribes, States, and the Global System, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill, 2005.
2. Gezen, Lisa and Conrad Kottak. Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
3. Global Exchange. “The World Bank and The International Monetary Fund.” Last update 2011. Accessed May 5, 2015.
http://www.globalexchange.org/resources/wbimf.
4. Haslam, Nick, Stephen Loughnan, Catherine Reymolds, and Samuel Wilson. “Dehumanization: A New Perspective.” Social
and Personality Psychology Compass 1 no. 1 (2007): 409-422. Accessed May 1, 2015. doi. 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2007.00030.x
5. Hunger Free World. “Bangladesh: The Key to Regional Development.” Accessed May 6, 2015.
www.hungerfree.net/english/wh...desh/lcbd.html.
6. Inda, Jonathan X. and Renato Rosaldo. “Introduction.” In The Anthropology of Globalization: A Reader, edited by Jonathan X.
Inda and Renato Rosaldo, p. 1-34. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2002.
7. International Monetary Fund. “About the IMF.” Accessed May 4, 2015. http://www.imf.org/external/about.htm.
8. Keene, Courtney. “Development Projects That Didn’t Work: The Perils of Narrow Approaches to Complex Situations.”
Globalhood. Accessed May 6, 2015.www.globalhood.org/articles/b...Didnt_Work.pdf.
9. Kottak, Phillip Conrad. “Culture and Economic Development.” American Anthropologist 92, no. 3 (1990): 723-731.
10. McKibbens, Bill. “An Alternative to Progress.” Mother Jones May/June (2001). www.motherjones.com/politics/...ative-
progress.
11. McMichael, Philip. Development and Social Change: A Global Perspective. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press, 2000.
12. Miller, Barbara. Cultural Anthropology, 6th edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2011.
13. Morris, Christopher. “Globalization.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx,
p. 865-873. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.

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14. O’Driscoll, Emma. “Applying the ‘Uncomfortable Science’: The Role of Anthropology in Development. Durham
Anthropology Journal 16, no. 1 (2009): 13-21.community.dur.ac.uk/anthropol.../odriscoll.pdf.
15. Shah, Shelly. “Development: Criticism of Growth Oriented Theories of Development.” Sociology Discussion. Accessed May 5,
2015.www.sociologydiscussion.com/d...velopment/1065.
16. The Levin Institute – The State University of New York. “What Is Globalization?” Globalization 101. Accessed May 1, 2015.
www.globalization101.org/what...globalization/.
17. United Nations. “Main Organs.” Accessed May 4, 2015. www.un.org/en/sections/about-...ans/index.html.
18. World Bank. “Organization.” Accessed May 4, 2015. http://www.worldbank.org/en/about/leadership.

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14.3: Modernization
What it means to be modern is a concept that has changed over time. In the 5th century AD, Roman converts to Christianity used
term to differentiate themselves from “barbarians.” Barbarians were non-Christian peoples, particularly people of the Jewish faith.
During the Renaissance to be modern one had to cultivate a lifestyle based on classical Greek and Roman civilizations, while in the
Enlightenment period rationalism, science-based knowledge, and the pursuit of “progress” was the hallmark of modernity. What all
of these definitions have in common is that the people in power defined what it meant to be modern. This practice continues today
with “modern” being synonymous with the Western industrial world led by the United States. Time must be reckoned in a linear
manner; scientific knowledge and legal-rational institutions reign supreme. Technology, a capitalist economy, and a democratic
political system are considered characteristics of modernity. Modernization then is a process of cultural and socio-economic
change whereby less developed countries (LDCs) acquire characteristics of western, industrialized societies. It should be noted that
this definition is used primarily by European-derived cultures. Modernization implies that other societies should be more like “us;”
otherwise, that society is inferior. This is the legacy of European colonialism.

Legacy of Colonialism
In a broad view, colonialism, like globalization, is not new. Since the first hominins left Africa some 1.8 million years ago, people
have been colonizing the earth. Sometimes that movement across the globe involved people encroaching on areas already inhabited
by other humans. Archaeologists have been documenting the movement of peoples throughout prehistory and history, using a
variety of data to reconstruct what those interactions may have looked like. Colonialism refers to the domination of one culture,
society, or nation over another. In the context of modern globalization and to oversimplify, colonialism specifically refers to
Western European domination over much of the world starting in the fifteenth century, but the origins of that movement is in the
Asian overland-trade routes previously established. In the remainder of this article, any reference to colonialism refers specifically
to Western European colonialism.

Figure 14.3.1 - Map of the Silk Road.

The process of colonialism left a legacy that infuses modern globalization. As Western European nations overtook control of
various areas, leaders and merchants moved many indigenous peoples from their homelands to solve labor shortages faced by the
colonial powers. The African slave trade is the example that comes to mind for most people, but other peoples were also enslaved,
e.g., Chinese and Indian. The slave trade was possible because there was a belief that anyone not living in the manner of Western
Europeans was inherently backward or lesser than white Europeans. This dehumanization, or denial of humanness, was essential
to colonial practices as it provided a justification for aggressive and morally questionable practices (Haslam et al. 2007). We can
still see the effects of this ideology today in various social movements such as Occupy and the green movement.

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 Figure 14.3.2 - Group of men and women being taken to a slave market.
Under European colonial rule, political and economic systems were reorganized. High-status Europeans were in charge of the
colonies. By the end of the nineteenth century, colonial administrations were self-financing systems. Local indigenous leaders were
bribed with titles, land, and tax breaks. This created an atmosphere of privilege that would create problems after decolonization.
Local leaders then helped colonial administrators to force the local population into a capitalist economic system. Primary
commodity production, or the production of raw materials, became the enforced norm, undermining traditional crafts and mixed
farming systems. Following the pattern of the forced-enclosure movement in Europe where communal lands were enclosed and
used privately for the production of market-based agriculture, farmers were forced into growing cash-crops instead of growing
crops for personal use. A culture of export monoculture where a country produces one or more primary commodity became
established, a practice that is still at the heart of international trade today. South Africa became known for gold and diamonds,
Mexico for corn, and, India for cotton, tea, peanuts, and sugar cane. As a result of this reorganization, many indigenous farmers lost
their land to commercial agricultural production. Men were frequently removed from their homes to work on these industrial farms
in order to meet the growing demands for goods of European urban populations. The families left behind struggled to make ends
meet. Malnutrition and social unrest grew among indigenous groups.
Colonial administrators rarely acknowledged traditional female gender roles if they did not mirror the female gender role in
Europe, which stated that women were the property of men, either fathers or husbands. In areas where women had property rights,
they were ignored by the colonial powers. In Kenya, Kikuyu women had rights to inherit land. After European domination, men
were removed to work on European-owned farms and the land assumed to be owned by those men confiscated. Women lost control
of the ability to grow sufficient food for their families and lost their status, wealth, and authority.

Figure 14.3.3 - Frontispiece from the book Saint-Domingue, ou Histoire de Ses Révolutions. ca. 1815.
The loss of self-governance and status, disruption of gender roles and family, and the loss of resources led to social unrest as large
segments of indigenous populations were enslaved, killed, or died due to disease. Decolonization movements began in Haiti in
1791. The Haitian revolt was started by slaves on sugar plantations and was the only slave revolt to result in the founding of a state.
Independence movements gained momentum over time, spreading to Latin America, Asia, and Africa even as late as the 1990s
(South Africa). After the end of World War II, colonial subjects who had fought in the war returned with the ideologies of freedom
and self-determination. As colonies gained their independence, new leaders were expected to operate on the global stage in the
same manner as and with their former colonial rulers in order to be considered legitimate. Frequently, people had some power in
the colonial administration due to bribery or having some relationship to the former powers gained power in the newly independent

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states. Many newly emerged states required economic stimulation that came in the form proscribed by the only nation that had
economic growth during WWII, the United States. This model of economic development is sometimes referred to as
neocolonialism; in other words, the new states were closely tied to former colonial powers economically.
We still see the lingering effects of colonial cultural imperialism, or expansion of one culture at the expense of others, in the
languages, customs, and worldviews of former colonies. In Haiti, French is the national language; in Brazil, Portuguese. Spanish is
spoken in most South and Central American countries, English in a wide-geographic distribution resulting from that nation’s
imperialist expansion.

References
1. Bodley, John H. Cultural Anthropology: Tribes, States, and the Global System, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill, 2005.
2. Gezen, Lisa and Conrad Kottak. Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
3. Global Exchange. “The World Bank and The International Monetary Fund.” Last update 2011. Accessed May 5, 2015.
http://www.globalexchange.org/resources/wbimf.
4. Haslam, Nick, Stephen Loughnan, Catherine Reymolds, and Samuel Wilson. “Dehumanization: A New Perspective.” Social
and Personality Psychology Compass 1 no. 1 (2007): 409-422. Accessed May 1, 2015. doi. 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2007.00030.x
5. Hunger Free World. “Bangladesh: The Key to Regional Development.” Accessed May 6, 2015.
www.hungerfree.net/english/wh...desh/lcbd.html.
6. Inda, Jonathan X. and Renato Rosaldo. “Introduction.” In The Anthropology of Globalization: A Reader, edited by Jonathan X.
Inda and Renato Rosaldo, p. 1-34. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2002.
7. International Monetary Fund. “About the IMF.” Accessed May 4, 2015. http://www.imf.org/external/about.htm.
8. Keene, Courtney. “Development Projects That Didn’t Work: The Perils of Narrow Approaches to Complex Situations.”
Globalhood. Accessed May 6, 2015.www.globalhood.org/articles/b...Didnt_Work.pdf.
9. Kottak, Phillip Conrad. “Culture and Economic Development.” American Anthropologist 92, no. 3 (1990): 723-731.
10. McKibbens, Bill. “An Alternative to Progress.” Mother Jones May/June (2001). www.motherjones.com/politics/...ative-
progress.
11. McMichael, Philip. Development and Social Change: A Global Perspective. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press, 2000.
12. Miller, Barbara. Cultural Anthropology, 6th edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2011.
13. Morris, Christopher. “Globalization.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx,
p. 865-873. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
14. O’Driscoll, Emma. “Applying the ‘Uncomfortable Science’: The Role of Anthropology in Development. Durham
Anthropology Journal 16, no. 1 (2009): 13-21.community.dur.ac.uk/anthropol.../odriscoll.pdf.
15. Shah, Shelly. “Development: Criticism of Growth Oriented Theories of Development.” Sociology Discussion. Accessed May 5,
2015.www.sociologydiscussion.com/d...velopment/1065.
16. The Levin Institute – The State University of New York. “What Is Globalization?” Globalization 101. Accessed May 1, 2015.
www.globalization101.org/what...globalization/.
17. United Nations. “Main Organs.” Accessed May 4, 2015. www.un.org/en/sections/about-...ans/index.html.
18. World Bank. “Organization.” Accessed May 4, 2015. http://www.worldbank.org/en/about/leadership.

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14.4: Development
In this context, development refers to “change directed toward improving human welfare” (Miller 2011: 260). What this definition
fails to mention is that the change is based on a model developed by former colonial powers the result of which is “dislocated
cultural space” (Inda and Rosaldo 2002:25). While western culture has historically taken precedence through the process of
colonialism in more recent years that dominance has been challenged resulting in interconnected cultural space (Inda and Rosaldo
2002:26).
Post WWII, development focused on rebuilding countries devastated by the global conflict. Impacting the course of development
were two polarizing social ideologies: communism and democracy. Much of the economic and political development pursued by
the United States was geared toward stopping the spread of communism. The goal was to help underdeveloped countries, or
countries that did not economically use all their available resources to the degree deemed appropriate by the former colonial
powers, become modern. The assumption was that all countries were on a universal path to modernity, an idea straight out of
eighteenth century philosophies like social evolution (see theories section from the beginning of the quarter) and Social Darwinism.
Several institutions were started to aid in development, particularly on the economic level: United Nations (UN), World Bank
(WB), and International Monetary Fund (IMF).
The UN was chartered in 1945 with fifty-one countries as original members. The UN and its family of organizations work to
promote respect for human rights, protect the environment, fight disease, foster development, and reduce poverty. It oversees
progress and works to foster cooperation among nations. The UN has also become a “neutral” peacekeeper in more recent years,
but it is totally dependent upon member nations to provide military and financial resources to fulfill its mission. The UN currently
has 193 member states each of which has a single vote in the General Assembly. The UN Security Council, which is responsible for
overseeing international peace and security, has fifteen members: five permanent members (China, France, Russian Federation,
United Kingdom, and United States) and ten non-permanent members who are elected for a term of two-years by the General
Assembly. Any nation can take part in discussions of the Security Council, but only the fifteen members have a vote. A student of
history might recognize that the five permanent members of the Security Council were allies during WWII and represent the two
post-WWII social ideologies mentioned above.

