Josip Broz Tito

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This article is about the former leader of Yugoslavia. For his grandson, see Joška Broz.
Not to be confused with Jozef Tiso.

Marshal

Josip Broz Tito

Josip Broz Tito in 1961

President of Yugoslavia

In office

14 January 1953 – 4 May 1980

Prime Himself (1953–1963)

Minister Petar Stambolić (1963–1967)

Mika Špiljak (1967–1969)

Mitja Ribičič (1969–1971)
 Džemal Bijedić (1971–1977)

Veselin Đuranović (1977–1980)

Vice Aleksandar Ranković (1963–1966)

President Koča Popović (1966–1967)

Preceded by Ivan Ribar

(as President of the Presidency of the People's Assembly)

Succeeded by Lazar Koliševski

(as President of the presidency)

19th Prime Minister of Yugoslavia

In office

2 November 1944 – 29 June 1963

President Ivan Ribar

Preceded by Ivan Šubašić

Succeeded by Petar Stambolić

1st Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned Movement

In office

1 September 1961 – 5 October 1964

Preceded by Position created

Succeeded by Gamal Abdel Nasser

Minister of Defense of Yugoslavia

In office

7 March 1945 – 14 January 1953

Prime Himself

Minister

Preceded by Ivan Šubašić

Succeeded by Ivan Gošnjak

(as Federal Secretary of National Defense)

4th President of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia

In office

5 January 1939 – 4 May 1980

Preceded by Milan Gorkić

Succeeded by Stevan Doronjski

Personal details

Born Josip Broz

25 May 1892

Kumrovec, Croatia-Slavonia, Austria-Hungary

(now Croatia)

Died 4 May 1980 (aged 87)

Ljubljana, SR Slovenia, SFR Yugoslavia

(now Slovenia)

Resting place House of Flowers, Belgrade, Serbia

44°47′12″N 20°27′06″E

Political SKJ

party RCP (b)

Pelagija Belousova (m. 1920–1939)
Spouse(s)
 Herta Haas (m. 1940–1943)

Jovanka Broz
(m. 1952; his death 1980)

Domestic Davorjanka Paunović

partner

Children Zlatica Broz

Hinko Broz

Žarko Leon Broz

Aleksandar Broz

Occupation Locksmith, Machinist, revolutionary, resistance comm

ander, statesman

Awards 98 international and 21 Yugoslav decorations, including

 Order of the Yugoslav Star

 Legion of Honour

 Order of the Bath

 Order of Lenin

 Order of Merit of Italy

(short list below, full list in the article)

Ethnicity Croatian

Signature

Military service

Allegiance  Austria-Hungary (1913–1915)
 Russia (1918–1920)

 Yugoslavia (1941–1980)
Branch/servic Austro-Hungarian Army

e Red Army

Yugoslav People's Army

Years of 1913–1915

service 1918–1920

1941–1980

Rank Marshal

Commands National Liberation Army

Yugoslav People's Army (supreme commander)

Battles/wars World War I

Russian Civil War

World War II

Part of a series on

Yugoslav socialism

Concepts[show]

Variants[show]

People[show]

Related topics[show]

 Communism portal
  v
 t
 e

Josip Broz (Serbo-Croatian Cyrillic: Јосип Броз, pronounced [jǒsip brôːz]; 7 May 1892 – 4

May 1980), commonly known as Tito (/ˈtiːtoʊ/;[1] Serbo-Croatian
Cyrillic: Тито, pronounced [tîto]), was a Yugoslav communist revolutionary and statesman,
serving in various roles from 1943 until his death in 1980. [2] During World War II, he was
the leader of the Partisans, often regarded as the most effective resistance
movement in occupied Europe.[3] He also served as the President of the Socialist
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia from 14 January 1953 to 4 May 1980.
Broz was born to a Croat father and Slovene mother in the village of Kumrovec, Austria-
Hungary (now in Croatia). Drafted into military service, he distinguished himself,
becoming the youngest sergeant major in the Austro-Hungarian Army of that time. After
being seriously wounded and captured by the Imperial Russians during World War I, he
was sent to a work camp in the Ural Mountains. He participated in some events of
the Russian Revolution in 1917 and the subsequent Civil War. Upon his return to the
Balkans in 1918, Broz entered the newly established Kingdom of Yugoslavia, where he
joined the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ). He later was elected as General
Secretary (later Chairman of the Presidium) of the League of Communists of
Yugoslavia (1939–1980). During World War II, after the Nazi invasion of the area, he led
the Yugoslav guerrilla movement, the Partisans (1941–1945).[4]
After the war, he was the chief architect of the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia (SFRY), serving as both Prime Minister (1944–
1963), President (later President for Life) (1953–1980), and Marshal of Yugoslavia, the
highest rank of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA). Despite being one of the founders
of Cominform, he became the first Cominform member to defy Soviet hegemony in
1948. He was the only leader in Joseph Stalin's time to leave Cominform and begin with
his country's own socialist program, which contained elements of market socialism.
Economists active in the former Yugoslavia, including Czech-born Jaroslav Vanek and
Yugoslav-born Branko Horvat, promoted a model of market socialism that was dubbed
the Illyrian model. Firms were socially owned by their employees and structured
on workers' self-management; they competed in open and free markets. Tito managed
to keep ethnic tensions under control by delegating as much power as possible to each
republic. The 1974 Yugoslav Constitution defined SFR Yugoslavia as a "federal republic
of equal nations and nationalities, freely united on the principle of brotherhood and
unity in achieving specific and common interest." Each republic was also given the right
to self-determination and secession if done through legal channels. Lastly, Tito
gave Kosovo and Vojvodina, the two constituent provinces of Serbia, substantially
increased autonomy, including de facto veto power in the Serbian parliament. Tito built
a very powerful cult of personality around himself, which was maintained by the League
of Communists of Yugoslavia after his death. Ten years after his death, communism
collapsed in Eastern Europe, and Yugoslavia descended into civil war.
While some criticise his presidency as authoritarian[5][6] and compare him to the brutality
of Stalin,[7] many see Tito as a benevolent dictator.[8] He was a popular public figure both
in Yugoslavia and abroad.[9] Viewed as a unifying symbol,[10] his internal policies
maintained the peaceful coexistence of the nations of the Yugoslav federation. He
gained further international attention as the chief leader of the Non-Aligned Movement,
alongside Jawaharlal Nehru of India, Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, Sukarno of
Indonesia and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana.[11] With a highly favourable reputation abroad
in both Cold War blocs, he received some 98 foreign decorations, including the Legion
of Honour and the Order of the Bath.

Contents

 1Early life
o 1.1Pre-World War I
o 1.2World War I
 2Interwar communist activity
o 2.1Communist agitator
o 2.2Professional revolutionary
o 2.3Prison
o 2.4Flight from Yugoslavia
o 2.5General Secretary of the CPY
 3World War II
o 3.1Resistance in Yugoslavia
o 3.2Aftermath
 4Presidency
o 4.1Tito–Stalin split
o 4.2Non-Alignment
o 4.3Reforms
 5Evaluation
 6Final years
 7Legacy
 8Family and personal life
o 8.1Language and identity dispute
o 8.2Origin of the name "Tito"
 9Awards and decorations
o 9.1Domestic awards
o 9.2Foreign awards
 10See also
 11Notes
 12Footnotes
 13Bibliography
 14Further reading
 15External links

Early life[edit]
Pre-World War I[edit]

Tito's birthplace in the village of Kumrovec, Croatia.

