Applied Social Psychology Module 1
Applied Social Psychology Module 1
Applied Social Psychology Module 1
DEFINITION: Applied social psychology refers to the branch of social psychology that draws on social
psychological theories, principles, methods, and research evidence to contribute to (a) the understanding of social
and practical problems and (b) the development of intervention strategies for improving the functioning of
individuals, groups, organizations, communities, and societies with respect to social and practical problems.
APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY AS A SCIENCE : As a branch of social psychology, applied social
psychology is by definition a science and, accordingly, relies on the scientific method and is guided by the core
values of science. Moreover, applied social psychologists likewise are motivated by the aforementioned goals of
science: description, prediction, determining causality, and explanation. However, they are distinguished from
other social psychologists by also having a strong interest in what may be regarded as the fifth goal of science:
control (Christensen, 2004; Goodwin, 2003). In science, control means being able to manipulate conditions that
will cause changes in a phenomenon.
Although their ultimate goal is to effect positive change—to improve the functioning of people—applied social
psychologists themselves may conduct research that helps them to understand the nature and causes of phenomena
that concern them.
HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF APPLIED SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY
The scientific foundation of applied social psychology can be traced at least as far back as the 1930s to the
thinking and work of social psychologist Kurt Lewin (1936).
Lewin conducted research on a variety of practical issues and social problems such as how to get people to eat
healthier diets and how interpersonal relations and productivity are affected by different supervisory styles. Lewin
and his colleagues (Lewin, Lippitt, & White, 1939) conducted an experiment in which they had groups of
schoolboys work on hobbies under the direction of a male adult who varied his leadership in one of three ways:
autocratic (controlling, gave orders, made the decisions), democratic (asked for input, allowed boys to make
choices), or laissez-faire (interacthe little with boys, mainly observed). The results for interpersonal relations and
productivity generally favored the democratic style.
The 1930s and 1940s witnessed, among social psychologists such as Lewin, a flurry of concern with
applied issues and practical problems, much of which stemmed from the rise of Nazism and World War II
(Jones, 1998).
In fact, Brehm, Kassin, and Fein (1999) went so far as to suggest that Adolf Hitler had more influence on the field
of social psychology than did any other person, including leading social psychologists. Reich (1981) observed that
the foundation of applied social psychology was set by 1950 because the potential of using scientific methods to
address social problems had been demonstrated successfully by, for instance, Lewin and colleagues’ (1939) work
on the effects of autocratic leadership and Sherif’s (1966b) work on conflict resolution. It seemed as though an
applied psychology centered in the field of social psychology was poised to take off. Yet the “takeoff” did not
occur for another 20 years or so.
During the late 1940s and the 1950s, social psychology experienced a concerted movement away from
applied concerns to a “pure science” emphasis on theory and laboratory experiments focused on basic
social processes
the events of the 1960s- A host of powerful social and political occurrences (e.g., assassinations of John F.
Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr., war in Vietnam, race riots, campus protests, civil rights movement,
women’s liberation movement) forced increased attention on a variety of pressing social issues endemic to
American society (Ross, Lepper, & Ward, 2010).
There were increased cries—both within psychology and in the broader society—for psychology to become more
socially relevant (Jones, 1998; Reich, 1981). At the same time, many social psychologists had begun to criticize the
overreliance on laboratory experiments, pointing out that the field would benefit from methodological approaches
that also included field research and a variety of non experimental research methods. Very instrumental in setting
the stage for the emergence of a clearly defined field of applied social psychology was a 1969 series of articles in
American Psychologist that focused on the interface between science and social issues.
In response to such developments, applied social psychology surfaced during the 1970s as a clearly
identifiable field (Reich, 1981; Streufert & Suedfeld, 1982).
There were several notable benchmarks, including
1) the establishment of a journal devoted specifically to applied issues and research, the Journal of Applied
Social Psychology, in 1970–1971 and
2) the founding of the first doctoral program in applied social psychology at Loyola University of Chicago in
1974 (Bickman, 1981).
These soon were followed by other developments that reinforced the identity of applied social psychology,
including
3) another journal (Basic and Applied Social Psychology) in 1980 and
4) the first textbook in applied social psychology (Fisher’s Social Psychology: An Applied Approach) in
1982.
DESCRIPTION: Janis (1983) defined groupthink as “a mode of thinking that people engage in when they
are deeply involved in a cohesive in-group, when members’ strivings for unanimity [i.e., concurrence
seeking]
override their motivation to realistically appraise alternative courses of action. … [It is] the deterioration of
mental efficiency, reality testing, and moral judgment that results from in-group pressures”
three antecedent conditions must exist for groupthink to occur: high group cohesiveness, structural
problems in the group, and a situational context that exerts great pressure on the group to make a decision.
These conditions lead to groupthink among group members that is reflected in eight symptoms
(1) the illusion of the group’s invulnerability (feeling invincible and that the group cannot lose);
(2) the belief in the group’s morality (assuming the group is inherently good, ignoring ethical &moral
issues);
(3) rationalization (discounting the importance of warning signs and challenges);
(4) stereotyped views of outsiders (holding broad, negative beliefs about out-group members);
(5) conformity pressure (discouraging individual group members from expressing dissent);
(6) self-censorship( individual group members choosing not to express dissent);
(7) the illusion of unanimity (the belief that every group member agrees because dissenting opinions are
not voiced);
(8) mind guards (self-appointed group members who shield the group leader from criticism or dissenting
opinions).
These symptoms of groupthink lead to defective decision making, including the group’s failure to consider
possible alternative courses of action. The defective decision-making process results in an increased
probability of arriving at an unsuccessful outcome, that is, of the group arriving at a poor/bad decision or
solution.
DIRECTION : Groupthink is a complex theory because it concerns many possible relationships among many
variables and it requires an analysis of all members of a group rather than just individual members. Because of this
complexity, groupthink theory has stimulated less hypothesis testing than have other theories that are simpler to
research such as cognitive dissonance theory. Despite these difficulties, however, groupthink research has
proceeded through the phases of hypothesis testing as —direct tests, extensions, and reformulations.
Direct tests of groupthink, including laboratory experiments