Figure 14.4.1 - United Nations building, New York City.

At the same time that the UN was being organized, it was decided that an international banking system was integral to reconstruct
the post-war world economy. In July 1944 at Bretton Woods, NH, a conference of forty-four financial ministers from Allied nations
met to discuss the rebuilding of the world economy. The United States encouraged the foundation of the “twin sisters” – the World
Bank and International Monetary Fund. The WB focused on making loans to governments in order to rebuild railroads, highways,
bridges, ports, and other infrastructures. Its initial focus would be on rebuilding Western Europe and Japan, and then the focus
would shift to the underdeveloped world. In 2015, the WB had 188 member countries, or shareholders, each of which is required to
be a member of the IMF as well. Those members with the largest shares tend to have more influence in both institutions. The IMF’s
initial goal was to stabilize international currency exchange. In 2012, the IMF’s mandate was modified to include economic and
financial issues related to global stability.
The WB and IMF come under harsh criticism for their lending practices. In order to borrow money from the IMF or WB, debtor
countries must agree to implement structural adjustment policies “…ensure open market access for corporations while cutting
social spending on programs such as education, health care, and production credits for poor farmers” (Global Exchange 2011).
Debtor countries must also privatize publicly owned utilities and industries. Critics claim that the institutions are setting social and
economic policy without representation by elected representatives.

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Why was all this control deemed necessary? Walt Rostow, a preeminent development economist remarked in 1956 that the natural
resources located in underdeveloped nations should be kept safe from Communist control in order for the United States, Western
Europe, and Japan to maintain their way of life.

Development Models
Since the end of WWII, models of development have changed based on political, economic, and social needs. The earliest
development models were developed using several assumptions:
1. The model works anywhere; it can be universally applied without regard to specific cultural patterns – this is referred to
underdifferentiation, or the failure to recognize that cultural norms vary.
2. Non-monetary systems are “backward.” Any economic exchange that did not rely on the market system was inherently inferior.
Modernization = monetization. Traditional lifeways were viewed as an impediment to development because wealth was often
community based and not individually based.
3. There is a common destiny of society and the common good arises out of the pursuit of individual self-interests.
4. Living standards can be quantified with a monetary index, e.g., Gross National Product (GNP) and life expectancy. Basically,
they assumed that wealth is equal to happiness.
Modernization Model: This model is focused on change through economic growth. It is the basic model outlined above in the
background information on the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Material progress through industrialization, market
expansion, and technological innovation are key components as is a democratic political system with consolidated power vested in
the state. Material progress would result in better lives for the citizenry even if the environment and society suffered. Critics of this
cookie-cutter approach to development claim that it is not sustainable because of the high consumption levels of resources.
Anthropological research indicates that this model is detrimental to indigenous peoples as their land and resources are subsumed by
the state and sold or leased to corporations for resource extraction, leading to destruction of their cultures. This model also
encourages reduction in both cultural and bio-diversity (Miller 2011). See Optional: Further Reading for information on specific
studies.
Growth-Oriented Development Model: Drawing on the modernization model and Rostow’s stages of growth theory (see Rostow’s
Theory of Modernization Development https://www.academia.edu/3596310/Rostows_theory_of_modernization_development), the
growth-oriented development model proposes that a trickle-down effect will occur when there is investment in economic growth.
As wealth increases for those investing in economic growth, some of the wealth will make its way down to those less well off
thereby positively impacting human welfare. Participation in the international market and industrialization of both agriculture and
manufacturing are key elements. Privatization of public services is also imperative. This may be familiar as these ideas are
incorporated in the World Bank and IMF structural adjustment policies (Miller 2011). One of the criticisms of this model is that it
ignores the fact that “underdeveloped nations” did not have a history of development. Such is not the case. Many indigenous
societies had well-established trade with other groups both close by and long distance. There were also lucrative indigenous
industries such as the Indian textile industry mentioned previously. This model concentrates resources into the hands of the few,
creating marked inequality in society. Recent research and criticism focuses on the unsustainability of this model of development.
Distributional Development Model: Growing out of criticism of the trickle-down effect, the distributional development model is
concerned with social equity. The distributional development model claims that no development program will work without
ensuring that there is equitable access to resources for all (Miller 2011).
Human Development Model: In this model, the focus is on investment in human welfare, better education, health care, security,
and safety, with the belief that it will lead to economic growth (Miller 2011).
Sustainable Development Model: Probably the most recent development model, sustainable development focuses on the
conservation of non-renewable resources and, in some cases, survival of indigenous peoples. This model also proposes investment
in development projects that are financially sustainable over time.
Indigenous Development Model: Indigenous development models draw on local cultural practices to promote realistic change and
not overinnovation (too much change in daily life).

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 Figure 14.4.2 - Traditional cultivation in Bangladesh.
What is clear is that the development projects that work best are socially compatible and recognize that the economy is part of a
culture and not a separate entity. Culture fit or the practice of “…taking the local culture into account in project design” (Miller
2011: 369) is at the heart of a development project failure in rural Bangladesh. A farming cooperative program with support from
the government was begun with adult males, ignoring the traditional role of women in farming practices (male bias in development
is common) and requiring the use of crop seeds, fertilizers and pesticides. Over time, the pesticides entered the food chain through
seepage into local rivers and streams, which then were absorbed by fish and eventually people, causing an increase in birth defects.
The local people noticed that their livestock became sick and died after the increased use of pesticides for farming. The people
rejected the development program after some years and returned to their traditional ways of organic farming, sparking a “new
agricultural” movement, Nayakrishi, with the help of the Center for Development Alternatives, a non-governmental organization
based in Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh (McKibben 2001). Since the Nayakrishi began over 300,000 Bengali families have
returned to organic farming and development projects focused on culture fit like that of Hunger Free World
(www.hungerfree.net/english/wh...desh/lcbd.html ) have been successful.

Figure 14.4.3 - Pastoralists, Lake Turkana, 1979.

In East Africa, the World Bank sponsored an irrigation and settlement project geared to transform local pastoralists into small-scale
sedentary farmers. Pastoralists were expected to simply abandon their traditional way of life and their territory turned over to new
commercial farms. While this would have benefitted the commercial farmers it required the pastoralists to work “…three times
harder growing rice and picking cotton for the bosses,” a case of overinnovation (Kottak 1990: 725). This project failed and was
canceled and redesigned. World Bank projects in South Asia, South America, the Middle East, and West Africa also failed when
culture fit was not considered. Unfortunately, there are numerous development projects that result in the loss of land and resources
for local, indigenous populations; from hydroelectric dams and logging (Kayapo, Amazon rainforest) to fish-processing factories in
pastoral areas of Kenya and international trade agreements like the North American Free Trade Agreement – NAFTA (Zapatista,
Mexico), traditional lifeways are at risk due to development aggression, the “imposition of development projects and policies
without the free, prior, and informed consent of the affected people (Miller 2011: 377).

Anthropology and Development

Anthropologists specializing in development studies may call themselves applied anthropologists, economic anthropologists,
environmental anthropologists, ecological anthropologists, or development anthropologists. Anthropological approaches to
development are important because,

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 …[anthropology provides] the analytical means to understand the heterogeneity of loca/
actors and their interests, to see the multiple links in their social lives and appreciate
their everyday strategies, to tap into local understandings and comprehend resistance to
perceived outside interference (Sillitoe 2007: 154 quoted in O’Driscoll 2009: 17).
While anthropology might not have a monopoly on insight into multidisciplinary approaches or insight into the benefits of
including indigenous knowledge, it is at the forefront of anthropological approaches. Involvement in development projects may
create an ethical dilemma for anthropologists, as the tenet that is drilled into every anthropology student’s head is not to change the
cultures we study and to do no harm. As outlined above there are development projects that do not help people in the way that the
planners envision. Frankly, it is not uncommon for the interests of development planners and local peoples to conflict. Some argue
that it is imperative for anthropologist to be involved in development discourse to work with local people to help them assess their
needs and ideas for change or to even advocate for localized, community-specific initiatives. Some anthropologists suggest that we
should not be involved with international development agencies, but only with indigenous rights movements. Still others suggest
that anthropologists study both small and large development institutions in order to better understand the development system.
Anthropological data can help development projects maximize social and economic benefits by ensuring projects are a cultural fit,
respond to local needs, involve the appropriate local social actors and organizations in the project, and are flexible (Gezen and
Kottak 2014).

Optional: Further Reading

Chollett, Donna L. Neoliberalism, Social Exclusion, and Social Movements. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2013.
Corbridge, Stuart and Alpa Shah, eds. The Underbelly of the Indian Boom. London: Routledge, 2015.
Crate, Susan A. Cows, Kin, and Globalization: An Ethnography of Sustainability. Lanham, MD: AltaMira Press, 2006.
Dentan, Robert Knox, Kirk Endicott, Alberto G. Gomes, and M. B. Hooker. Malaysia and the “Original People”: A Case of Study
of the Impact of Development on Indigenous Peoples. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1997.
Edelman, Marc. Peasants Against Globalization: Rural Social Movements in Costa Rica. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press,
1999. Ford, Lisa and Tim Rowse. Between Indigenous and Settler Governance. London: Routledge, 2014.
Fratkin, Elliot M. Ariall Pastoralists of Kenya: Surviving Drought and Development in Africa’s Arid Lands. Boston: Allyn and
Bacon, 1998.
Freeman, Milton M. R., Ingmar Egede, Lyudmila Bogoslovskaya, Igor I. Krupnik, Richard A. Caulfield, and Marc G. Stevenson.
Inuit, Whaling, and Sustainability. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1998.
Gomes, Alberto. Modernity and Malaysia: Settling the Menraq Forest Nomads. London: Routledge, 2010.
Olsen, Kjell. “When Ethnic Identity Is a Private Matter.” Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 1, no. 1 (2007): 75-99.
Rudiak-Gould, Peter. Climate Change and Tradition in a Small Island State: The Rising Tide. London: Routledge, 2013.
Sahoo, Ahaya Kumar and Gabriel Sheffer, eds. Diaspora and Identity: Perspectives on South Asian Diaspora. London: Routledge,
2015.
Sejersen, Frank. Rethinking Greenland and the Arctic in the Era of Climate Change: New Northern Horizons. London: Routledge,
2015.
Stearman, ALlyn MacLean. Yuqui: Forest Nomads in a Changing World. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1989.
Suggs, David N. A Bagful of Locusts and the Baboon Woman: Constructions of Gender, Change, and Continuitu in Botswana. Fort
Worth, TX: Harcourt College Publishers, 2002.
Turner, Terence. “An Indigenous People’s Struggle for Social Equitable and Ecologically Sustainable Production: The Kayapo
Revolt Against Extractivism.” Journal of Latin American Anthropology 1, no. 1 (1995): 98-121.
Van Der Haar, Gemma. “Land Reform, the State, and the Zapatista Uprising in Chiapas.” Journal of Peasant Studies 32, no. 3-4
(2005): 484-507.