Josip Broz was born on 7 May 1892 in Kumrovec, a village in the northern Croatian
region of Hrvatsko Zagorje. At the time it was part of the Kingdom of Croatia-
Slavonia within the Austro-Hungarian Empire.[a][b]
He was the seventh or eighth child of Franjo Broz (1860–1936) and Marija née Javeršek
(1864–1918). His parents had already had a number of children die in early infancy. [14]
[15]
 Broz was christened and raised as a Roman Catholic.[16] His father, Franjo, was
a Croat whose family had lived in the village for three centuries, while his mother Marija,
was a Slovene from the village of Podsreda. The villages were 16 kilometres (10 mi)
apart, and his parents had married on 21 January 1881. Franjo Broz had inherited a
4.0-hectare (10-acre) estate and a good house, but he was unable to make a success
of farming. Josip spent a significant proportion of his pre-school years living with his
maternal grandparents at Podsreda, where he became a favourite of his grandfather
Martin Javeršek. By the time he returned to Kumrovec to begin school, he
spoke Slovene better than Croatian,[17][18] and had learned to play the piano.[19] Despite his
"mixed parentage", Broz identified as a Croat like his father and neighbours. [20][21][22]
In July 1900,[19] at the age of eight, Broz entered primary school at Kumrovec. He
completed four years of school,[18] failing the 2nd grade and graduating in 1905. [17] As a
result of his limited schooling, throughout his life Tito was poor at spelling. After leaving
school, he initially worked for a maternal uncle, and then on his parents' family farm. [18] In
1907, his father wanted him to emigrate to the United States, but could not raise the
money for the voyage.[23]
Instead, aged 15 years, Broz left Kumrovec and travelled about 97 kilometres (60 mi)
south to Sisak, where his cousin Jurica Broz was doing army service. Jurica helped him
get a job in a restaurant, but Broz was soon tired of that work. He approached
a Czech locksmith, Nikola Karas, for a three-year apprenticeship, which included
training, food, and room and board. As his father could not afford to pay for his work
clothing, Broz paid for it himself. Soon after, his younger brother Stjepan also became
apprenticed to Karas.[17][24]
During his apprenticeship, Broz was encouraged to mark May Day in 1909, and he read
and sold Slobodna Reč (Free Word), a socialist newspaper. After completing his
apprenticeship in September 1910, Broz used his contacts to gain employment
in Zagreb. At the age of 18, he joined the Metal Workers' Union and participated in his
first labour protest.[25] He also joined the Social Democratic Party of Croatia and
Slavonia.[26]
He returned home in December 1910.[27] In early 1911 he began a series of moves in
search of work, first seeking work in Ljubljana, then Trieste, Kumrovec and Zagreb,
where he worked repairing bicycles. He joined his first strike action on May Day 1911.
[25]
 After a brief period of work in Ljubljana, [27] between May 1911 and May 1912, he
worked in a factory in Kamnik in the Kamnik–Savinja Alps. After it closed, he was
offered redeployment to Čenkov in Bohemia. On arriving at his new workplace, he
discovered that the employer was trying to bring in cheaper labour to replace the local
Czech workers, and he and others joined successful strike action to force the employer
to back down.[c]
Driven by curiosity, Broz moved to Plzeň, where he was briefly employed at the Škoda
Works. He next travelled to Munich in Bavaria. He also worked at the Benz car factory
in Mannheim, and visited the Ruhr industrial region. By October 1912 he had
reached Vienna. He stayed with his older brother Martin and his family, and worked at
the Griedl Works before getting a job at Wiener Neustadt. There he worked for Austro-
Daimler, and was often asked to drive and test the cars.[29] During this time he spent
considerable time fencing and dancing,[30][31] and during his training and early work life, he
also learned German and passable Czech.[32][d]
World War I[edit]
In May 1913,[32] Broz was conscripted into the Austro-Hungarian Army,[34][e] for his
compulsory two years of service. He successfully requested to serve with the 25th
Croatian Home Guard (Croatian: Domobran) Regiment garrisoned in Zagreb. After
learning to ski during the winter of 1913 and 1914, Broz was sent to a school for non-
commissioned officers (NCO) in Budapest,[36] after which he was promoted to sergeant
major. At 22 years of age, he was the youngest of that rank in his regiment. [32][36][f] At least
one source states that he was the youngest sergeant major in the Austro-Hungarian
Army.[38] After winning the regimental fencing competition, [36] Broz came in second in the
army fencing championships in Budapest in May 1914. [38]
Soon after the outbreak of World War I in 1914, the 25th Croatian Home Guard
Regiment marched toward the Serbian border. Broz was arrested for sedition and
imprisoned in the Petrovaradin fortress in present-day Novi Sad.[39] Broz later gave
conflicting accounts of this arrest, telling one biographer that he had threatened to
desert to the Russians, but also claiming that the whole matter arose from a clerical
error.[36] A third version was that he had been overheard saying that he hoped the
Austro-Hungarian Empire would be defeated. [40] After his acquittal and release,[41] his
regiment served briefly on the Serbian Front before being deployed to the Eastern
Front in Galicia in early 1915 to fight against Russia.[36] Tito in his own account of his
military service did not mention that he participated in the failed Austrian invasion of
Serbia, instead giving the misleading impression that he fought only in Galicia, as it
would have offended Serbian opinion to know that he fought in 1914 for the Habsburgs
against them.[40] On one occasion, the scout platoon he commanded went behind the
enemy lines and captured 80 Russian soldiers, bringing them back to their own lines
alive. In 1980 it was discovered that he had been recommended for an award for
gallantry and initiative in reconnaissance and capturing prisoners. [42] Tito's biographer,
Richard West, wrote that Tito actually downplayed his military record as the Austrian
Army records showed that he was a brave soldier, which contradicted his later claim to
have been opposed to the Habsburg monarchy and his self-portrait of himself as an
unwilling conscript fighting in a war he was opposed to. [43] Broz was regarded by his
fellow soldiers as kaisertreu ("true to the Emperor").[44]
On 25 March 1915,[g] he was wounded in the back by a Circassian cavalryman's lance,
[46]
 and captured during a Russian attack near Bukovina.[47] Broz in his account of his
capture described it melodramatically as: "...but suddenly the right flank yielded and
through the gap poured cavalry of the Circassians, from Asiatic Russia. Before we knew
it they were thundering through our positions, leaping from their horses and throwing
themselves into our trenches with lances lowered. One of them rammed his two-yard,
iron-tipped, double-pronged lance into my back just below the left arm. I fainted. Then,
as I learned, the Circassians began to butcher the wounded, even slashing them with
their knives. Fortunately, Russian infantry reached the positions and put an end to the
orgy".[45] Now a prisoner of war (POW), Broz was transported east to a hospital
established in an old monastery in the town of Sviyazhsk on the Volga river near Kazan.
[36]
 During his 13 months in hospital he had bouts of pneumonia and typhus, and learned
Russian with the help of two schoolgirls who brought him Russian classics by such
authors as Tolstoy and Turgenev to read.[36][45][48]
The Uspensko-Bogorodichny monastery, where Broz recuperated from his wounds

After recuperating, in mid-1916 he was transferred to the Ardatov POW camp in

the Samara Governorate, where he used his skills to maintain the nearby village grain
mill. At the end of the year, he was again transferred, this time to the Kungur POW
camp near Perm where the POWs were used as labour to maintain the newly
completed Trans-Siberian Railway.[36] Broz was appointed to be in charge of all the
POWs in the camp.[49] During this time he became aware that the Red Cross
parcels sent to the POWs were being stolen by camp staff. When he complained, he
was beaten and put in prison.[36] During the February Revolution, a crowd broke into the
prison and returned Broz to the POW camp. A Bolshevik he had met while working on
the railway told Broz that his son was working in an engineering works in Petrograd, so,
in June 1917, Broz walked out of the unguarded POW camp and hid aboard a goods
train bound for that city, where he stayed with his friend's son. [50][51] The journalist Richard
West has suggested that because Broz chose to remain in an unguarded POW camp
rather than volunteer to serve with the Yugoslav legions of the Serbian Army, this
indicates that he remained loyal to the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and undermines his
later claim that he and other Croat POWs were excited by the prospect of revolution and
looked forward to the overthrow of the empire that ruled them. [44]
Less than a month after Broz arrived in Petrograd, the July Days demonstrations broke
out, and Broz joined in, coming under fire from government troops. [52][53] In the aftermath,
he tried to flee to Finland in order to make his way to the United States, but was
stopped at the border.[54] He was arrested along with other suspected Bolsheviks during
the subsequent crackdown by the Russian Provisional Government led by Alexander
Kerensky. He was imprisoned in the Peter and Paul Fortress for three weeks, during
which he claimed to be an innocent citizen of Perm. When he finally admitted to being
an escaped POW, he was to be returned by train to Kungur, but escaped
at Yekaterinburg, then caught another train that reached Omsk in Siberia on 8
November after a 3,200-kilometre (2,000 mi) journey.[52][55] At one point, police searched
the train looking for an escaped POW, but were deceived by Broz's fluent Russian. [53]
In Omsk the train was stopped by local Bolsheviks who told Broz that Vladimir
Lenin had seized control of Petrograd. They recruited him into an International Red
Guard that guarded the Trans-Siberian Railway during the winter of 1917 and 1918. In
May 1918, the anti-Bolshevik Czechoslovak Legion wrested control of parts of Siberia
from Bolshevik forces, and the Provisional Siberian Government established itself in
Omsk, and Broz and his comrades went into hiding. At this time Broz met a beautiful 14-
year-old local girl, Pelagija "Polka" Belousova, who hid him then helped him escape to
a Kyrgyz village 64 kilometres (40 mi) from Omsk.[52][56] Broz again worked maintaining
the local mill until November 1919 when the Red Army recaptured Omsk from White
forces loyal to the Provisional All-Russian Government of Alexander Kolchak. He moved
back to Omsk and married Belousova in January 1920. [h] At the time of their marriage,
Broz was 27 years old and Belousova was 15.[58] Broz later wrote that during his time in
Russia he heard much talk of Lenin, a little of Trotsky and "...as for Stalin, during the
time I stayed in Russia, I never once heard his name". [57] In the autumn of 1920 he and
his pregnant wife returned to his homeland, first by train to Narva, by ship to Stettin,
then by train to Vienna, where they arrived on 20 September. In early October Broz
returned home to Kumrovec in what was then the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes to find that his mother had died and his father had moved
to Jastrebarsko near Zagreb.[52] Sources differ over whether Broz joined the Communist
Party while in Russia, but he stated that the first time he joined the party was in Zagreb
after he returned to his homeland. [59]

Interwar communist activity[edit]

Communist agitator[edit]
The assassination of the Minister of the Interior, Milorad Drašković, led to the outlawing of the Communist
Party.