Lumen Learning 14.4.4 5/12/2022 https://socialsci.libretexts.org/@go/page/5657

References
1. Bodley, John H. Cultural Anthropology: Tribes, States, and the Global System, 4th edition. Boston: McGraw Hill, 2005.
2. Gezen, Lisa and Conrad Kottak. Culture. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2014.
3. Global Exchange. “The World Bank and The International Monetary Fund.” Last update 2011. Accessed May 5, 2015.
http://www.globalexchange.org/resources/wbimf.
4. Haslam, Nick, Stephen Loughnan, Catherine Reymolds, and Samuel Wilson. “Dehumanization: A New Perspective.” Social
and Personality Psychology Compass 1 no. 1 (2007): 409-422. Accessed May 1, 2015. doi. 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2007.00030.x
5. Hunger Free World. “Bangladesh: The Key to Regional Development.” Accessed May 6, 2015.
www.hungerfree.net/english/wh...desh/lcbd.html.
6. Inda, Jonathan X. and Renato Rosaldo. “Introduction.” In The Anthropology of Globalization: A Reader, edited by Jonathan X.
Inda and Renato Rosaldo, p. 1-34. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers Inc., 2002.
7. International Monetary Fund. “About the IMF.” Accessed May 4, 2015. http://www.imf.org/external/about.htm.
8. Keene, Courtney. “Development Projects That Didn’t Work: The Perils of Narrow Approaches to Complex Situations.”
Globalhood. Accessed May 6, 2015.www.globalhood.org/articles/b...Didnt_Work.pdf.
9. Kottak, Phillip Conrad. “Culture and Economic Development.” American Anthropologist 92, no. 3 (1990): 723-731.
10. McKibbens, Bill. “An Alternative to Progress.” Mother Jones May/June (2001). www.motherjones.com/politics/...ative-
progress.
11. McMichael, Philip. Development and Social Change: A Global Perspective. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press, 2000.
12. Miller, Barbara. Cultural Anthropology, 6th edition. Boston: Prentice Hall, 2011.
13. Morris, Christopher. “Globalization.” In 21st Century Anthropology: A Reference Handbook, Vol. 2, edited by H. James Birx,
p. 865-873. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE Reference, 2010.
14. O’Driscoll, Emma. “Applying the ‘Uncomfortable Science’: The Role of Anthropology in Development. Durham
Anthropology Journal 16, no. 1 (2009): 13-21.community.dur.ac.uk/anthropol.../odriscoll.pdf.
15. Shah, Shelly. “Development: Criticism of Growth Oriented Theories of Development.” Sociology Discussion. Accessed May 5,
2015.www.sociologydiscussion.com/d...velopment/1065.
16. The Levin Institute – The State University of New York. “What Is Globalization?” Globalization 101. Accessed May 1, 2015.
www.globalization101.org/what...globalization/.
17. United Nations. “Main Organs.” Accessed May 4, 2015. www.un.org/en/sections/about-...ans/index.html.
18. World Bank. “Organization.” Accessed May 4, 2015. http://www.worldbank.org/en/about/leadership.

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14.5: GNI Per Capita, Atlas Method (Current US $)
GNI per capita (formerly GNP per capita) is the gross national income, converted to U.S. dollars using the World Bank Atlas
method, divided by the midyear population. GNI is the sum of value added by all resident producers plus any product taxes (less
subsidies) not included in the valuation of output plus net receipts of primary income (compensation of employees and property
income) from abroad. GNI, calculated in national currency, is usually converted to U.S. dollars at official exchange rates for
comparisons across economies, although an alternative rate is used when the official exchange rate is judged to diverge by an
exceptionally large margin from the rate actually applied in international transactions. To smooth fluctuations in prices and
exchange rates, a special Atlas method of conversion is used by the World Bank. This applies a conversion factor that averages the
exchange rate for a given year and the two preceding years, adjusted for differences in rates of inflation between the country, and
through 2000, the G-5 countries (France, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States). From 2001, these countries
include the Euro area, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

Figure 14.5.1 - Ten Poorest Nations in 2014. GNI Per Capita According to the World Bank.

Figure 14.5.2 - Ten Richest Nations in 2014. GNI Per Capita According to the World Bank.

Alphabetical List of Countries GNI Per Capita

Country name 2011 2012 2013 2014

Afghanistan 570 720 730 680

Albania 4,390 4,360 4,480 4,450

Algeria 4,590 5,200 5,510 5,490
American Samoa
Andorra 40,580 41,010 43,270
Angola
Antigua and Barbuda 12,370 12,850 13,030 13,300

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 Country name 2011 2012 2013 2014

Argentina 11,840 13,060 14,110 13,480

Armenia 3,420 3,760 3,930 4,020
Aruba
Australia 50,130 59,810 65,500 64,600
Austria 50,310 49,830 50,600 49,600
Azerbaijan 5,530 6,290 7,350 7,600
Bahamas, The 21,290 21,430 21,190 20,980
Bahrain 17,860 19,470 21,060
Bangladesh 870 950 1,010 1,080
Barbados 15,740 15,310
Belarus 6,130 6,400 6,790 7,340
Belgium 47,010 47,090 47,240 47,240
Belize 4,140 4,260 4,350
Benin 770 790 860 890
Bermuda 107,530 106,080 106,140
Bhutan 2,170 2,320 2,340 2,370
Bolivia 2,010 2,280 2,620 2,870
Bosnia and Herzegovina 4,780 4,700 4,870 4,840
Botswana 6,510 7,190 7,370 7,240
Brazil 11,010 12,020 12,180 11,790
Brunei Darussalam 37,320
Bulgaria 7,080 7,270 7,500 7,620
Burkina Faso 610 640 690 700
Burundi 220 240 250 270
Cabo Verde 3,540 3,470 3,530 3,450
Cambodia 810 880 960 1,020
Cameroon 1,210 1,230 1,290 1,350
Canada 47,090 51,030 52,570 51,630
Cayman Islands
Central African Republic 480 480 310 320
Chad 890 960 980 980
Chile 12,350 14,350 15,270 14,910
China 5,000 5,870 6,710 7,400
Colombia 6,180 7,140 7,770 7,970
Comoros 770 770 790 790
Congo, Dem. Rep. 310 350 370 380
Congo, Rep. 2,230 2,510 2,620 2,720
Costa Rica 7,980 9,040 9,780 10,120
Cote d’Ivoire 1,150 1,260 1,360 1,450
Croatia 14,050 13,460 13,460 12,980
Cuba 5,880

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 Country name 2011 2012 2013 2014

Curacao
Cyprus 31,490 28,890 27,520 26,370
Czech Republic 19,400 19,270 19,170 18,350
Denmark 61,490 60,680 61,740 61,330
Djibouti
Dominica 6,890 6,760 6,710 6,930
Dominican Republic 5,430 5,680 5,860 6,040
Ecuador 4,900 5,410 5,810 6,090
Egypt, Arab Rep. 2,590 2,850 3,040 3,210
El Salvador 3,600 3,730 3,850 3,920
Equatorial Guinea 9,710 12,460 11,890 10,210
Eritrea 480
Estonia 15,880 17,040 18,390 19,010
Ethiopia 390 410 470 550
Faroe Islands
Fiji 3,610 4,020 4,660 4,870
Finland 49,910 48,670 49,050 48,440
France 44,220 43,030 43,530 42,950
French Polynesia
Gabon 8,890 9,460 9,910 9,720
Gambia, The 520 520 500 460
Georgia 3,300 3,860 4,230 4,490
Germany 46,480 46,680 46,390 47,590
Ghana 1,410 1,570 1,740 1,590
Greece 25,020 23,860 22,810
Greenland
Grenada 7,180 7,160 7,450 7,910
Guam
Guatemala 2,830 3,070 3,290 3,430
Guinea 400 430 450 470
Guinea-Bissau 590 580 570 550
Guyana 3,190 3,600 3,940
Haiti 700 750 800 820
Honduras 2,090 2,200 2,250 2,270
Hong Kong SAR, China 35,690 36,320 38,520 40,320
Hungary 13,050 12,850 13,350 13,340
Iceland 37,590 40,530 46,350
India 1,410 1,500 1,530 1,570
Indonesia 3,010 3,580 3,740 3,630
Iran, Islamic Rep. 6,730 7,010 7,120
Iraq 4,800 6,130 6,900 6,530

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 Country name 2011 2012 2013 2014

Ireland 43,100 42,160 44,450 46,520

Isle of Man
Israel 31,190 32,470 34,310 35,320
Italy 37,690 36,000 35,370 34,580
Jamaica 4,790 5,200 5,250 5,150
Japan 45,190 47,830 46,330 42,000
Jordan 4,370 4,660 4,940 5,160
Kazakhstan 8,190 9,780 11,560 11,850
Kenya 1,040 1,090 1,180 1,290
Kiribati 1,940 2,420 2,710 2,950
Korea, Dem. People’s Rep.
Korea, Rep. 22,620 24,640 25,870 27,090
Kuwait 42,860 49,600 52,060 49,300
Kyrgyz Republic 880 1,040 1,220 1,250
Lao PDR 1,120 1,300 1,490 1,660
Latvia 13,140 13,790 14,930 15,250
Lebanon 9,070 9,410 9,610 10,030
Lesotho 1,370 1,460 1,550 1,330
Liberia 320 340 370 370
Libya 4,660 10,860 10,520 7,820
Liechtenstein
Lithuania 13,020 13,950 15,140 15,410
Luxembourg 75,650 73,980 73,510 75,960
Macao SAR, China 55,400 61,920 71,130 76,270
Macedonia, FYR 4,820 4,760 4,980 5,150
Madagascar 420 430 440 440
Malawi 370 320 280 250
Malaysia 9,080 10,200 10,850 11,120
Maldives 5,850 5,930 5,980 6,410
Mali 610 600 620 650
Malta 20,100 20,000 21,000
Marshall Islands 3,880 3,940 4,250 4,390
Mauritania 1,200 1,290 1,330 1,270
Mauritius 8,320 9,010 9,580 9,630
Mexico 8,870 9,560 9,720 9,870
Micronesia, Fed. Sts. 3,050 3,220 3,280 3,200
Moldova 1,990 2,140 2,470 2,560
Monaco
Mongolia 2,600 3,670 4,360 4,280
Montenegro 7,240 7,000 7,330 7,320
Morocco 2,980 2,960 3,080 3,070

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 Country name 2011 2012 2013 2014

Mozambique 480 520 590 600

Myanmar 1,270
Namibia 4,970 5,450 5,740 5,630
Nepal 610 690 730 730
Netherlands 54,120 52,500 52,470 51,860
New Caledonia
New Zealand 31,890 36,320 39,340 41,070
Nicaragua 1,600 1,700 1,790 1,870
Niger 360 390 400 410
Nigeria 1,720 2,470 2,700 2,970
Northern Mariana Islands
Norway 90,270 99,100 104,010 103,620
Oman 15,160 16,640 16,870
Pakistan 1,150 1,260 1,360 1,400
Palau 9,530 9,920 10,000 11,110
Panama 8,240 9,170 10,860 11,130
Papua New Guinea 1,520 1,820 2,040 2,240
Paraguay 3,250 3,430 4,190 4,400
Peru 4,870 5,650 6,230 6,360
Philippines 2,640 3,000 3,340 3,500
Poland 12,940 13,290 13,490 13,680
Portugal 22,660 21,150 21,340 21,360
Puerto Rico 17,320 18,420 19,310
Qatar 71,850 80,340 89,210 92,200
Romania 8,610 8,750 9,270 9,520
Russian Federation 10,820 12,730 13,810 13,220
Rwanda 590 640 670 700
Samoa 3,590 3,860 3,960 4,060
San Marino
Sao Tome and Principe 1,260 1,360 1,540 1,670
Saudi Arabia 20,450 23,690 25,140
Senegal 1,030 1,040 1,040 1,050
Serbia 5,910 5,700 6,050 5,820
Seychelles 11,060 12,200 13,540 14,120
Sierra Leone 500 520 680 700
Singapore 48,330 51,390 54,580 55,150
Sint Maarten (Dutch part)
Slovak Republic 17,210 17,450 17,910 17,750
Slovenia 24,590 23,300 23,190 23,580
Solomon Islands 1,120 1,520 1,830 1,830
Somalia