Upon his return home, Broz was unable to gain employment as a metalworker in
Kumrovec, so he and his wife moved briefly to Zagreb, where he worked as a waiter,
and took part in a waiter's strike. He also joined the Communist Party of
Yugoslavia (CPY).[60] The CPY's influence on the political life of Yugoslavia was growing
rapidly. In the 1920 elections it won 59 seats and became the third strongest party.
[61]
 After the assassination of Milorad Drašković, the Yugoslav Minister of the Interior, by
a young communist named Alija Alijagić on 2 August 1921, the CPY was declared
illegal under the Yugoslav State Security Act of 1921. [62]
Due to his overt communist links, Broz was fired from his employment. [63] He and his wife
then moved to the village of Veliko Trojstvo where he worked as a mill mechanic.[64]
[65]
 After the arrest of the CPY leadership in January 1922, Stevo Sabić took over control
of its operations. Sabić contacted Broz who agreed to work illegally for the party,
distributing leaflets and agitating among factory workers. In the contest of ideas
between those that wanted to pursue moderate policies and those that advocated
violent revolution, Broz sided with the latter. In 1924, Broz was elected to the CPY
district committee, but after he gave a speech at a comrade's Catholic funeral he was
arrested when the priest complained. Paraded through the streets in chains, he was
held for eight days and was eventually charged with creating a public disturbance. With
the help of a Serbian Orthodox prosecutor who hated Catholics, Broz and his co-
accused were acquitted.[66] His brush with the law had marked him as a communist
agitator, and his home was searched on an almost weekly basis. Since their arrival in
Yugoslavia, Pelagija had lost three babies soon after their births, and one daughter,
Zlatina, at the age of two. Broz felt the loss of Zlatina deeply. In 1924, Pelagija gave
birth to a boy, Žarko, who survived. In mid-1925, Broz's employer died and the new mill
owner gave him an ultimatum, give up his communist activities or lose his job. So, at the
age of 33, Broz became a professional revolutionary. [67][68]
Professional revolutionary[edit]
The CPY concentrated its revolutionary efforts on factory workers in the more
industrialised areas of Croatia and Slovenia, encouraging strikes and similar action. [69] In
1925, the now unemployed Broz moved to Kraljevica on the Adriatic coast, where he
started working at a shipyard to further the aims of the CPY. [70] During his time in
Karljevica, Tito acquired a love of the warm, sunny Adriatic coastline that was to last for
the rest of his life, and throughout his later time as leader, he spent as much time
possible living on his yacht while cruising the Adriatic. [71]
While at Kraljevica he worked on Yugoslav torpedo boats and a pleasure yacht for
the People's Radical Party politician, Milan Stojadinović. Broz built up the trade union
organisation in the shipyards and was elected as a union representative. A year later he
led a shipyard strike, and soon after was fired. In October 1926 he obtained work in a
railway works in Smederevska Palanka near Belgrade. In March 1927, he wrote an
article complaining about the exploitation of workers in the factory, and after speaking
up for a worker he was promptly sacked. Identified by the CPY as worthy of promotion,
he was appointed secretary of the Zagreb branch of the Metal Workers' Union, and
soon after of the whole Croatian branch of the union. In July 1927 Broz was arrested,
along with six other workers, and imprisoned at nearby Ogulin.[72][73] After being held
without trial for some time, Broz went on a hunger strike until a date was set. The trial
was held in secret and he was found guilty of being a member of the CPY. Sentenced to
four months' imprisonment, he was released from prison pending an appeal. On the
orders of the CPY, Broz did not report to the court for the hearing of the appeal, instead
going into hiding in Zagreb. Wearing dark spectacles and carrying forged papers, Broz
posed as a middle-class technician in the engineering industry, working undercover to
contact other CPY members and co-ordinate their infiltration of trade unions. [74]

Tito's mug shot after arrest for communist activities in 1928

In February 1928, Broz was one of 32 delegates to the conference of the Croatian
branch of the CPY. During the conference, Broz condemned factions within the party.
These included those that advocated a Greater Serbia agenda within Yugoslavia, like
the long-term CPY leader, the Serb Sima Marković. Broz proposed that the executive
committee of the Communist International purge the branch of factionalism, and was
supported by a delegate sent from Moscow. After it was proposed that the entire central
committee of the Croatian branch be dismissed, a new central committee was elected
with Broz as its secretary.[75] Marković was subsequently expelled from the CPY at the
Fourth Congress of the Comintern, and the CPY adopted a policy of working for the
break-up of Yugoslavia.[76] Broz arranged to disrupt a meeting of the Social-Democratic
Party on May Day that year, and in a melee outside the venue, Broz was arrested by
the police. They failed to identify him, charging him under his false name for a breach of
the peace. He was imprisoned for 14 days and then released, returning to his previous
activities.[77] The police eventually tracked him down with the help of a police informer.
He was ill-treated and held for three months before being tried in court in November
1928 for his illegal communist activities,[78] which included allegations that the bombs that
had been found at his address had been planted by the police. [79] He was convicted and
sentenced to five years' imprisonment.[80]
Prison[edit]
Tito (left) and his ideological mentor Moša Pijade while in the Lepoglava jail

After his sentencing, his wife and son returned to Kumrovec, where they were looked
after by sympathetic locals, but then one day they suddenly left without explanation and
returned to the Soviet Union.[81] She fell in love with another man and Žarko grew up in
institutions.[82] After arriving at Lepoglava prison, Broz was employed in maintaining the
electrical system, and chose as his assistant a middle-class Belgrade Jew, Moša
Pijade, who had been given a 20-year sentence for his communist activities. Their work
allowed Broz and Pijade to move around the prison, contacting and organising other
communist prisoners.[83] During their time together in Lepoglava, Pijade became Broz's
ideological mentor.[84] After two and a half years at Lepoglava, Broz was accused of
attempting to escape and was transferred to Maribor prison where he was held in
solitary confinement for several months. [85] After completing the full term of his sentence,
he was released, only to be arrested outside the prison gates and taken to Ogulin to
serve the four-month sentence he had avoided in 1927. He was finally released from
prison on 16 March 1934, but even then he was subject to orders that required him to
live in Kumrovec and report to the police daily. [86] During his imprisonment, the political
situation in Europe had changed significantly, with the rise of Adolf Hitler in Germany
and the emergence of right-wing parties in France and neighbouring Austria. He
returned to a warm welcome in Kumrovec, but did not stay for long. In early May, he
received word from the CPY to return to his revolutionary activities, and left his home
town for Zagreb, where he rejoined the Central Committee of the Communist Party of
Croatia.[87]
The Croatian branch of the CPY was in disarray, a situation exacerbated by the escape
of the executive committee of the CPY to Vienna in Austria, from which they were
directing activities. Over the next six months, Broz travelled several times between
Zagreb, Ljubljana and Vienna, using false passports. In July 1934, he was blackmailed
by a smuggler, but pressed on across the border, and was detained by the
local Heimwehr, a paramilitary Home Guard. He used the Austrian accent he had
developed during his war service to convince them that he was a wayward Austrian
mountaineer, and they allowed him to proceed to Vienna. [88][89] Once there, he contacted
the General Secretary of the CPY, Milan Gorkić, who sent him to Ljubljana to arrange a
secret conference of the CPY in Slovenia. The conference was held at the summer
palace of the Roman Catholic bishop of Ljubljana, whose brother was a communist
sympathiser. It was at this conference that Broz first met Edvard Kardelj, a young
Slovene communist who had recently been released from prison. Broz and Kardelj
subsequently became good friends, with Tito later regarding him as his most reliable
deputy. As he was wanted by the police for failing to report to them in Kumrovec, Broz
adopted various pseudonyms, including "Rudi" and "Tito". He used the latter as a pen
name when he wrote articles for party journals in 1934, and it stuck. He gave no reason
for choosing the name "Tito" except that it was a common nickname for men from the
district where he grew up. Within the Comintern network, his nickname was "Walter". [90][91]
[92]

Flight from Yugoslavia[edit]

Edvard Kardelj met Tito in 1934 and they became close friends

During this time Tito wrote articles on the duties of imprisoned communists and on trade
unions. He was in Ljubljana when King Alexander was assassinated by the Croatian
nationalist Ustaše organisation in Marseilles on 9 October 1934. In the crackdown on
dissidents that followed his death, it was decided that Tito should leave Yugoslavia. He
travelled to Vienna on a forged Czech passport where he joined Gorkić and the rest of
the Politburo of the CPY. It was decided that the Austrian government was too hostile to
communism, so the Politburo travelled to Brno in Czechoslovakia, and Tito
accompanied them.[93] On Christmas Day 1934, a secret meeting of the Central
Committee of the CPY was held in Ljubljana, and Tito was elected as a member of the
Politburo for the first time. The Politburo decided to send him to Moscow to report on the
situation in Yugoslavia, and in early February 1935 he arrived there as full-time official
of the Comintern.[94] He lodged at the main Comintern residence, the Hotel
Lux on Tverskaya Street, and was quickly in contact with Vladimir Ćopić, one of the
leading Yugoslavs with the Comintern. He was soon introduced to the main
personalities in the organisation. Tito was appointed to the secretariat of the Balkan
section, responsible for Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania and Greece. [95] Kardelj was also
in Moscow, as was the Bulgarian communist leader Georgi Dimitrov.[91] Tito lectured on
trade unions to foreign communists, and attended a course on military tactics run by the
Red Army, and occasionally attended the Bolshoi Theatre. He attended as one of 510
delegates to the Seventh World Congress of the Comintern in July and August 1935,
where he briefly saw Joseph Stalin for the first time. After the congress, he toured the
Soviet Union, then returned to Moscow to continue his work. He contacted Polka and
Žarko, but soon fell in love with an Austrian woman who worked at the Hotel Lux,
Johanna Koenig, known within communist ranks as Lucia Bauer. When she became
aware of this liaison, Polka divorced Tito in April 1936. Tito married Bauer on 13
October of that year.[96]
After the World Congress, Tito worked to promote the new Comintern line on
Yugoslavia, which was that it would no longer work to break up the country, and would
instead defend the integrity of Yugoslavia against Nazism and Fascism. From a
distance, Tito also worked to organise strikes at the shipyards at Kraljevica and the coal
mines at Trbovlje near Ljubljana. He tried to convince the Comintern that it would be
better if the party leadership was located inside Yugoslavia. A compromise was arrived
at, where Tito and others would work inside the country and Gorkić and the Politburo
would continue to work from abroad. Gorkić and the Politburo relocated to Paris, while
Tito began to travel between Moscow, Paris and Zagreb in 1936 and 1937, using false
passports.[97] In 1936, his father died.[17]