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 Country name 2011 2012 2013 2014

South Africa 7,050 7,640 7,410 6,800

South Sudan 910 820 970 970
Spain 31,140 29,850 29,540 29,390
Sri Lanka 2,520 2,910 3,150 3,440
St. Kitts and Nevis 13,010 13,070 14,000 14,920
St. Lucia 6,900 6,960 7,110 7,260
St. Martin (French part)
St. Vincent and the
6,070 6,350 6,540 6,610
Grenadines
Sudan 1,410 1,650 1,670 1,710
Suriname 8,430 9,070 9,650 9,950
Swaziland 3,010 3,460 3,680 3,550
Sweden 56,090 58,680 61,340 61,570
Switzerland 79,290 84,590 88,120 84,720
Syrian Arab Republic
Tajikistan 790 890 1,000 1,080
Tanzania 740 780 850 920
Thailand 5,000 5,610 5,840 5,780
Timor-Leste 3,630 3,940 3,680 2,680
Togo 460 490 520 570
Tonga 3,830 4,210 4,300 4,260
Trinidad and Tobago 14,160 15,390 16,920 20,070
Tunisia 4,000 4,120 4,200 4,230
Turkey 10,490 10,800 10,970 10,830
Turkmenistan 4,660 5,410 6,880 8,020
Turks and Caicos Islands
Tuvalu 5,080 5,650 5,840 5,720
Uganda 610 630 630 670
Ukraine 3,110 3,500 3,760 3,560
United Arab Emirates 35,250 40,130 43,440 44,600
United Kingdom 40,190 41,010 42,040 43,390
United States 50,450 52,530 53,720 55,230
Uruguay 12,010 13,910 15,640 16,350
Uzbekistan 1,510 1,730 1,940 2,090
Vanuatu 2,860 2,950 3,200 3,160
Venezuela, RB 11,790 12,500
Vietnam 1,390 1,550 1,740 1,890
Virgin Islands (U.S.)
West Bank and Gaza 2,560 3,070 3,060 3,060
Yemen, Rep. 1,060 1,180 1,300
Zambia 1,400 1,650 1,700 1,680

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 Country name 2011 2012 2013 2014

Zimbabwe 690 770 820 840

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Learning.

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14.6: Technology
Technology is an important aspect of Cultural Anthropology. Anthropologists have studied the examples of material life
established in different human civilizations. Some examples of these universal differences are in shelter, attire, tools and methods
for acquiring food and producing material goods. Some anthropologists focus their main concern on studying technology in diverse
societies or the progression of technology. Individuals concerned with material life also illustrate the primary environment for
which technologies have been revolutionized. In Anthropology, technology is often studied in relationship to the natural
environment that it was developed in.
Different cultures use technology in different ways. Western technology that is used in non-Western cultures are being used in new
and creative ways. Although some of the new uses for the technology are unexpected, it makes sense in the context of the different
cultures. An example would be the ipod in the African country of Benin in which predominantly students of higher education, who
speak French as well as their native language and go to a Private University. The Ipods are shipped from England, France, and the
United States. The country of Benin is sometimes referred to as “little America” because the country has a good economic system
and isn’t involved in wars, ethnic cleansing, or starvation like other countries. Students here try to imitate students from European
and American schools. This trend is not concurrent throughout Africa, due to political differences.

Figure 14.6.1
Some anthropologists analyze the ways in which technologies and settings shape each other, and others analyze the way non-
Western civilizations have reacted in regards to political and economic strife of colonialism and capitalist industrialized technology.
With globalization, all people increasingly consume material goods and technologies manufactured beyond their own culture.
Anthropologists have proven that non-Western inhabitants do not mindlessly imitate Western customs for the use of technology;
instead they utilize Western technologies in creative ways, which are often unforeseen and can be adaptive or maladaptive. A cargo
cult could be considered an example of the creative use of new technology.
An example of differences in culture can also be found within the same culture. For example, the differences between generations
in the American culture. For the adult generation it is much harder to do the simple tasks that young adults do daily with
technology. This is because they were not raised with the technology constantly surrounding them like this generation has been.
Today teenagers rarely go a day without using either their cell phone, laptop, ipod, or a television.

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References
Cultural Anthropology · History of Anthropological Theory

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14.7: The Global Digital Divide
The global digital divide describes global disparities, primarily between developed and developing countries, in regards to access
to computing and information resources such as the Internet and the opportunities derived from such access.[64] As with a smaller
unit of analysis, this gap describes an inequality that exists, referencing a global scale.
The Internet is expanding very quickly, and not all countries—especially developing countries—are able to keep up with the
constant changes. The term “digital divide” doesn’t necessarily mean that someone doesn’t have technology; it could mean that
there is simply a difference in technology. These differences can refer to, for example, high-quality computers, fast Internet,
technical assistance, or telephone services. The difference between all of these is also considered a gap.

Figure 14.7.1 - Internet users in 2012 as a percentage of a country’s population. Source: International Telecommunications Union.
[4]

Figure 14.7.2 - Internet users per 100 inhabitants. Source: International Telecommunications Union.[58][59]
Worldwide Internet users
2005 2010 2014a

World population[60] 6.5 billion 6.9 billion 7.2 billion

Not using the Internet 84% 70% 60%

Using the Internet 16% 30% 40%

Users in the developing world 8% 21% 32%

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 Users in the developed world 51% 67% 78%
a Estimate.
Source: International Telecommunications Union.[61]

Internet users by region

2005 2010 2014a

Africa 2% 10% 19%

Americas 36% 49% 65%

Arab States 8% 26% 41%

Asia and Pacific 9% 23% 32%

Commonwealth of
10% 34% 56%
Independent States

Europe 46% 67% 75%

a Estimate.
Source: International Telecommunications Union.[61]

Figure 14.7.3 - Fixed broadband Internet subscriptions in 2012 as a percentage of a country’s population. Source: International
Telecommunications Union.[62]

Figure 14.7.4 - Mobile broadband Internet subscriptions in 2012 as a percentage of a country’s population. Source: International
Telecommunications Union.[63]
Worldwide broadband subscriptions
2007 2010 2014a

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World population[60] 6.6 billion 6.9 billion 7.2 billion

Fixed broadband 5% 8% 10%

Developing world 2% 4% 6%

Developed world 18% 24% 27%

Mobile broadband 4% 11% 32%

Developing world 1% 4% 21%

Developed world 19% 43% 84%

a
Estimate.
Source: International Telecommunications Union.[61]

Broadband subscriptions by region

Fixed subscriptions: 2007 2010 2014a

Africa 0.1% 0.2% 0.4%

Americas 11% 14% 17%

Arab States 1% 2% 3%

Asia and Pacific 3% 6% 8%

Commonwealth of
2% 8% 14%
Independent States

Europe 18% 24% 28%

Mobile subscriptions: 2007 2010 2014a

Africa 0.2% 2% 19%

Americas 6% 23% 59%

Arab States 0.8% 5% 25%

Asia and Pacific 3% 7% 23%

Commonwealth of
0.2% 22% 49%
Independent States

Europe 15% 29% 64%

a Estimate.
Source: International Telecommunications Union.[61]

Thhe Global Digital Divide versus the Digital Divide

The global digital divide is a special case of the digital divide, the focus is set on the fact that “Internet has developed unevenly
throughout the world” [28]:681 causing some countries to fall behind in technology, education, labor, democracy, and tourism. The
concept of the digital divide was originally popularized in regard to the disparity in Internet access between rural and urban areas of
the United States of America; the global digital divide mirrors this disparity on an international scale.
The global digital divide also contributes to the inequality of access to goods and services available through technology. Computers
and the Internet provide users with improved education, which can lead to higher wages; the people living in nations with limited
access are therefore disadvantaged.[65] This global divide is often characterized as falling along what is sometimes called the north-
south divide of “northern” wealthier nations and “southern” poorer ones.

Obstacles to Overcoming the Global Digital Divide

Some people argue that basic necessities need to be considered before achieving digital inclusion, such as an ample food supply
and quality health care. Minimizing the global digital divide requires considering and addressing the following types of access:

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Physical Access
Involves, “the distribution of ICT devices per capita…and land lines per thousands”.[29]:306 Individuals need to obtain access to
computers, landlines, and networks in order to access the Internet. This access barrier is also addressed in Article 21 of the
Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities by the United Nations.

Financial Access

The cost of ICT devices, traffic, applications, technician and educator training, software, maintenance and infrastructures require
ongoing financial means.[32]

Socio-demographic Access

Empirical tests have identified that several socio-demographic characteristics foster or limit ICT access and usage. Among different
countries, educational levels and income are the most powerful explanatory variables, with age being a third one.[32][35] Others, like
gender, don’t seem to have much of an independent effect.[33]

Cognitive Access

In order to use computer technology, a certain level of information literacy is needed. Further challenges include information
overload and the ability to find and use reliable information.

Design Access

Computers need to be accessible to individuals with different learning and physical abilities including complying with Section 508
of the Rehabilitation Act as amended by the Workforce Investment Act of 1998 in the United States.[66]

Institutional Access

In illustrating institutional access, Wilson states “the numbers of users are greatly affected by whether access is offered only
through individual homes or whether it is offered through schools, community centers, religious institutions, cybercafés, or post
offices, especially in poor countries where computer access at work or home is highly limited”.[29]:303

Political Access

Guillen & Suarez argue that that “democratic political regimes enable a faster growth of the Internet than authoritarian or
totalitarian regimes”.[28]:687 The Internet is considered a form of e-democracy and attempting to control what citizens can or cannot
view is in contradiction to this. Recently situations in Iran and China have denied people the ability to access certain website and
disseminate information. Iran has also prohibited the use of high-speed Internet in the country and has removed many satellite
dishes in order to prevent the influence of western culture, such as music and television.[67]

Cultural Access

Many experts claim that bridging the digital divide is not sufficient and that the images and language needed to be conveyed in a
language and images that can be read across different cultural lines.[30]

References
1. a b U.S. Department of Commerce, National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA). (1995). Falling
through the net: A survey of the have nots in rural and urban America.. Retrieved
fromwww.ntia.doc.gov/ntiahome/fallingthru.html.
2. Norris, P. (2001). Digital Divide: Civic Engagement, Information Poverty and the Internet Worldwide. Cambridge University
Press.
3. Chinn, Menzie D. and Robert W. Fairlie. (2004). The Determinants of the Global Digital Divide: A Cross-Country Analysis of
Computer and Internet Penetration. Economic Growth Center. Retrieved fromwww.econ.yale.edu/growth_pdf/cdp881.pdf.
4. a b “Percentage of Individuals using the Internet 2000-2012”, International Telecommunications Union (Geneva), June 2013,
retrieved 22 June 2013