Yugoslav volunteers fighting in the Spanish Civil War

Tito returned to Moscow in August 1936, soon after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil
War.[98] At the time, the Great Purge was underway, and foreign communists like Tito
and his Yugoslav compatriots were particularly vulnerable. Despite a laudatory report
written by Tito about the veteran Yugoslav communist Filip Filipović, Filipović was
arrested and shot by the Soviet secret police, the NKVD.[99] However, before the Purge
really began to erode the ranks of the Yugoslav communists in Moscow, Tito was sent
back to Yugoslavia with a new mission, to recruit volunteers for the International
Brigades being raised to fight on the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War.
Travelling via Vienna, he reached the coastal port city of Split in December 1936.
[100]
 According to the Croatian historian Ivo Banac, the reason Tito was sent back to
Yugoslavia by the Comintern was in order to purge the CPY. [101] An initial attempt to send
500 volunteers to Spain by ship failed utterly, with nearly all the communist volunteers
being arrested and imprisoned.[100] Tito then travelled to Paris, where he arranged the
travel of volunteers to France under the cover of attending the Paris Exhibition. Once in
France, the volunteers simply crossed the Pyrenees to Spain. In all, he sent 1,192 men
to fight in the war, but only 330 came from Yugoslavia, the rest being expatriates in
France, Belgium, the U.S. and Canada. Less than half were communists, and the rest
were social-democrats and anti-fascists of various hues. Of the total, 671 were killed in
the fighting and another 300 were wounded. Tito himself never went to Spain, despite
later claims that he had. Between May and August 1937, Tito travelled several times
between Paris and Zagreb organising the movement of volunteers and creating a
separate Communist Party of Croatia. The new party was inaugurated at a conference
at Samobor on the outskirts of Zagreb on 1–2 August 1937. [102]
General Secretary of the CPY[edit]
In June 1937, Gorkić was summoned to Moscow, where he was arrested, and after
months of NKVD interrogation, he was shot. [103] According to Banac, Gorkić was killed on
Stalin's orders.[101] West concludes that despite being in competition with men like Gorkić
for the leadership of the CPY, it was not in Tito's character to have innocent people sent
to their deaths.[104] Tito then received a message from the Politburo of the CPY to join
them in Paris. In August 1937 he became acting General Secretary of the CPY. He later
explained that he survived the Purge by staying out of Spain where the NKVD was
active, and also by avoiding visiting the Soviet Union as much as possible. When first
appointed as general secretary, he avoided travelling to Moscow by insisting that he
needed to deal with some indiscipline in the CPY in Paris. He also promoted the idea
that the upper echelons of the CPY should be sharing the dangers of underground
resistance within the country.[105] He developed a new, younger leadership team that was
loyal to him, including the Slovene Kardelj, the Serb, Aleksandar Ranković, and
the Montenegrin, Milovan Đilas.[106] In December 1937, Tito arranged for a demonstration
to greet the French foreign minister when he visited Belgrade, expressing solidarity with
the French against Nazi Germany. The protest march numbered 30,000 and turned into
a protest against the neutrality policy of the Stojadinović government. It was eventually
broken up by the police. In March 1938 Tito returned to Yugoslavia from Paris. Hearing
a rumour that his opponents within the CPY had tipped off the police, he travelled to
Belgrade rather than Zagreb and used a different passport. While in Belgrade he stayed
with a young intellectual, Vladimir Dedijer, who was a friend of Đilas. Arriving in
Yugoslavia a few days ahead of the Anschluss between Nazi Germany and Austria, he
made an appeal condemning it, in which the CPY was joined by the Social Democrats
and trade unions. In June, Tito wrote to the Comintern suggesting that he should visit
Moscow. He waited in Paris for two months for his Soviet visa before travelling to
Moscow via Copenhagen. He arrived in Moscow on 24 August. [107]

Fake Canadian ID, "Spiridon Mekas", used for returning to Yugoslavia from Moscow, 1939

On arrival in Moscow, he found that all Yugoslav communists were under suspicion.
Nearly all the most prominent leaders of the CPY were arrested by the NKVD and
executed, including over twenty members of the Central Committee. Both his ex-wife
Polka and his wife Koenig/Bauer were arrested as "imperialist spies", although they
were both eventually released, Polka after 27 months in prison. Tito therefore needed to
make arrangements for the care of Žarko, who was fourteen. He placed him a boarding
school outside Kharkov, then at a school at Penza, but he ran away twice and was
eventually taken in by a friend's mother. In 1941, Žarko joined the Red Army to fight the
invading Germans.[108] Some of Tito's critics argue that his survival indicates he must
have denounced his comrades as Trotskyists. He was asked for information on a
number of his fellow Yugoslav communists, but according to his own statements and
published documents, he never denounced anyone, usually saying he did not know
them. In one case he was asked about the Croatian communist leader Horvatin, but
wrote ambiguously, saying that he did not know whether he was a Trotskyist.
Nevertheless, Horvatin was not heard of again. While in Moscow, he was given the task
of assisting Ćopić to translate the History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
(Bolsheviks) into Serbo-Croatian, but they had only got to the second chapter when
Ćopić too was arrested and executed. He worked on with a fellow surviving Yugoslav
communist, but a Yugoslav communist of German ethnicity reported an inaccurate
translation of a passage and claimed it showed Tito was a Trotskyist. Other influential
communists vouched for him, and he was exonerated. He was denounced by a second
Yugoslav communist, but the action backfired and his accuser was arrested. Several
factors were at play in his survival; working class origins, lack of interest in intellectual
arguments about socialism, attractive personality and capacity for making influential
friends.[109]
While Tito was avoiding arrest in Moscow, Germany was placing pressure on
Czechoslovakia to cede the Sudetenland. In response to this threat, Tito organised for a
call for Yugoslav volunteers to fight for Czechoslovakia, and thousands of volunteers
came to the Czechoslovak embassy in Belgrade to offer their services. Despite the
eventual Munich Agreement and Czechoslovak acceptance of the annexation and the
fact that the volunteers were turned away, Tito claimed credit for the Yugoslav
response, which worked in his favour. By this stage, Tito was well aware of the realities
in the Soviet Union, later stating that he "witnessed a great many injustices", but was
too heavily invested in communism and too loyal to the Soviet Union to step back at this
point.[110] Tito's appointment as General Secretary of the CPY was formally ratified by the
Comintern on 5 January 1939.[111]
He was appointed to the Committee and started to appoint allies to him, among
them Edvard Kardelj, Milovan Đilas, Aleksandar Ranković and Boris Kidrič.

World War II[edit]

See also: World War II in Yugoslavia
Resistance in Yugoslavia[edit]
Josip Broz Tito inspects 1st Proletarian Brigade. Next to him are: Ivan Ribar, Koča Popović, Filip Kljajić, Ivo
Lola Ribar, Danilo Lekić and Mijalko Todorović.

On 6 April 1941, German forces, with Hungarian and Italian assistance, launched

an invasion of Yugoslavia. On 10 April 1941, Slavko Kvaternik proclaimed
the Independent State of Croatia, and Tito responded by forming a Military Committee
within the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party. [112] Attacked from all
sides, the armed forces of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia quickly crumbled. On 17 April
1941, after King Peter II and other members of the government fled the country, the
remaining representatives of the government and military met with German officials
in Belgrade. They quickly agreed to end military resistance. On 1 May 1941, Tito issued
a pamphlet calling on the people to unite in a battle against the occupation. [113] On 27
June 1941, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (CPY)
appointed Tito Commander in Chief of all project national liberation military forces. On 1
July 1941, the Comintern sent precise instructions calling for immediate action. [114]

Tito and Ivan Ribar at Sutjeska in 1943

Tito stayed in Belgrade until 16 September 1941 when he, together with all members of
the CPY, left Belgrade to travel to rebel controlled territory. To leave Belgrade Tito used
documents given to him by Dragoljub Milutinović, who was a voivode with
the collaborationist Pećanac Chetniks.[115] Since Pećanac was already fully co-operating
with Germans by that time, this fact caused some to speculate [who?] that Tito left Belgrade
with the blessing of the Germans because his task was to divide rebel forces, similar to
Lenin's arrival in Russia.[116] Broz travelled by train through Stalać and Čačak and arrived
to the village of Robije on 18 September 1941. [117]
Despite conflicts with the rival monarchic Chetnik movement, Tito's Partisans
succeeded in liberating territory, notably the "Republic of Užice". During this period, Tito
held talks with Chetnik leader Draža Mihailović on 19 September and 27 October 1941.
[118]
 It is said that Tito ordered his forces to assist escaping Jews, and that more than
2,000 Jews fought directly for Tito.[119]
On 21 December 1941, the Partisans created the First Proletarian Brigade (commanded
by Koča Popović) and on 1 March 1942, Tito created the Second Proletarian Brigade.
[120]
 In liberated territories, the Partisans organised People's Committees to act as civilian
government. The Anti-Fascist Council of National Liberation of Yugoslavia (AVNOJ)
convened in Bihać on 26–27 November 1942 and in Jajce on 29 November 1943.[121] In
the two sessions, the resistance representatives established the basis for post-war
organisation of the country, deciding on a federation of the Yugoslav nations. In Jajce, a
67-member "presidency" was elected and established a nine-member National
Committee of Liberation (five communist members) as a de facto provisional
government.[122] Tito was named President of the National Committee of Liberation. [123]
With the growing possibility of an Allied invasion in the Balkans, the Axis began to divert
more resources to the destruction of the Partisans main force and its high command.
[124]
 This meant, among other things, a concerted German effort to capture Josip Broz
Tito personally. On 25 May 1944, he managed to evade the Germans after the Raid on
Drvar (Operation Rösselsprung), an airborne assault outside his Drvar headquarters
in Bosnia.[124]

Tito and the Partisan Supreme Command, May 1944

After the Partisans managed to endure and avoid these intense Axis attacks between
January and June 1943, and the extent of Chetnik collaboration became evident, Allied
leaders switched their support from Draža Mihailović to Tito. King Peter II, American
President Franklin Roosevelt and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill joined Soviet
Premier Joseph Stalin in officially recognising Tito and the Partisans at the Tehran
Conference.[125] This resulted in Allied aid being parachuted behind Axis lines to assist
the Partisans. On 17 June 1944 on the Dalmatian island of Vis, the Treaty of Vis (Viški
sporazum) was signed in an attempt to merge Tito's government (the AVNOJ) with the
government in exile of King Peter II. [126] The Balkan Air Force was formed in June 1944 to
control operations that were mainly aimed at aiding his forces. [127]
On 12 September 1944, King Peter II called on all Yugoslavs to come together under
Tito's leadership and stated that those who did not were "traitors", [128] by which time Tito
was recognised by all Allied authorities (including the government-in-exile) as the Prime
Minister of Yugoslavia, in addition to commander-in-chief of the Yugoslav forces. On 28
September 1944, the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union (TASS) reported that Tito
signed an agreement with the Soviet Union allowing "temporary entry" of Soviet troops
into Yugoslav territory, which allowed the Red Army to assist in operations in the
northeastern areas of Yugoslavia.[129] With their strategic right flank secured by the Allied
advance, the Partisans prepared and executed a massive general offensive that
succeeded in breaking through German lines and forcing a retreat beyond Yugoslav
borders. After the Partisan victory and the end of hostilities in Europe, all external forces
were ordered off Yugoslav territory.
In the final days of World War II in Yugoslavia, units of the Partisans were responsible
for atrocities after the repatriations of Bleiburg, and accusations of culpability were later
raised at the Yugoslav leadership under Tito. At the time, according to some authors,
Josip Broz Tito repeatedly issued calls for surrender to the retreating column, offering
amnesty and attempting to avoid a disorderly surrender. [130] On 14 May he dispatched a
telegram to the supreme headquarters Slovene Partisan Army prohibiting the execution
of prisoners of war and commanding the transfer of the possible suspects to a military
court.[131]
Aftermath[edit]

Celebrating Tito in Zagreb in 1945, in presence of Orthodox dignitaries, the Catholic cardinal Aloysius Stepinac,
and the Soviet military attaché

On 7 March 1945, the provisional government of the Democratic Federal

Yugoslavia (Demokratska Federativna Jugoslavija, DFY) was assembled in Belgrade by
Josip Broz Tito, while the provisional name allowed for either a republic or monarchy.
This government was headed by Tito as provisional Yugoslav Prime Minister and
included representatives from the royalist government-in-exile, among others Ivan
Šubašić. In accordance with the agreement between resistance leaders and the
government-in-exile, post-war elections were held to determine the form of government.
In November 1945, Tito's pro-republican People's Front, led by the Communist Party of
Yugoslavia, won the elections with an overwhelming majority, the vote having been
boycotted by monarchists.[132] During the period, Tito evidently enjoyed massive popular
support due to being generally viewed by the populace as the liberator of Yugoslavia.
[133]
 The Yugoslav administration in the immediate post-war period managed to unite a
country that had been severely affected by ultra-nationalist upheavals and war
devastation, while successfully suppressing the nationalist sentiments of the various
nations in favour of tolerance, and the common Yugoslav goal. After the overwhelming
electoral victory, Tito was confirmed as the Prime Minister and the Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the DFY. The country was soon renamed the Federal People's Republic of
Yugoslavia (FPRY) (later finally renamed into Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,
SFRY). On 29 November 1945, King Peter II was formally deposed by the Yugoslav
Constituent Assembly. The Assembly drafted a new republican constitution soon
afterwards.

Josip Broz Tito and Winston Churchill in 1944 in Naples, Italy

Yugoslavia organised the Yugoslav People's Army (Jugoslavenska narodna armija, or

JNA) from the Partisan movement and became the fourth strongest army in Europe at
the time.[134] The State Security Administration (Uprava državne
bezbednosti/sigurnosti/varnosti, UDBA) was also formed as the new secret police, along
with a security agency, the Department of People's Security (Organ Zaštite Naroda
(Armije), OZNA). Yugoslav intelligence was charged with imprisoning and bringing to
trial large numbers of Nazi collaborators; controversially, this included Catholic
clergymen due to the widespread involvement of Croatian Catholic clergy with the
Ustaša regime. Draža Mihailović was found guilty of collaboration, high treason and war
crimes and was subsequently executed by firing squad in July 1946.
Prime Minister Josip Broz Tito met with the president of the Bishops' Conference of
Yugoslavia, Aloysius Stepinac on 4 June 1945, two days after his release from
imprisonment. The two could not reach an agreement on the state of the Catholic
Church. Under Stepinac's leadership, the bishops' conference released a letter
condemning alleged Partisan war crimes in September 1945. The following year
Stepinac was arrested and put on trial, which was perceived by some as a show trial.
[135]
 In October 1946, in its first special session for 75 years, the Vatican excommunicated
Tito and the Yugoslav government for sentencing Stepinac to 16 years in prison on
charges of assisting Ustaše terror and of supporting forced conversions of Serbs to
Catholicism.[136] Stepinac received preferential treatment in recognition of his
status[137] and the sentence was soon shortened and reduced to house-arrest, with the
option of emigration open to the archbishop. At the conclusion of the "Informbiro
period", reforms rendered Yugoslavia considerably more religiously liberal than
the Eastern Bloc states.
In the first post war years Tito was widely considered a communist leader very loyal to
Moscow, indeed, he was often viewed as second only to Stalin in the Eastern Bloc. In
fact, Stalin and Tito had an uneasy alliance from the start, with Stalin considering Tito
too independent.
During the immediate post-war period Tito's Yugoslavia had a strong commitment to
orthodox Marxist ideas. Harsh repressive measures against dissidents were common,
including "arrests, show trials, forced collectivisation, suppression of churches and
religion".[138] As the leader of Yugoslavia, Tito displayed a fondness for luxury, taking over
the royal palaces that had belonged to the House of Karađorđević together with the
former palaces used by the House of Habsburg that were located in Yugoslavia. [139] Tito's
governing style was very monarchical, as his tours across Yugoslavia in the former
royal train closely resembled the royal tours of the Karađorđević kings and Habsburg
emperors, and in Serbia he adopted the traditional royal custom of being a godfather to
every 9th son.[140] Tito modified the custom by becoming a godfather to every 9th
daughter as well after criticism was made that the practice was sexist. [140] Just like a
Serbian king, Tito would appear wherever a 9th child was born to the family to
congratulate the parents and give them a gift of cash. [140] Tito always spoke very harshly
of the Karađorđević kings in both public and private (through in private, he sometimes
had a kind word for the Habsburgs), but in many ways he appeared to his people as a
sort of king.[140]

Presidency[edit]
Tito–Stalin split[edit]
Main article: Tito–Stalin split

Josip Broz Tito greeting former U.S. first lady Eleanor Roosevelt during her July 1953 visit to Yugoslavia
Kardelj, Ranković and Tito in 1958

Josip Broz Tito visiting his birthplace Kumrovec in 1961

Unlike other states in east-central Europe liberated by allied forces, Yugoslavia liberated
itself from Axis domination with limited direct support from the Red Army. Tito's leading
role in liberating Yugoslavia not only greatly strengthened his position in his party and
among the Yugoslav people, but also caused him to be more insistent that Yugoslavia
had more room to follow its own interests than other Bloc leaders who had more
reasons to recognise Soviet efforts in helping them liberate their own countries from
Axis control. Although Tito was formally an ally of Stalin after World War II, the Soviets
had set up a spy ring in the Yugoslav party as early as 1945, giving way to an uneasy
alliance.[141]
In the immediate aftermath of World War II, several armed incidents occurred between
Yugoslavia and the Western Allies. Following the war, Yugoslavia acquired the Italian
territory of Istria as well as the cities of Zadar and Rijeka. Yugoslav leadership was
looking to incorporate Trieste into the country as well, which was opposed by the
Western Allies. This led to several armed incidents, notably attacks by Yugoslav fighter
planes on U.S. transport aircraft, causing bitter criticism from the West. In 1946 alone,
Yugoslav air-force shot down two U.S. transport aircraft. The passengers and crew of
the first plane were secretly interned by the Yugoslav government. The second plane
and its crew were a total loss. The U.S. was outraged and sent an ultimatum to the
Yugoslav government, demanding the release of the Americans in custody, U.S. access
to the downed planes, and full investigation of the incidents. [142] Stalin was opposed to
these provocations, as he felt the USSR unready to face the West in open war so soon
after the losses of World War II and at the time when U.S. had operational nuclear
weapons whereas the USSR had yet to conduct its first test. In addition, Tito was openly
supportive of the Communist side in the Greek Civil War, while Stalin kept his distance,
having agreed with Churchill not to pursue Soviet interests there, although he did
support the Greek communist struggle politically, as demonstrated in several
assemblies of the UN Security Council. In 1948, motivated by the desire to create a
strong independent economy, Tito modelled his economic development plan
independently from Moscow, which resulted in a diplomatic escalation followed by a
bitter exchange of letters in which Tito wrote that "We study and take as an example the
Soviet system, but develop it a different form".[143]
The Soviet answer on 4 May admonished Tito and the Communist Party of
Yugoslavia (CPY) for failing to admit and correct its mistakes, and went on to accuse
them of being too proud of their successes against the Germans, maintaining that the
Red Army had saved them from destruction. Tito's response on 17 May suggested that
the matter be settled at the meeting of the Cominform to be held that June. However,
Tito did not attend the second meeting of the Cominform, fearing that Yugoslavia was to
be openly attacked. In 1949 the crisis nearly escalated into an armed conflict, as
Hungarian and Soviet forces were massing on the northern Yugoslav frontier. [144] An
invasion of Yugoslavia was planned to be carried out in 1949 via the combined forces of
neighbouring Soviet satellite states of Hungary, Romania, Bulgaria and Albania,
followed by the subsequent removal of Tito's government. On 28 June, the other
member countries of the Cominform expelled Yugoslavia, citing "nationalist elements"
that had "managed in the course of the past five or six months to reach a dominant
position in the leadership" of the CPY. The Hungarian and Romanian armies were
expanded in size and, together with Soviet ones, massed on the Yugoslav border. The
assumption in Moscow was that once it was known that he had lost Soviet approval,
Tito would collapse; "I will shake my little finger and there will be no more Tito," Stalin
remarked.[145] The expulsion effectively banished Yugoslavia from the international
association of socialist states, while other socialist states of Eastern Europe
subsequently underwent purges of alleged "Titoists". Stalin took the matter personally
and arranged several assassination attempts on Tito, none of which succeeded. In a
correspondence between the two leaders, Tito openly wrote:
Stop sending people to kill me. We've already captured five of them, one of them with a
bomb and another with a rifle. [...] If you don't stop sending killers, I'll send one to
Moscow, and I won't have to send a second.