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 5. a b c d e f g “Technological information inequality as an incessantly moving target: The redistribution of information and
communication capacities between 1986 and 2010”, Martin Hilbert (2013), Journal of the American Society for Information
Science and Technology; free access to the article through this link: martinhilbert.net/TechInfoInequality.pdf
6. Zickuher, Kathryn. 2011. Generations and their gadgets. Pew Internet & American Life Project.
7. Compaine, B.M. (2001). The digital divide: Facing a crisis or creating a myth? Cambridge, MA: MIT Press
8. Dutton, W.H.; Gillett, S.E.; McKnight, L.W.; Peltu, M. (2004). “Bridging broadband internet divides”. Journal of Information
Technology 19 (1): 28–38. doi:10.1057/palgrave.jit.2000007.
9. Kathryn zickuhr. Who’s not online and why? Pew Research Center, 2013.
10. Eszter Hargittai. The Digital Divide and What to Do About It. New Economy Handbook, p. 824, 2003.
11. Susan Crawford’s remarks at the 2013 National Conference for Media Reform www.youtube.com/watch?v=MD9Ss3SI2v8
12. SciDevNet (2014) How mobile phones increased the digital divide; www.scidev.net/global/data/sc...al-divide.html
13. Abdalhakim, Hawaf., (2009). An innovated objective digital divide measure, Journal of Communication and Computer, Volume
6, No.12 (Serial No.61), USA.
14. Paschalidou, Georgia, (2011),Digital divide and disparities in the use of new
technologies,dspace.lib.uom.gr/bitstream/...giaMsc2011.pdf
15. Figures 11 and 12 in “Mapping the dimensions and characteristics of the world’s technological communication capacity during
the period of digitization (1986–2007/2010)”. Hilbert, Martin. Working paper INF/15-E, International Telecommunications
Union. 2 December 2011.
16. “Information Societies or “ICT equipment societies”? Measuring the digital information processing capacity of a society in bits
and bytes”, Hilbert, M., López, P., & Vasquez, C. (2010), The Information Society, 26(3)
17. a b “Mapping the dimensions and characteristics of the world’s technological communication capacity during the period of
digitization”, Martin Hilbert (2011), Presented at the 9th World Telecommunication/ICT Indicators Meeting, Mauritius:
International Telecommunication Union (ITU); free access to the article can be found here: www.itu.int/ITU-
D/ict/wtim11/...f/015INF-E.pdf
18. “Chapter 5: Measuring communication capacity in bits and bytes”, in Measuring the report Information Society 2012; ITU
(International Telecommunication Union) (2012).
19. Mun-cho, K. & Jong-Kil, K. (2001). Digital divide: conceptual discussions and prospect, In W. Kim, T. Wang Ling, Y.j. Lee &
S.S. Park (Eds.), The human society and the Internet: Internet related socio-economic Issues, First International Conference,
Seoul, Korea: Proceedings, (((Springer))), New York, NY.
20. Aqili, S., & Moghaddam, A. (2008). “Bridging the digital divide: The role of librarians and information professionals in the
third millennium”. Electronic Library, 26(2), 226-237.doi:10.1108/02640470810864118. ISSN 0264-0473.
21. Livingston, Gretchen. 2010. Latinos and Digital Technology, 2010. Pew Hispanic Center
22. Ramalingam A, Kar SS (2014). “Is there a digital divide among school students? an exploratory study from Puducherry.”. J
Educ Health Promot 3: 30. doi:10.4103/2277-9531.131894.PMC 4089106. PMID 25013823.
23. Ryan Kim (25 October 2011). “‘App gap’ emerges highlighting savvy mobile children”. GigaOM.
24. a b c Mossberger, Karen; Tolbert, Carolina J.; Gilbert, Michele (2006). “Race, Place, and Information Technology (IT)”. Urban
Affairs Review 41: 583–620. doi:10.1177/1078087405283511.
25. Lawton, Tait. “15 Years of Chinese Internet Usage in 13 Pretty Graphs”. NanjingMarketingGroup.com. CNNIC.
26. Wang, Wensheng. Impact of ICTs on Farm Households in China, ZEF of University Bonn, 2001
27. Statistical Survey Report on the Internet Development in China. China Internet Network Information Center. January 2007.
From www.apira.org/data/upload/pdf...hreport-en.pdf.
28. a b c Guillen, M. F.; Suárez, S. L. (2005). “Explaining the global digital divide: Economic, political and sociological drivers of
cross-national internet use”. Social Forces 84 (2): 681–708.doi:10.1353/sof.2006.0015.
29. a b c Wilson, III. E.J. (2004). The Information Revolution and Developing Countries. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
30. a b Carr, Deborah (2007). “The Global Digital Divide”.Contexts 6 (3): 58–58. doi:10.1525/ctx.2007.6.3.58.
31. Wilson, Kenneth, Jennifer Wallin, and Christa Reiser. “Social Science Computer Review.” Social Science Computer
Review.2003; 21(2): 133-143 html PDF
32. a b c d e Hilbert, Martin (2010). “When is Cheap, Cheap Enough to Bridge the Digital Divide? Modeling Income Related
Structural Challenges of Technology Diffusion in Latin America” (PDF). World Development 38 (5): 756–
770.doi:10.1016/j.worlddev.2009.11.019.
33. a b Hilbert, Martin (November–December 2011). “Digital gender divide or technologically empowered women in developing
countries? A typical case of lies, damned lies, and statistics”.Women’s Studies International Forum (Elsevier) 34 (6): 479–

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 489.doi:10.1016/j.wsif.2011.07.001. Pdf.
34. (((Rubin))), R.E. (2010). Foundations of library and information science. 178-179. New York: Neal-Schuman Publishers.
35. a b c Hilbert, Martin (2011). “The end justifies the definition: The manifold outlooks on the digital divide and their practical
usefulness for policy-making” (PDF). Telecommunications Policy 35 (8): 715–736. doi:10.1016/j.telpol.2011.06.012.
36. Galperin, H. (2010). Goodbye digital divide, Hello digital confusion? A critical embrace of the emerging ICT4D consensus.
Information Technologies and International Development, 6 Special Edition, 53–55
37. National Telecommunications & Information Administration, U.S.Department of Commerce. (1995). Falling through the net: A
survey of the‘have nots’ in rural and urban America. Washington, D.C. Retrieved
fromwww.ntia.doc.gov/ntiahome/fallingthru.html
38. National Telecommunications & Information Administration, U.S.Department of Commerce. (1998). Falling through the net II:
New data on the digital divide. Washington, D.C. Retrieved fromwww.ntia.doc.gov/report/1...digital-divide
39. a b c National Telecommunications & Information Administration, U.S.Department of Commerce. (1999). Falling through the
net: Defining the digital divide. Washington, D.C. Retrieved from www.ntia.doc.gov/report/1999/...digital-divide
40. National Telecommunications & Information Administration, U.S.Department of Commerce. (1995). Falling through the net: A
survey of the‘have nots’ in rural and urban America. Washington, D.C. Retrieved
fromwww.ntia.doc.gov/ntiahome/fallingthru.html
41. Karen Mossberger (2003). Virtual Inequality: Beyond the Digital Divide. Georgetown University Press
42. United Nations Educational UNDay
43. “UN Information and Communication Technologies (ITC) Task Force Launched Today at Headquarters”, Press Release, United
Nations (New York), 20 November 2001
44. Acevedo, Manuel. 2005. Volunteering in the information society, Research paper.
45. Greyling, E.; Zulu, S. (2010). “Content development in an indigenous digital library: A case study in community participation”.
IFLA Journal 36 (1): 30–9.doi:10.1177/0340035209359570.
46. a b One Laptop Per Child. (2009).
47. Blau, A (2002). “Access isn’t enough: Merely connecting people and computers won’t close the digital divide”. American
Libraries33 (6): 50–52.
48. Pingo, Z. B. (2015). Transition from Camel Libraries to Digital Technologies in Kenya Public Libraries. Public Library
Quarterly, 34(1), 63-84.
49. Gurstein, Michael. “Effective use: A community informatics strategy beyond the digital divide”. Retrieved 12 June2012.
50. Gurstein, Michael. “Open data: Empowering the empowered or effective data use for everyone?”. Retrieved 12 June2012.
51. a b Graham, M. (July 2011). “Time machines and virtual portals: The spatialities of the digital divide”. Progress in
Development Studies 11 (3): 211–227. doi:10.1177/146499341001100303. Closed access
52. Sciadas, George. (2003). Monitoring the Digital Divide…and Beyond. Orbicom.
53. a b Reilley, Collen A. Teaching Wikipedia as a Mirrored Technology. First Monday, Vol. 16, No. 1-3, January 2011
54. Graham, Mark (2014). “The Knowledge Based Economy and Digital Divisions of Labour”. Pages 189-195 in Companion to
Development Studies, 3rd edition, V. Desai, and R. Potter (eds). Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. ISBN 978-1-44-416724-5
(paperback). ISBN 978-0-415-82665-5 (hardcover).
55. Correa, Teresa. (2008) Literature Review: Understanding the “second-level digital divide” papers by Teresa Correa.
Unpublished manuscript, School of Journalism, College of Communication, University of Texas at Austin. [1].
56. a b Schradie, Jen (2011). “The Digital Production Gap: The Digital Divide and Web 2.0 Collide” (PDF). Poetics 39(2): 145–
168. doi:10.1016/j.poetic.2011.02.003.
57. a b Reinhart, J.; Thomas, E.; Toriskie, J. (2011). “K-12 Teachers: Technology Use and the Second Level Digital
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58. “Individuals using the Internet 2005 to 2014”, Key ICT indicators for developed and developing countries and the world (totals
and penetration rates), International Telecommunication Union (ITU). Retrieved 25 May 2015.
59. “Internet users per 100 inhabitants 1997 to 2007”, ICT Data and Statistics (IDS), International Telecommunication Union(ITU).
Retrieved 25 May 2015.
60. a b “Total Midyear Population for the World: 1950-2050”, International Programs Center for Demographic and Economic
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62. “Fixed (wired)-broadband subscriptions per 100 inhabitants 2012”, Dynamic Report, ITU ITC EYE, International
Telecommunication Union. Retrieved on 29 June 2013.
63. “Active mobile-broadband subscriptions per 100 inhabitants 2012”, Dynamic Report, ITU ITC EYE, International
Telecommunication Union. Retrieved on 29 June 2013.
64. Lu, Ming-te (2001). “Digital divide in developing countries”(PDF). Journal of Global Information Technology Management
4(3): 1–4. doi:10.1080/1097198x.2001.10856304.
65. Krueger 1993; Attewell and Battle 1999.
66. Section 508 (1998). United States Government.
67. Tait, R. (2006). “Iran bans fast internet to cut west’s influence”, The Guardian, 17 October 2006.

14.7: The Global Digital Divide is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by LibreTexts.

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14.8: Global Life Expectancy and Mortality Statistics

Figure 14.8.1 - Life Expectancy at Birth, 2015. Top and Bottom 5 Countries. Source: World Health Organization (WHO) World
Health Statistics 2016: Monitoring health for the SDGs Publication

Figure 14.8.2 - Countries with the highest and lowest life expectancy at birth (in years), by sex, 2015. Source: World Health
Organization (WHO) World Health Statistics 2016: Monitoring health for the SDGs Publication

Global Life Expectancy

Global life expectancy in 2015 was 71.4 years. On average, women live longer than men. Female life expectancy is 73.8 years.
Male life expectancy is 69.1 years.

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 Figure 14.8.3 - Life expectancy at birth and healthy life expectancy at birth (years), both sexes, 2015. Source: World Health
Organization (WHO) World Health Statistics 2016: Monitoring health for the SDGs Publication

Maternal Mortality
Mothers are more likely to die in Africa due to complications from childbirth and pregnancy.
Hemorrhage, hypertension, and infection are most likely causes of death.
Most of these deaths are preventable.

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 Figure 14.8.4 - Maternal mortality ratio (per 100 000 live births), 2015: Source World Health Organization (WHO) World Health
Statistics 2016: Monitoring health for the SDGs Publication

Under-Five Mortality and Neonatal Mortality

In 2015, 45% of deaths that occurred to children under-five were newborn. Main causes of neonatal deaths are prematurity, sepsis
and birth-related complications.
Main causes of post neonatal deaths are pneumonia, diarrhea, injuries and malaria.

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 Figure 14.8.5 - Under-five mortality and neonatal mortality rates (per 1000 live births), 2015: Source World Health Organization
(WHO) World Health Statistics 2016: Monitoring health for the SDGs Publication

Reference of Material:
Cover Figure, Fig 3.2 (Page 8), Table 3.1 (Page 10), Table A.1.1 (Page 45), Table A.3.1 (Page 49)
World Health Statistics 2016: Monitoring health for the SDGs Publication
http://www.who.int/gho/publications/world_health_statistics/2016/en/

14.8: Global Life Expectancy and Mortality Statistics is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by
LibreTexts.

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14.9: Global Warming
Global warming and climate change are terms for the observed century-scale rise in the average temperature of the Earth’s
climate system and its related effects.[2] Multiple lines of scientific evidence show that the climate system is warming.[3][4][5]
Although the increase of near-surface atmospheric temperature is the measure of global warming often reported in the popular
press, most of the additional energy stored in the climate system since 1970 has gone into ocean warming. The remainder has
melted ice and warmed the continents and atmosphere.[6][a] Many of the observed changes since the 1950s are unprecedented over
tens to thousands of years.[7] On 12 November 2015, NASA scientists reported that human-made carbon dioxide (CO2) continues
to increase above levels not seen in hundreds of thousands of years: currently, about half of the carbon dioxide released from the
burning of fossil fuels is not absorbed by vegetation and the oceans and remains in the atmosphere.[8][9][10][11]

Figure 14.9.1 - Global mean surface temperature change from 1880 to 2015, relative to the 1951–1980 mean. The black line is the
annual mean and the red line is the 5-year running mean. Source: NASA GISS.

Figure 14.9.2 - World map showing surface temperature trends (°C per decade) between 1950 and 2014. Source: NASA GISS.[1]
Scientific understanding of global warming is increasing. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) reported in
2014 that scientists were more than 95% certain that global warming is mostly being caused by increasing concentrations of

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greenhouse gases (GHG) and other human (anthropogenic) activities.[12][13][14] Climate model projections summarized in the
report indicated that during the 21st century the global surface temperature is likely to rise a further 0.3 to 1.7 °C (0.5 to 3.1 °F) for
their lowest emissions scenario using stringent mitigation and 2.6 to 4.8 °C (4.7 to 8.6 °F) for their highest.[15] These findings have
been recognized by the national science academies of the major industrialized nations[16][b] and are not disputed by any scientific
body of national or international standing.[18]

Figure 14.9.3 - Fossil fuel related carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions compared to five of the IPCC’s “SRES” emissions scenarios,
published in 2000. The dips are related to global recessions. Image source: Skeptical Science.

Figure 14.9.4 - Fossil fuel related carbon dioxide emissions over the 20th century. Image source: EPA.
Future climate change and associated impacts will differ from region to region around the globe.[19][20] Anticipated effects include
warming global temperature, rising sea levels, changing precipitation, and expansion of deserts in the subtropics.[21] Warming is
expected to be greater over land than over the oceans and greatest in the Arctic, with the continuing retreat of glaciers, permafrost
and sea ice. Other likely changes include more frequent extreme weather events including heat waves, droughts, heavy rainfall with
floods and heavy snowfall;[22] ocean acidification; and species extinctions due to shifting temperature regimes. Effects significant
to humans include the threat to food security from decreasing crop yields and the abandonment of populated areas due to rising sea
levels.[23][24] Because the climate system has a large inertia and CO2 will stay in the athmosphere for a long time, many of these
effects will not only exist for decades or centuries, but will persist for tens of thousands of years.[25]
Possible societal responses to global warming include mitigation by emissions reduction, adaptation to its effects, building systems
resilient to its effects, and possible future climate engineering. Most countries are parties to the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC),[26] whose ultimate objective is to prevent dangerous anthropogenic climate change.[27]
The UNFCCC have adopted a range of policies designed to reduce greenhouse gas emissions[28][29][30][31] and to assist in
adaptation to global warming.[28][31][32][33] Parties to the UNFCCC have agreed that deep cuts in emissions are required,[34] and that
future global warming should be limited to below 2.0 °C (3.6 °F) relative to the pre-industrial level.[34][c]
Public reactions to global warming and general fears of its effects are also steadily on the rise, with a global 2015 Pew Research
Center report showing a median of 54% who consider it “a very serious problem”. There are, however, significant regional

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differences. Notably, Americans and Chinese, whose economies are responsible for the greatest annual CO2 emissions, are among
the least concerned.[36]

Figure 14.9.5 - Map of the Earth with a six-meter sea level rise represented in red. Credit: NASA Source:
www.livescience.com/19212-sea...nt-future.html

Notes
1. Scientific journals use “global warming” to describe an increasing global average temperature just at earth’s surface, and most
of these authorities further limit “global warming” to such increases caused by human activities or increasing greenhouse gases.
2. The 2001 joint statement was signed by the national academies of science of Australia, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, the Caribbean,
the People’s Republic of China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Ireland, Italy, Malaysia, New Zealand, Sweden, and the
UK.[17] The 2005 statement added Japan, Russia, and the U.S. The 2007 statement added Mexico and South Africa. The
Network of African Science Academies, and the Polish Academy of Sciences have issued separate statements. Professional
scientific societies include American Astronomical Society, American Chemical Society, American Geophysical Union,
American Institute of Physics, American Meteorological Society, American Physical Society, American Quaternary
Association, Australian Meteorological and Oceanographic Society, Canadian Foundation for Climate and Atmospheric
Sciences, Canadian Meteorological and Oceanographic Society, European Academy of Sciences and Arts, European
Geosciences Union, European Science Foundation, Geological Society of America, Geological Society of Australia, Geological
Society of London-Stratigraphy Commission,InterAcademy Council, International Union of Geodesy and Geophysics,
International Union for Quaternary Research, National Association of Geoscience Teachers, National Research Council (US),
Royal Meteorological Society, and World Meteorological Organization.
3. Earth has already experienced almost 1/2 of the 2.0 °C (3.6 °F) described in the Cancún Agreement. In the last 100 years,
Earth’s average surface temperature increased by about 0.8 °C (1.4 °F) with about two thirds of the increase occurring over just
the last three decades.[35]
4. The greenhouse effect produces an average worldwide temperature increase of about 33 °C (59 °F) compared to black body
predictions without the greenhouse effect, not an average surface temperature of 33 °C (91 °F). The average worldwide surface
temperature is about 14 °C (57 °F).
5. A rise in temperature from 10 °C to 20 °C is not a doubling of absolute temperature; a rise from (273 + 10) K = 283 K to (273 +
20) K = 293 K is an increase of (293 − 283)/283 = 3.5 %.

Citations
1. 16 January 2015: NASA GISS: NASA GISS: NASA, NOAA Find 2014 Warmest Year in Modern Record, in: Research News.
NASA Goddard Institute for Space Studies, New York, NY, USA. Retrieved 20 February 2015
2. Gillis, Justin (28 November 2015). “Short Answers to Hard Questions About Climate Change”. The New York Times. Retrieved
29 November 2015.

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 3. Hartmann, D. L.; Klein Tank, A. M. G.; Rusticucci, M. (2013).”2: Observations: Atmosphere and Surface” (PDF). IPCC WGI
AR5 (Report). p. 198. “Evidence for a warming world comes from multiple independent climate indicators, from high up in the
atmosphere to the depths of the oceans. They include changes in surface, atmospheric and oceanic temperatures; glaciers;
snow cover; sea ice; sea level and atmospheric water vapour. Scientists from all over the world have independently verified this
evidence many times.”
4. “Myth vs Facts….”. EPA (US). 2013.The U.S. Global Change Research Program, the National Academy of Sciences, and the
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) have each independently concluded that warming of the climate system in
recent decades is ‘unequivocal’. This conclusion is not drawn from any one source of data but is based on multiple lines of
evidence, including three worldwide temperature datasets showing nearly identical warming trends as well as numerous other
independent indicators of global warming (e.g., rising sea levels, shrinking Arctic sea ice).
5. Borenstein, Seth (29 November 2015). “Earth is a wilder, warmer place since last climate deal made”. Retrieved29 November
2015.
6. Rhein, M.; Rintoul, S. R. (2013). “3: Observations: Ocean”(PDF). IPCC WGI AR5 (Report). p. 257. “Ocean warming
dominates the global energy change inventory. Warming of the ocean accounts for about 93% of the increase in the Earth’s
energy inventory between 1971 and 2010 (high confidence), with warming of the upper (0 to 700 m) ocean accounting for about
64% of the total. Melting ice (including Arctic sea ice, ice sheets and glaciers) and warming of the continents and atmosphere
account for the remainder of the change in energy.”
7. IPCC, Climate Change 2013: The Physical Science Basis – Summary for Policymakers, Observed Changes in the Climate
System, p. 2, in IPCC AR5 WG1 2013. “Warming of the climate system is unequivocal, and since the 1950s, many of the
observed changes are unprecedented over decades to millennia.”
8. a b Buis, Alan; Ramsayer, Kate; Rasmussen, Carol (12 November 2015). “A Breathing Planet, Off Balance”. NASA. Retrieved
13 November 2015.
9. a b Staff (12 November 2015). “Audio (66:01) – NASA News Conference – Carbon & Climate Telecon”. NASA. Retrieved12
November 2015.
10. a b St. Fleur, Nicholas (10 November 2015). “Atmospheric Greenhouse Gas Levels Hit Record, Report Says”. The New York
Times. Retrieved 11 November 2015.
11. a b Ritter, Karl (9 November 2015). “UK: In 1st, global temps average could be 1 degree C higher”. AP News. Retrieved11
November 2015.
12. a b “CLIMATE CHANGE 2014: Synthesis Report. Summary for Policymakers” (PDF). IPCC. Retrieved 1 November2015. “The
following terms have been used to indicate the assessed likelihood of an outcome or a result: virtually certain 99–100%
probability, very likely 90–100%, likely 66–100%, about as likely as not 33–66%, unlikely 0–33%, very unlikely 0–10%,
exceptionally unlikely 0–1%. Additional terms (extremely likely: 95–100%, more likely than not >50–100%, more unlikely than
likely 0–<50% and extremely unlikely 0–5%) may also be used when appropriate.”
13. “CLIMATE CHANGE 2014: Synthesis Report. Summary for Policymakers” (PDF). IPCC. Retrieved 7 March2015. “The
evidence for human influence on the climate system has grown since the Fourth Assessment Report (AR4). It is extremely likely
that more than half of the observed increase in global average surface temperature from 1951 to 2010 was caused by the
anthropogenic increase in greenhouse gas concentrations and other anthropogenic forcings together”
14. America’s Climate Choices: Panel on Advancing the Science of Climate Change; National Research Council (2010). Advancing
the Science of Climate Change. Washington, D.C.: The National Academies Press. ISBN 0-309-14588-0. “(p1) … there is a
strong, credible body of evidence, based on multiple lines of research, documenting that climate is changing and that these
changes are in large part caused by human activities. While much remains to be learned, the core phenomenon, scientific
questions, and hypotheses have been examined thoroughly and have stood firm in the face of serious scientific debate and
careful evaluation of alternative explanations. * * * (p21-22) Some scientific conclusions or theories have been so thoroughly
examined and tested, and supported by so many independent observations and results, that their likelihood of subsequently
being found to be wrong is vanishingly small. Such conclusions and theories are then regarded as settled facts. This is the case
for the conclusions that the Earth system is warming and that much of this warming is very likely due to human activities.”
15. Stocker et al., Technical Summary, in IPCC AR5 WG1 2013.
16. “Joint Science Academies’ Statement” (PDF). Retrieved6 January 2014.
17. Kirby, Alex (17 May 2001). “Science academies back Kyoto”. BBC News. Retrieved 27 July 2011.
18. a b DiMento, Joseph F. C.; Doughman, Pamela M. (2007).Climate Change: What It Means for Us, Our Children, and Our
Grandchildren. The MIT Press. p. 68. ISBN 978-0-262-54193-0.