— Josip Broz Tito[146]

One significant consequence of the tension arising between Yugoslavia and the Soviet
Union was Tito's decision to begin a large scale repression against any real or alleged
opponent of his own view of Yugoslavia. This repression was not limited to known and
alleged Stalinists, but also included members of the Communist Party or anyone
exhibiting sympathy towards the Soviet Union. Prominent partisans, such as Vlado
Dapčević and Dragoljub Mićunović, were victims of this period of strong repression,
which lasted until 1956 and was marked by significant violations of human rights. [147]
[148]
 Tens of thousands of political opponents served in forced labour camps, such as Goli
Otok (meaning Barren Island),[149] and hundreds died. An often disputed, but relatively
feasible number that was put forth by the Yugoslav government itself in 1964 places the
number of Goli Otok inmates incarcerated between 1948 and 1956 to be 16,554, with
less than 600 having died during detention. The facilities at Goli Otok were abandoned
in 1956, and jurisdiction of the now-defunct political prison was handed over to the
government of the Socialist Republic of Croatia.
Tito with North Vietnamese leader Ho Chi Minh in Belgrade, 1957

Tito's estrangement from the USSR enabled Yugoslavia to obtain U.S. aid via
the Economic Cooperation Administration (ECA), the same U.S. aid institution that
administered the Marshall Plan. Still, he did not agree to align with the West, which was
a common consequence of accepting American aid at the time. After Stalin's death in
1953, relations with the USSR were relaxed, and Tito began to receive aid as well from
the COMECON. In this way, Tito played East–West antagonism to his advantage.
Instead of choosing sides, he was instrumental in kick-starting the Non-Aligned
Movement, which would function as a "third way" for countries interested in staying
outside of the East–West divide.[11]
The event was significant not only for Yugoslavia and Tito, but also for the global
development of socialism, since it was the first major split between Communist states,
casting doubt on Comintern's claims for socialism to be a unified force that would
eventually control the whole world, as Tito became the first (and the only successful)
socialist leader to defy Stalin's leadership in the COMINFORM. This rift with the Soviet
Union brought Tito much international recognition, but also triggered a period of
instability often referred to as the Informbiro period. Tito's form of communism was
labelled "Titoism" by Moscow, which encouraged purges against suspected "Titoites'"
throughout the Eastern bloc.[citation needed]

Tito and Nikita Khrushchev in Skopje after the 1963 earthquake

On 26 June 1950, the National Assembly supported a crucial bill written by Milovan
Đilas and Tito regarding "self-management" (samoupravljanje), a type of cooperative
independent socialist experiment that introduced profit sharing and workplace
democracy in previously state-run enterprises, which then became the direct social
ownership of the employees. On 13 January 1953, they established that the law on self-
management was the basis of the entire social order in Yugoslavia. Tito also
succeeded Ivan Ribar as the President of Yugoslavia on 14 January 1953. After Stalin's
death, Tito rejected the USSR's invitation for a visit to discuss normalisation of relations
between the two nations. Nikita Khrushchev and Nikolai Bulganin visited Tito in
Belgrade in 1955 and apologised for wrongdoings by Stalin's administration. Tito visited
the USSR in 1956, which signalled to the world that animosity between Yugoslavia and
USSR was easing.[150] However, the relationship would reach another low in the late
1960s.[151]
The Tito-Stalin split had large ramifications for countries outside the USSR and
Yugoslavia. It has, for example, been given as one of the reasons for the Slánský trial in
Czechoslovakia, in which 14 high-level Communist officials were purged, with 11 of
them being executed. Stalin put pressure on Czechoslovakia to conduct purges in order
to discourage the spread of the idea of a "national path to socialism," which Tito
espoused.[152]
Non-Alignment[edit]
See also: Non-Aligned Movement
See also: Yugoslavia and the Non-Aligned Movement

Tito's diplomatic passport, 1973

U.S.-Yugoslav summit, 1978

Under Tito's leadership, Yugoslavia became a founding member of the Non-Aligned

Movement. In 1961, Tito co-founded the movement with Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser,
India's Jawaharlal Nehru, Indonesia's Sukarno and Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, in an
action called The Initiative of Five (Tito, Nehru, Nasser, Sukarno, Nkrumah), thus
establishing strong ties with third world countries. This move did much to improve
Yugoslavia's diplomatic position. Tito saw the Non-Aligned Movement as a way of
presenting himself as a world leader of an important bloc of nations that would improve
his bargaining power with both the eastern and western blocs. [153] On 1 September 1961,
Josip Broz Tito became the first Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned Movement.
Tito's foreign policy led to relationships with a variety of governments, such as
exchanging visits (1954 and 1956) with Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, where a
street was named in his honour. In 1953, Tito visited Ethiopia and in 1954, the Emperor
visited Yugoslavia.[154] Tito's motives in befriending Ethiopia were somewhat self-
interested as he wanted to send recent graduates of Yugoslav universities (whose
standards were not up to those of Western universities, thus making them
unemployable in the West) to work in Ethiopia, which was one of the few countries that
was willing to accept them.[153] As Ethiopia did not have much of a health care system or
a university system, Haile Selassie from 1953 onward encouraged the graduates of
Yugoslav universities, especially with medical degrees, to come work in his empire.
[154]
 Reflecting his tendency to pursue closer ties with Third World nations, from 1950
onward, Tito permitted Mexican films to be shown in Yugoslavia, where they become
very popular, especially the 1950 film Un día de vida, which become a huge hit when it
premiered in Yugoslavia in 1952.[155] The success of Mexican films led to the "Yu-Mex"
craze of the 1950s-1960s as Mexican music become popular and it was fashionable for
many Yugoslav musicians to don sombreros and sing Mexican songs in Serbo-
Croatian.[156]
Tito was notable for pursuing a foreign policy of neutrality during the Cold War and for
establishing close ties with developing countries. Tito's strong belief in self-
determination caused the 1948 rift with Stalin and consequently, the Eastern Bloc. His
public speeches often reiterated that policy of neutrality and co-operation with all
countries would be natural as long as these countries did not use their influence to
pressure Yugoslavia to take sides. Relations with the United States and Western
European nations were generally cordial.
In the early 1950s, Yugoslav-Hungarian relations were strained as Tito made little
secret of his distaste for the Stalinist Mátyás Rákosi and his preference for the "national
communist" Imre Nagy instead.[157] Tito's decision to create a "Balkan bloc" by signing a
treaty of alliance with NATO members Turkey and Greece in 1954 was regarded as
tantamount to joining NATO in Soviet eyes, and his vague talk of a neutralist
Communist federation of Eastern European states was seen as a major threat in
Moscow.[158] The Yugoslav embassy in Budapest was seen by the Soviets as a center of
subversion in Hungary as they accused Yugoslav diplomats and journalists, sometimes
with justification, of supporting Nagy.[159] However, when the revolt broke out in Hungary
in October 1956, Tito accused Nagy of losing control of the situation, as he wanted a
Communist Hungary independent of the Soviet Union, not the overthrow of Hungarian
Communism.[160] On 31 October 1956, Tito ordered the Yugoslav media to stop praising
Nagy and he quietly supported the Soviet intervention on 4 November to end the revolt
in Hungary, as he believed that a Hungary ruled by anti-communists would pursue
irredentist claims against Yugoslavia, just had been the case during the interwar period.
[160]
 To escape from the Soviets, Nagy fled to the Yugoslav embassy, where Tito granted
him asylum.[161] On 5 November 1956, Soviet tanks shelled the Yugoslav embassy in
Budapest, killing the Yugoslav cultural attache and several other diplomats. [162] Tito's
refusal to turn over Nagy, despite increasingly shrill Soviet demands that he do so,
served his purposes well with relations with the Western states, as he was presented in
the Western media as the "good communist" who stood up to Moscow by sheltering
Nagy and the other Hungarian leaders. [163] On 22 November, Nagy and his cabinet left
the embassy on a bus that was take them into exile in Yugoslavia after the new
Hungarian leader, János Kádár had promised Tito in writing that they would not be
harmed.[162] Much to Tito's fury, when the bus left the Yugoslav embassy, it was promptly
boarded by KGB agents who arrested the Hungarian leaders and roughly handled the
Yugoslav diplomats who tried to protect them.[162] The kidnapping of Nagy, followed by
his subsequent execution, almost led to Yugoslavia breaking off diplomatic relations
with the Soviet Union and in 1957 Tito boycotted the ceremonials in Moscow for the
40th anniversary of the October Revolution, being the only communist leader who did
not attend the occasion.[164]
Yugoslavia had a liberal travel policy permitting foreigners to freely travel through the
country and its citizens to travel worldwide,[165] whereas it was limited by most
Communist countries. A number[quantify] of Yugoslav citizens worked throughout Western
Europe. Tito met many world leaders during his rule, such as Soviet rulers Joseph
Stalin, Nikita Khrushchev and Leonid Brezhnev; Egypt's Gamal Abdel Nasser, Indian
politicians Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi; British Prime Ministers Winston
Churchill, James Callaghan and Margaret Thatcher; U.S. Presidents Dwight D.
Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford and Jimmy Carter; other
political leaders, dignitaries and heads of state that Tito met at least once in his lifetime
included Che Guevara, Fidel Castro, Yasser Arafat, Willy Brandt, Helmut
Schmidt, Georges Pompidou, Queen Elizabeth II, Hua Guofeng, Kim Il
Sung, Sukarno, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Suharto, Idi Amin, Haile Selassie, Kenneth
Kaunda, Gaddafi, Erich Honecker, Nicolae Ceaușescu, János Kádár and Urho
Kekkonen. He also met numerous celebrities.
Yugoslavia provided major assistance to anti-colonialist movements in the Third World.
The Yugoslav delegation was the first to bring the demands of the Algerian National
Liberation Front to the United Nations. In January 1958, the French navy boarded the
Slovenija cargo ship off Oran, whose holds were filled with weapons for the insurgents.
Diplomat Danilo Milic explained that "Tito and the leading nucleus of the League of
Communists of Yugoslavia really saw in the Third World's liberation struggles a replica
of their own struggle against the fascist occupants. They vibrated to the rhythm of the
advances or setbacks of the FLN or Vietcong.[166] »
Thousands of Yugoslav cooperants travelled Guinea after its decolonisation and as the
French government tried to destabilise the country. Tito also supported the liberation
movements of the Portuguese colonies in Africa. He saw the murder of Patrice
Lumumba in 1961 as the "greatest crime in contemporary history". The country's military
schools hosted activists from Swapo (Namibia) and the Pan Africanist Congress of
Azania (South Africa). In 1980, the secret services of South Africa and Argentina
planned to bring 1,500 anti-communist guerrillas to Yugoslavia. The operation was
aimed at overthrowing Tito and was planned during the Olympic Games period so that
the Soviets would be too busy to react. The operation was finally abandoned due to
Tito's death and while the Yugoslav armed forces raised their alert level. [166]
In 1953, Tito traveled to Britain for a state visit and met with Winston Churchill. He also
toured Cambridge and visited the University Library.[167]
Tito visited India from 22 December 1954 through 8 January 1955. [168] After his return, he
removed many restrictions on churches and spiritual institutions in Yugoslavia.
Tito also developed warm relations with Burma under U Nu, travelling to the country in
1955 and again in 1959, though he didn't receive the same treatment in 1959 from the
new leader, Ne Win. Tito had an especially close friendship with Prince Norodom
Sihanouk of Cambodia who preached an eccentric mixture of monarchism, Buddhism,
and socialism and like Tito wanted his country to be neutral in the Cold War. [169] Tito saw
Sihanouk as something of a kindred soul who like him had to struggle to maintain his
backward country's neutrality in face of rival power blocs. [169] By contrast, Tito had a
strong dislike of President Idi Amin of Uganda whom he saw as a thuggish and possibly
insane leader.[170]
Because of its neutrality, Yugoslavia would often be rare among Communist countries
to have diplomatic relations with right-wing, anti-Communist governments. For example,
Yugoslavia was the only communist country allowed to have an embassy in Alfredo
Stroessner's Paraguay.[171] One notable exception to Yugoslavia's neutral stance toward
anti-communist countries was Chile under Pinochet; Yugoslavia was one of many
countries that severed diplomatic relations with Chile after Salvador Allende was
overthrown.[172] Yugoslavia also provided military aid and arms supplies to staunchly anti-
Communist regimes such as that of Guatemala under Kjell Eugenio Laugerud García.[173]

Tito meeting the 7th Nizam of Hyderabad-Mir Osman Ali Khan, c. 1956

 

Tito and Nasser in Aleppo in 1959

 
 Tito and Nasser in Ljubljana in 1960

 
 

Tito and Willy Brandt in Bonn in 1970

 

Richard Nixon with Tito at the White House, 1971

 
 Tito with Jimmy Carter in Washington in 1978

Reforms[edit]

Tito's calling card from 1967

Starting in the 1950s, Tito permitted Yugoslav workers to go to western Europe,

especially West Germany as gastarbeiter ("guest workers").[174] The exposure of many
Yugoslavs to the West and its culture led many people in Yugoslavia to view
themselves as culturally closer to Western Europe than Eastern Europe. [175] On 7 April
1963, the country changed its official name to the Socialist Federal Republic of
Yugoslavia. Reforms encouraged private enterprise and greatly relaxed restrictions on
religious expression.[165] Tito subsequently went on a tour of the Americas. In Chile, two
government ministers resigned over his visit to that country. [176][177] In the autumn of 1960
Tito met President Dwight D. Eisenhower at the United Nations General
Assembly meeting. Tito and Eisenhower discussed a range of issues from arms control
to economic development. When Eisenhower remarked that Yugoslavia's neutralism
was "neutral on his side", Tito replied that neutralism did not imply passivity but meant
"not taking sides".[178]
In 1966 an agreement with the Vatican, fostered in part by the death in 1960 of anti-
communist archbishop of Zagreb Aloysius Stepinac and shifts in the church's approach
to resisting communism originating in the Second Vatican Council, accorded new
freedom to the Yugoslav Roman Catholic Church, particularly to catechise and open
seminaries. The agreement also eased tensions, which had prevented the naming of
new bishops in Yugoslavia since 1945. Tito's new socialism met opposition from
traditional communists culminating in conspiracy headed by Aleksandar Ranković.
[179]
 There exists a strong argument that Ranković was framed. Allegedly, the charge on
which he was removed from power and expelled from the LCY was that he bugged the
working and sleeping quarters of Josip Broz Tito as well as many other high
government officials. Ranković was, for almost twenty years, at the head of the State
Security Administration, as well as Federal Secretary of Internal Affairs. His position as
a party whip and Tito's way of controlling and monitoring the government and, to a
certain extent the people, bothered many, especially the younger, newer generation of
government officials who were working towards a more liberal Yugoslav society. In the
same year Tito declared that Communists must henceforth chart Yugoslavia's course by
the force of their arguments (implying an abandonment of Leninist orthodoxy and
development of liberal Communism).[180] The State Security Administration (UDBA) saw
its power scaled back and its staff reduced to 5000 after the removal of Ranković. Some
historians argue that this shift from Communist orthodoxy and strong centralised
government control to Communist liberalism and a more open, decentralised society
played a role in the eventual break-up of the country.
On 1 January 1967, Yugoslavia was the first communist country to open its borders to
all foreign visitors and abolish visa requirements. [181] In the same year Tito became active
in promoting a peaceful resolution of the Arab–Israeli conflict. His plan called for Arabs
to recognise the state of Israel in exchange for territories Israel gained. [182]
In 1968, Tito offered to fly to Prague on three hours notice, if Czechoslovak
leader Alexander Dubček needed help in facing down the Soviets. [183] In April 1969, Tito
removed generals Ivan Gošnjak and Rade Hamović in the aftermath of the invasion of
Czechoslovakia due to the unpreparedness of the Yugoslav army to respond to a
similar invasion of Yugoslavia.[184]
In 1971, Tito was re-elected as President of Yugoslavia by the Federal Assembly for the
sixth time. In his speech before the Federal Assembly he introduced 20 sweeping
constitutional amendments that would provide an updated framework on which the
country would be based. The amendments provided for a collective presidency, a 22-
member body consisting of elected representatives from six republics and two
autonomous provinces. The body would have a single chairman of the presidency and
chairmanship would rotate among six republics. When the Federal Assembly fails to
agree on legislation, the collective presidency would have the power to rule by decree.
Amendments also provided for stronger cabinet with considerable power to initiate and
pursue legislation independently from the Communist Party. Džemal Bijedić was chosen
as the Premier. The new amendments aimed to decentralise the country by granting
greater autonomy to republics and provinces. The federal government would retain
authority only over foreign affairs, defence, internal security, monetary affairs, free trade
within Yugoslavia, and development loans to poorer regions. Control of education,
healthcare, and housing would be exercised entirely by the governments of the
republics and the autonomous provinces. [185]
Tito's greatest strength, in the eyes of the western communists, [186] had been in
suppressing nationalist insurrections and maintaining unity throughout the country. It
was Tito's call for unity, and related methods, that held together the people of
Yugoslavia.[187] This ability was put to a test several times during his reign, notably during
the Croatian Spring (also referred as the Masovni pokret, maspok, meaning "Mass
Movement") when the government suppressed both public demonstrations and
dissenting opinions within the Communist Party. Despite this suppression, much of
maspok's demands were later realised with the new constitution, heavily backed by Tito
himself against opposition from the Serbian branch of the party. [citation needed] On 16 May
1974, the new Constitution was passed, and the 82-year old Tito was named president
for life, a status that he would enjoy for the rest of his life.
Tito's visits to the United States avoided most of the Northeast due to large minorities of
Yugoslav emigrants bitter about communism in Yugoslavia. [188] Security for the state
visits was usually high to keep him away from protesters, who would frequently burn the
Yugoslav flag.[189] During a visit to the United Nations in the late 1970s emigrants shouted
"Tito murderer" outside his New York hotel, for which he protested to United States
authorities.[190]