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19. Parry, M.L.; et al., “Technical summary”, Box TS.6. The main projected impacts for regions, in IPCC AR4 WG2 2007, pp. 59–
63
20. Solomon et al., Technical Summary, Section TS.5.3: Regional-Scale Projections, in IPCC AR4 WG1 2007.
21. Lu, Jian; Vechhi, Gabriel A.; Reichler, Thomas (2007).”Expansion of the Hadley cell under global warming”
(PDF).Geophysical Research Letters 34 (6): L06805.Bibcode:2007GeoRL..3406805L.doi:10.1029/2006GL028443.
22. On snowfall:
Christopher Joyce (15 February 2010). “Get This: Warming Planet Can Mean More Snow”. NPR.
“Global warming means more snowstorms: scientists”. 1 March 2011.
“Does record snowfall disprove global warming?”. 9 July 2010. Retrieved 14 December 2014.
23. Battisti, David; Naylor, Rosamund L. (2009). “Historical warnings of future food insecurity with unprecedented seasonal heat”.
Science 323 (5911): 240–4.doi:10.1126/science.1164363. PMID 19131626. Retrieved13 April 2012.
24. US NRC 2012, p. 26
25. Peter U. Clark et al.: Consequences of twenty-first-century policy for multi-millennial climate and sea-level change. Nature
Climate Change 6, 2016, 360-369, doi:10.1038/NCLIMATE2923
26. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change(UNFCCC) (2011). “Status of Ratification of the Convention”.
UNFCCC Secretariat: Bonn, Germany: UNFCCC.. Most countries in the world are Parties to the United Nations Framework
Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), which has adopted the 2 °C target. As of 25 November 2011, there are 195 parties
(194 states and 1 regional economic integration organization (theEuropean Union)) to the UNFCCC.
27. “Article 2”. The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. “The ultimate objective of this Convention and
any related legal instruments that the Conference of the Parties may adopt is to achieve, in accordance with the relevant
provisions of the Convention, stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent
dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. Such a level should be achieved within a time-frame sufficient to
allow ecosystems to adapt naturally to climate change, to ensure that food production is not threatened and to enable economic
development to proceed in a sustainable manner. Such a level should be achieved within a time-frame sufficient to allow
ecosystems to adapt naturally to climate change, to ensure that food production is not threatened and to enable economic
development to proceed in a sustainable manner”, excerpt from the founding international treaty that took force on 21 March
1994.
28. a b United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change(UNFCCC) (2005). “Sixth compilation and synthesis of initial
national communications from Parties not included in Annex I to the Convention. Note by the secretariat. Executive
summary”(PDF). Geneva (Switzerland): United Nations Office at Geneva.
29. Gupta, S. et al. 13.2 Climate change and other related policies, in IPCC AR4 WG3 2007.
30. Ch 4: Climate change and the energy outlook., in IEA 2009, pp. 173–184 (pp.175-186 of PDF)
31. a b United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change(UNFCCC) (2011). “Compilation and synthesis of fifth national
communications. Executive summary. Note by the secretariat”(PDF). Geneva (Switzerland): United Nations Office at Geneva.
32. Adger, et al., Chapter 17: Assessment of adaptation practices, options, constraints and capacity, Executive summary, inIPCC
AR4 WG2 2007.
33. 6. Generating the funding needed for mitigation and adaptation (PDF), in “World Development Report 2010: Development and
Climate Change”. Washington, D.C., USA: The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank.
2010: 262–263.
34. a b United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change(UNFCCC) (2011). “Conference of the Parties – Sixteenth
Session: Decision 1/CP.16: The Cancun Agreements: Outcome of the work of the Ad Hoc Working Group on Long-term
Cooperative Action under the Convention (English): Paragraph 4” (PDF). UNFCCC Secretariat: Bonn, Germany: UNFCCC:
3.“(…) deep cuts in global greenhouse gas emissions are required according to science, and as documented in the Fourth
Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, with a view to reducing global greenhouse gas
emissions so as to hold the increase in global average temperature below 2 °C above preindustrial levels”
35. America’s Climate Choices. Washington, D.C.: The National Academies Press. 2011. p. 15. ISBN 978-0-309-14585-5. “The
average temperature of the Earth’s surface increased by about 1.4 °F (0.8 °C) over the past 100 years, with about 1.0 °F (0.6
°C) of this warming occurring over just the past three decades.”
36. [1]

14.9: Global Warming is shared under a not declared license and was authored, remixed, and/or curated by LibreTexts.

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14.10: Indigenous People

Figure 14.10.1 - A Navajo man on horseback in Monument valley, Arizona.

Figure 14.10.2 - Some Inuit people on a traditional qamutik (dog sled) in Cape Dorset,Nunavut, Canada.
Indigenous people, aboriginal people, or native people, are groups protected in international or national legislation as having a
set of specific rights based on their linguistic and historical ties to a particular territory, their cultural and historical distinctiveness
from other populations.[1] The legislation is based on the conclusion that certain indigenous people are vulnerable to exploitation,
marginalization, oppression, forced assimilation, and genocide by nation states formed from colonizing populations or by
politically dominant, different ethnic groups.
A special set of political rights in accordance with international law have been set forth by international organizations such as the
United Nations, the International Labour Organization and the World Bank.[2] The United Nations has issued a Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoplesto guide member-state national policies to collective rights of indigenous people—such as culture,
identity, language, and access to employment, health, education, and natural resources. Estimates put the total population of
indigenous peoples from 220 million to 350 million.[3]

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A defining characteristic for an indigenous group is that it has preserved traditional ways of living, such as present or historical
reliance upon subsistence-based production (based on pastoral, horticultural and/or hunting and gathering techniques), and a
predominantly non-urbanized society. Not all indigenous groups share these characteristics. Indigenous societies may be either
settled in a given locale/region or exhibit a nomadic lifestyle across a large territory, but are generally historically associated with a
specific territory on which they depend. Indigenous societies are found in every inhabited climate zone and continent of the world.
[2][4]

Indigenous peoples are increasingly faced with threats to their sovereignty, environment, and access to natural resources. Examples
of this can be the deforestation of tropical rainforests where several of the native tribe’s subsistence and their normal lifestyle are
threatened. Assimilative colonial policies resulted in ongoing issues related to aboriginal child protection.

Indigenous Rights and Other Issues

Figure 14.10.3 - The New Zealand delegation endorses the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in
April 2010.
Indigenous peoples confront a diverse range of concerns associated with their status and interaction with other cultural groups, as
well as changes in their inhabited environment. Some challenges are specific to particular groups; however, other challenges are
commonly experienced.[38] These issues include cultural and linguistic preservation, land rights, ownership and exploitation of
natural resources, political determination and autonomy, environmental degradation and incursion, poverty, health, and
discrimination.
The interaction between indigenous and non-indigenous societies throughout history has been complex, ranging from outright
conflict and subjugation to some degree of mutual benefit and cultural transfer. A particular aspect of anthropological study
involves investigation into the ramifications of what is termed first contact, the study of what occurs when two cultures first
encounter one another. The situation can be further confused when there is a complicated or contested history of migration and
population of a given region, which can give rise to disputes about primacy and ownership of the land and resources.
Wherever indigenous cultural identity is asserted, common societal issues and concerns arise from the indigenous status. These
concerns are often not unique to indigenous groups. Despite the diversity of Indigenous peoples, it may be noted that they share
common problems and issues in dealing with the prevailing, or invading, society. They are generally concerned that the cultures of
Indigenous peoples are being lost and that indigenous peoples suffer both discrimination and pressure to assimilate into their
surrounding societies. This is borne out by the fact that the lands and cultures of nearly all of the peoples listed at the end of this
article are under threat. Notable exceptions are the Sakha and Komi peoples (two of the northern indigenous peoples of Russia),
who now control their own autonomous republics within the Russian state, and the Canadian Inuit, who form a majority of the
territory of Nunavut (created in 1999). In Australia, a landmark case, Mabo v Queensland (No 2),[39] saw the High Court of
Australia reject the idea of terra nullius. This rejection ended up recognizing that there was a pre-existing system of law practiced
by the Meriam people.

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It is also sometimes argued that it is important for the human species as a whole to preserve a wide range of cultural diversity as
possible, and that the protection of indigenous cultures is vital to this enterprise.

Human Rights Violations

The Bangladesh Government has stated that there are “no Indigenous Peoples in Bangladesh”.[40] This has angered the Indigenous
Peoples of Chittagong Hill Tracts, Bangladesh, collectively known as the Jumma.[41]Experts have protested against this move of
the Bangladesh Government and have questioned the Government’s definition of the term “Indigenous Peoples”.[42][43] This move
by the Bangladesh Government is seen by the Indigenous Peoples of Bangladesh as another step by the Government to further
erode their already limited rights.[44]
Both Hindu and Chams have experienced religious and ethnic persecution and restrictions on their faith under the current
Vietnamese government, with the Vietnamese state confisticating Cham property and forbidding Cham from observing their
religious beliefs. Hindu temples were turned into tourist sites against the wishes of the Cham Hindus. In 2010 and 2013 several
incidents occurred in Thành Tín and Phươc Nhơn villages where Cham were murdered by Vietnamese. In 2012, Vietnamese police
in Chau Giang village stormed into a Cham Mosque, stole the electric generator, and also raped Cham girls.[45] Cham in the
Mekong Delta have also been economically marginalised, with ethnic Vietnamese settling on land previously owned by Cham
people with state support.[46]
The French, the Communist North Vietnamese, and the anti-Communist South Vietnamese all exploited and persecuted the
Montagnards. North Vietnamese Communists forcibly recruited “comfort girls” from the indigenous Montagnard peoples of the
Central Highlands and murdered those who didn’t comply, inspired by Japan’s use of comfort women.[47]The Vietnamese viewed
and dealt with the indigenous Montagnards in the CIDG from the Central Highlands as “savages” and this caused a Montagnard
uprising against the Vietnamese.[48] The Vietnamese were originally centered around the Red River Delta but engaged in conquest
and seized new lands such as Champa, the Mekong Delta (from Cambodia) and the Central Highlands during Nam Tien, while the
Vietnamese received strong Chinese influence in their culture and civilization and were Sinicized, and the Cambodians and
Laotians were Indianized, the Montagnards in the Central Highlands maintained their own native culture without adopting external
culture and were the true indigenous natives of the region, and to hinder encroachment on the Central Highlands by Vietnamese
nationalists, the term Pays Montagnard du Sud-Indochinois PMSI emerged for the Central Highlands along with the natives being
addressed by the name Montagnard.[49] The tremendous scale of Vietnamese Kinh colonists flooding into the Central Highlands
has significantly altered the demographics of the region.[50] The anti-ethnic minority discriminatory policies by the Vietnamese,
environmental degradation, deprivation of lands from the natives, and settlement of native lands by a massive amount of
Vietnamese settlers led to massive protests and demonstrations by the Central Highland’s indigenous native ethnic minorities
against the Vietnamese in January–February 2001 and this event gave a tremendous blow to the claim often published by the
Vietnamese government that in Vietnam There has been no ethnic confrontation, no religious war, no ethnic conflict. And no
elimination of one culture by another.[51]

Health Issues
In December 1993, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed the International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People,
and requested UN specialized agencies to consider with governments and indigenous people how they can contribute to the success
of the Decade of Indigenous People, commencing in December 1994. As a consequence, the World Health Organization, at its
Forty-seventh World Health Assembly established a core advisory group of indigenous representatives with special knowledge of
the health needs and resources of their communities, thus beginning a long-term commitment to the issue of the health of
indigenous peoples.[52]
The WHO notes that “Statistical data on the health status of indigenous peoples is scarce. This is especially notable for indigenous
peoples in Africa, Asia and eastern Europe”, but snapshots from various countries, where such statistics are available, show that
indigenous people are in worse health than the general population, in advanced and developing countries alike: higher incidence of
diabetes in some regions of Australia;[53] higher prevalence of poor sanitation and lack of safe water among Twa households in
Rwanda;[54]a greater prevalence of childbirths without prenatal care among ethnic minorities in Vietnam;[55] suicide rates among
Inuit youth in Canada are eleven times higher than the national average;[56]infant mortality rates are higher for indigenous peoples
everywhere.[57

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36. Ranjan, Amitav (21 September 2003). “Sahib Singh wanted to visit Serbia to meet fellow Jats”. The Indian Express (New
Delhi). Retrieved 15 March 2016.
37. Pygmy human remains found on rock islands, Science | The Guardian
38. Bartholomew Dean and Jerome Levi (eds.) At the Risk of Being Heard: Indigenous Rights, Identity and Postcolonial
StatesUniversity of Michigan Press (2003)[3]
39. Mabo v Queensland (No 2) (1992) 175 CLR 1 F.C. 92/014 “www.austlii.edu.au/au/cases/c...ns/1991/23.pdf”
40. No ‘indigenous’, reiterates Shafique. bdnews24.com (18 June 2011). Retrieved on 2011-10-11.
41. Ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs. mochta.gov.bd. Retrieved on 2012-03-28.
42. INDIGENOUS PEOPLEChakma Raja decries non-recognition. bdnews24.com (28 May 2011). Retrieved on 2011-10-11.
43. ‘Define terms minorities, indigenous’. bdnews24.com (27 May 2011). Retrieved on 2011-10-11.
44. Disregarding the Jumma. Himalmag.com. Retrieved on 2011-10-11.
45. “Mission to Vietnam Advocacy Day (Vietnamese-American Meet up 2013) in the U.S. Capitol. A UPR report By IOC-Campa”.
Chamtoday.com. 14 September 2013. Archived from the original on 22 February 2014. Retrieved17 June 2014.
46. Taylor, Philip (December 2006). “Economy in Motion: Cham Muslim Traders in the Mekong Delta” (PDF). The Asia Pacific
Journal of Anthropology (The Australian National University) 7 (3): 238. doi:10.1080/14442210600965174.ISSN 1444-2213.
Retrieved 3 September 2014.
47. “Conclusions”. Montagnard Human Rights Organization (MHRO). 2010. Archived from the original on 6 October 2012.
48. Graham A. Cosmas. MACV: The Joint Command in the Years of Escalation, 1962-1967. Government Printing Office. pp. 145–.
ISBN 978-0-16-072367-4.
49. Oscar Salemink (2003). The Ethnography of Vietnam’s Central Highlanders: A Historical Contextualization, 1850-1990.
University of Hawaii Press. pp. 28–. ISBN 978-0-8248-2579-9.
50. Oscar Salemink (2003). The Ethnography of Vietnam’s Central Highlanders: A Historical Contextualization, 1850-1990.
University of Hawaii Press. pp. 29–. ISBN 978-0-8248-2579-9.
51. McElwee, Pamela (2008). “7 Becoming Socialist or Becoming Kinh? Government Policies for Ethnic Minorities in the Socialist
Republic of Viet Nam”. In Duncan, Christopher R. Civilizing the Margins: Southeast Asian Government Policies for the
Development of Minorities. Singapore: NUS Press. p. 182. ISBN 978-9971-69-418-0.
52. “RESolutionS AND DECISIONS. WHA47.27 International Decade of the World’s Indigenous People. The Forty-seventh World
Health Assembly,” (PDF). World Health Organization. Retrieved 17 April 2011.
53. Hanley, Anthony J. Diabetes in Indigenous Populations, Medscape Today
54. Ohenjo, Nyang’ori; Willis, Ruth; Jackson, Dorothy; Nettleton, Clive; Good, Kenneth; Mugarura, Benon (2006). “Health of
Indigenous people in Africa”. The Lancet 367 (9526): 1937. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(06)68849-1.
55. Health and Ethnic Minorities in Viet Nam, Technical Series No. 1, June 2003, WHO, p. 10
56. Facts on Suicide Rates, First Nations and Inuit Health, Health Canada
57. “Health of indigenous peoples”. Health Topics A to Z. Retrieved 17 April 2011.

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14.11: Cultural Survival
Cultural Survival (founded 1972) is a nonprofit group based in Cambridge, Massachusetts, US, which is dedicated to defending
the human rights of indigenous peoples.

History
Cultural Survival was founded by anthropologist David Maybury-Lewis and his wife, Pia,[1] in response to the opening up of the
Amazonian and South American hinterlands during the 1960s, and the drastic effects this had on Indigenous inhabitants. It has
since worked with Indigenous communities in Asia, Africa, South America, North America, and Australia, becoming the leading
US-based organization defending the rights of Indigenous Peoples around the world. Headquartered in Cambridge, Massachusetts,
Cultural Survival also has a satellite office for the Guatemala Radio Project in Guatemala. As of 2012, Cultural Survival had a four-
star rating from Charity Navigator.[2]

Goals
To increase global understanding of indigenous peoples’ rights, cultures, and concerns
To empower indigenous peoples to be better self-advocates, and to partner with them to advocate for their human rights.

Publications
Cultural Survival Quarterly magazine has covered indigenous rights issues for nearly 30 years. Each issue includes feature
articles focused on themes of concern to indigenous peoples, as well as news pieces, interviews, and book reviews. All of the
authors are indigenous or are professionals who work closely with indigenous peoples.

References
1. Credo Reference – Maybury-Lewis, David H.P. b. 1929, Hyderabad, Pakistan
2. “Cultural Survival”. Charity Navigator. Archived from the original on 8 December 2012. Retrieved 8 December2012.

External Links
Official website

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14.12: Multiculturalism

Figure 14.12.1 - The Monument to Multiculturalism by Francesco Perilli in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. Four identical sculptures are
located in Buffalo City, South Africa; Changchun, China; Sarajevo, Bosnia and Sydney, Australia.
Multiculturalism describes the existence, acceptance, or promotion of multiple cultural traditions within a single jurisdiction,
usually considered in terms of the culture associated with an ethnic group. This can happen when a jurisdiction is created or
expanded by amalgamating areas with two or more different cultures (e.g. French Canada and English Canada) or through
immigration from different jurisdictions around the world (e.g. Australia, Canada,United States, United Kingdom, and many other
countries).
Multicultural ideologies and policies vary widely,[1] ranging from the advocacy of equal respect to the various cultures in a society,
to a policy of promoting the maintenance of cultural diversity, to policies in which people of various ethnic and religious groups are
addressed by the authorities as defined by the group to which they belong.[2][3]
Multiculturalism that promotes maintaining the distinctiveness of multiple cultures is often contrasted to other settlement policies
such as social integration, cultural assimilation and racial segregation. Multiculturalism has been described as a “salad bowl” and
“cultural mosaic”.[4]
Two different and seemingly inconsistent strategies have developed through different government policies and strategies. The first
focuses on interaction and communication between different cultures; this approach is also often known as interculturalism. The
second centers on diversity and cultural uniqueness which can sometimes result in intercultural competition over jobs among other
things and may lead to ethnic conflict.[5][6] Cultural isolation can protect the uniqueness of the local culture of a nation or area and
also contribute to global cultural diversity.[7][8] A common aspect of many policies following the second approach is that they avoid
presenting any specific ethnic, religious, or cultural community values as central.[9]

References
1. Thomas L. Harper (13 January 2011). Dialogues in urban and regional planning. Taylor & Francis. p. 50. ISBN 978-0-415-
59334-2.
2. “Dictionary.Reference.com”. Dictionary.Reference.com. Retrieved 2010-12-10.
3. Kenan Malik (2010-03-17). “Guardian.co.uk”. London: Guardian. Retrieved 2010-12-10.
4. Burgess, Ann Carroll; Burgess, Tom (2005). Guide to Western Canada (7th ed.). Globe Pequot Press. p. 31. ISBN 0-7627-2987-
2. Retrieved 2011-01-16.
5. “Europe’s Multiculturalism Leading to Civil War? – World – CBN News – Christian News 24-7 – CBN.com”. www.cbn.com.
Retrieved 2016-05-14.
6. Knew, If Americans. “A Synopsis of the Israel/Palestine Conflict”. www.ifamericansknew.org. Retrieved 2016-05-14.
7. Colin Marsh (1997). Key concepts for understanding curriculum: Perspectives. Falmer Press. pp. 121–122. ISBN 978-0-7507-
0587-5.
8. Elizabeth J. Meyer (30 August 2010). Gender and sexual diversity in schools: an introduction. Springer. p. 16. ISBN 978-90-
481-8558-0.
9. Anne-Marie Mooney Cotter (28 February 2011). Culture clash: an international legal perspective on ethnic discrimination.
Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. p. 13. ISBN 978-1-4094-1936-5.

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Index
A G N
Allen’s rule Gender Native American Grave Protection and
6.2: Human Adaptations 10: Sex and Gender Repatriation Act (NAGPRA)
Animatism 10.1: Sex and Gender Distinction
13.11: Native American Graves Protection and
12.4: Aspects of Religion Gender ideology Repatriation Act
animism 10.11: Double Burden (Part 1)
12.4: Aspects of Religion Gender Inequality P
10.10: Gender Inequality
Paleolithic Art
B gender role 13.4: Paleolithic Art
10.6: Gender Role
berdache pastoralism
10.7: Two-Spirit
genocide 7.3: Pastoralists
11.9: Genocide
Bergmann’s rule Polytheism
6.2: Human Adaptations
Glass Ceiling 12.5: Patterns of Belief
10.13: Gender and Employment
bilateral descent postmodernism
8.2: Descent Rules
Global Gender Gap Report 3.9: Postmodernism
10.14: The Global Gender Gap Report
Breast Ironing Priest
10.17: Violence Against Women (Part 3)
globalization 12.6: Religious Practitioners
14: Globalization
14.2: Globalization
C R
caste system H race
11.7: Indian Caste System 6: Deconstructing Race
Henotheism
cognatic descent 12.5: Patterns of Belief
Religion
8.2: Descent Rules 12: Supernatural Belief Systems
Herbert Spencer 12.1: Introduction to Religion
Colonialism 3.1: Social Evolution of Anthropological Theory
14.3: Modernization Rite of Passage
Hijra 12.9: Rite of Passage
corporate descent 10.8: Hijra
8.2: Descent Rules
Historical Particularism S
Cultural ecology 3.2: Historical Particularism
3.5: Cultural Ecology Sambia
Human trafficking
Cultural materialism 10.16: Violence Against Women (Part 2)
10.4: Ritual Homosexuality of the Sambia
3.7: Cultural Materialism Sexual dimorphism
culture I 10.1: Sex and Gender Distinction
1.4: What is Culture? Sexual orientation
Inis Beag 10.1: Sex and Gender Distinction
10.3: Inis Beag
D 10.2: Sexual Orientation
Interpretive Anthropology sexuality
double burden 3.8: Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology 10: Sex and Gender
10.11: Double Burden (Part 1)
Shaman
K 12.6: Religious Practitioners
E
Karl Marx skin color
Ethics 3.7: Cultural Materialism 6.3: Skin Color and UV Index
4.4: Ethics
Kennewick Man social evolution
ethnocentrism 13.11: Native American Graves Protection and 3.1: Social Evolution of Anthropological Theory
1.5: Ethnocentrism Repatriation Act Structural Anthropology
export monoculture 3.6: Structural Anthropology
14.3: Modernization L Structural functionalism
Lascaux Cave 3.3: Functionalism
F 13.4: Paleolithic Art survival of the fittest
Female genital mutilation 3.1: Social Evolution of Anthropological Theory
10.17: Violence Against Women (Part 3) M Symbolic Anthropology
Feminist anthropology Margaret Mead 3.8: Symbolic and Interpretive Anthropology
3.10: Feminist Anthropology
10.5: Margaret Mead's Gender Studies
foraging Mediums U
7.2: Foraging
12.6: Religious Practitioners untouchables
Friedrich Engels missing women of Asia 11.7: Indian Caste System
3.7: Cultural Materialism
10.18: Missing Women of Asia
functionalism modernization V
3.3: Functionalism
14.3: Modernization Venus of Willendorf
monotheism 13.4: Paleolithic Art
12.5: Patterns of Belief

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Violence against women W
10.15: Violence Against Women (Part 1) Wiccan
vision quest 12.6: Religious Practitioners
12.10: Vision Quest

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Glossary
Sample Word 1 | Sample Definition 1

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