Evaluation[edit]
Dominic McGoldrick writes that as the head of a "highly centralised and oppressive"
regime, Tito wielded tremendous power in Yugoslavia, with his authoritarian rule
administered through an elaborate bureaucracy that routinely suppressed human rights.
[6]
 The main victims of this repression were during the first years known and alleged
Stalinists, such as Dragoslav Mihailović and Dragoljub Mićunović, but during the
following years even some of the most prominent among Tito's collaborators were
arrested. On 19 November 1956 Milovan Đilas, perhaps the closest of Tito's
collaborator and widely regarded as Tito's possible successor, was arrested because of
his criticism against Tito's regime. Victor Sebestyen writes that Tito "was as brutal as"
Stalin.[191] The repression did not exclude intellectuals and writers, such as Venko
Markovski, who was arrested and sent to jail in January 1956 for writing poems
considered anti-Titoist.
Even if after the reforms of 1961 Tito's presidency had become comparatively more
liberal than other communist regimes, the Communist Party continued to alternate
between liberalism and repression.[192] Yugoslavia managed to remain independent from
the Soviet Union and its brand of socialism was in many ways the envy of Eastern
Europe, but Tito's Yugoslavia remained a tightly controlled police state. [193] According to
David Mates, outside the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia had more political prisoners than all
of the rest of Eastern Europe combined. [194]
Tito's secret police was modelled on the Soviet KGB. Its members were ever-present
and often acted extrajudicially,[195] with victims including middle-class intellectuals,
liberals and democrats.[196] Yugoslavia was a signatory to the International Covenant on
Civil and Political Rights, but scant regard was paid to some of its provisions. [197]
Tito's Yugoslavia was based on respect for nationality, although Tito ruthlessly purged
any flowerings of nationalism that threatened the Yugoslav federation. [198] However, the
contrast between the deference given to some ethnic groups and the severe repression
of others was sharp. Yugoslav law guaranteed nationalities to use their language, but
for ethnic Albanians the assertion of ethnic identity was severely limited. Almost half of
the political prisoners in Yugoslavia were ethnic Albanians imprisoned for asserting their
ethnic identity.[199]
Yugoslavia's post-war development was impressive, but the country ran into economic
snags around 1970 and experienced significant unemployment and inflation. [200] Between
1961 and 1980, the external debt of Yugoslavia increased exponentially at the
unsustainable pace of over 17% per year. By 1970 debt was not any more contracted to
finance investment, but to cover current expenses. The structure of the economy had
formed in such a way that the future survival of the economy relied on the exclusive
condition of future enlargement of the debt. [citation needed]
Declassified documents from the CIA state in 1967 it was already clear that although
Tito's economic model had achieved growth of the gross national product around 7%, it
also created frequently unwise industrial investment and a chronic deficit in the
nation's balance of payment. In the 1970s, uncontrolled growth often created chronic
inflation, both of which Tito and the party were unable to fully stabilise or moderate.
Yugoslavia also paid high interest on loans compared to the LIBOR rate, but Tito's
presence eased investor's fears, since he had proven willing and able to implement
unpopular reforms. By 1979 with Tito's passing on the horizon, a global downturn in the
economy, consistently increasing unemployment and growth slowing to 5.9%
throughout the 1970s, it had become likely that "the rapid economic growth to which the
Yugoslavs [had] become accustomed" would aggressively decline. [201][202]
When Tito died, Ruairí Ó Brádaigh, the then President of Sinn Féin, stated in An
Phoblacht that: "The death of President Tito deprives the world of a dedicated socialist
and staunch internationalist. Tito instituted a federal democratic and socialist regime
based on shared sovereignty and pioneered an economic and political system founded
on workers' control and the principles of decentralised self-management...[He had an]
enlightened and progressive internationalist policy of non-alignment and defiance of
both major power blocs".[203]
Orson Welles once called him "the greatest man in the world today." [204]

Final years[edit]
See also: Death and state funeral of Josip Broz Tito, Breakup of Yugoslavia,
and Yugoslav wars
After the constitutional changes of 1974, Tito began reducing his role in the day-to-day
running of the state. He continued to travel abroad and receive foreign visitors, going to
Beijing in 1977 and reconciling with a Chinese leadership that had once branded him a
revisionist. In turn, Chairman Hua Guofeng visited Yugoslavia in 1979. In 1978, Tito
travelled to the U.S. During the visit strict security was imposed in Washington, D.C.
owing to protests by anti-communist Croat, Serb and Albanian groups. [205]
Tomb of Tito

Tito became increasingly ill over the course of 1979. During this time Vila Srna was built
for his use near Morović in the event of his recovery.[206] On 7 January and again on 11
January 1980, Tito was admitted to the Medical Centre in Ljubljana, the capital city of
the SR Slovenia, with circulation problems in his legs. Tito's own stubbornness and
refusal to allow doctors to follow through with the necessary amputation of his left leg
played a part in his eventual death of gangrene-induced infection. His Adjutant later
testified that Tito threatened to take his own life if his leg was ever to be amputated, and
that he had to actually hide Tito's pistol in fear that he would follow through on his
threats. After a private conversation with his two sons Žarko and Mišo Broz, he finally
agreed, and his left leg was amputated due to arterial blockages. The amputation
proved to be too late, and Tito died at the Medical Centre of Ljubljana on 4 May 1980,
three days short of his 88th birthday. His funeral attracted government leaders from 129
states, the only absentee being the American President, Jimmy Carter and his
successor Ronald Reagan.[207]
The funeral for Tito drew many world statesmen.[208] Based on the number of attending
politicians and state delegations, at the time it was the largest state funeral in history;
this concentration of dignitaries would be unmatched until the funeral of Pope John Paul
II in 2005 and the memorial service of Nelson Mandela in 2013.[209] Those who attended
included four kings, 31 presidents, six princes, 22 prime ministers and 47 ministers of
foreign affairs. They came from both sides of the Cold War, from 128 different countries
out of 154 UN members at the time.[210]
Reporting on his death, The New York Times commented:
Tito sought to improve life. Unlike others who rose to power on the communist wave
after WWII, Tito did not long demand that his people suffer for a distant vision of a better
life. After an initial Soviet-influenced bleak period, Tito moved toward radical
improvement of life in the country. Yugoslavia gradually became a bright spot amid the
general grayness of Eastern Europe.

— The New York Times, 5 May 1980.[211]

Tito was interred in a mausoleum in Belgrade, which forms part of a memorial complex
in the grounds of the Museum of Yugoslav History (formerly called "Museum 25 May"
and "Museum of the Revolution"). The actual mausoleum is called House of
Flowers (Kuća Cveća) and numerous people visit the place as a shrine to "better times".
The museum keeps the gifts Tito received during his presidency. The collection includes
original prints of Los Caprichos by Francisco Goya, and many others.
[212]
 The Government of Serbia planned to merge it into the Museum of the History of
Serbia.[213]

Legacy[edit]
See also: List of places named after Josip Broz Tito

Statue of Tito in his village of his birth, Kumrovec

Marshal Tito Street in Skopje (Yugoslav People's Army provide support after 29 July 1963 earthquake)

"Long live Tito", graffiti in Mostar, Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2009

During his life and especially in the first year after his death, several places were named
after Tito. Several of these places have since returned to their original names.
For example, Podgorica, formerly Titograd (though Podgorica's international airport is
still identified by the code TGD), and Užice, formerly known as Titovo Užice, which
reverted to its original name in 1992. Streets in Belgrade, the capital, have all reverted
to their original pre–World War II and pre-communist names as well. In 2004, Antun
Augustinčić's statue of Broz in his birthplace of Kumrovec was decapitated in an
explosion.[214] It was subsequently repaired. Twice in 2008, protests took place in what
was then Zagreb's Marshal Tito Square (today the Republic of Croatia Square),
organised by a group called Circle for the Square (Krug za Trg), with an aim to force the
city government to rename it to its previous name, while a counter-protest by Citizens'
Initiative Against Ustašism (Građanska inicijativa protiv ustaštva) accused the "Circle for
the Square" of historical revisionism and neo-fascism.[215] Croatian president Stjepan
Mesić criticised the demonstration to change the name. [216]
In the Croatian coastal city of Opatija the main street (also its longest street) still bears
the name of Marshal Tito. Rijeka, third largest city in Croatia, also refuses to change the
name of one of the squares in the city centre named after Tito. Streets in numerous
towns in Serbia, mostly in the country's north.[217] One of the main streets in
downtown Sarajevo is called Marshal Tito Street, and Tito's statue in a park in front of
the university campus (ex. JNA barrack "Maršal Tito") in Marijin Dvor is a place where
Bosnians and Sarajevans still today commemorate and pay tribute to Tito. The largest
Tito monument in the world, about 10 m (33 ft) high, is located at Tito Square
(Slovene: Titov trg), the central square in Velenje, Slovenia.[218][219] One of the main
bridges in Slovenia's second largest city of Maribor is Tito Bridge (Titov most).[220] The
central square in Koper, the largest Slovenian port city, is as well named Tito Square.
[221]
 The main-belt asteroid 1550 Tito, discovered by Serbian astronomer Milorad B.
Protić at Belgrade Observatory in 1937, was named in his honour.[222]
The Croat historian Marijana Belaj wrote that for some people in Croatia and other parts
of the former Yugoslavia, Tito is remembered as a sort of secular saint, mentioning how
some Croats keep portraits of Catholic saints together with a portrait of Tito on their
walls as a way to bring hope.[223] The practice of writing letters to Tito has continued after
his death with several websites in former Yugoslavia devoted entirely as forums for
people to send posthumous letters to him, where they often talk about various personal
problems.[223] Every year on 25 May, about 10,000 people from the former Yugoslavia
gathered in Tito's hometown of Kumrovec to pay tribute to his memory in a quasi-
religious ritual.[224] Belaj wrote that much of the posthumous appeal of the Tito cult
centers around Tito's everyman persona and how he was presented as a "friend" to
ordinary people, in contrast to the way in which Stalin was depicted in his cult of
personality as a cold, aloof god-like figure whose extraordinary qualities set him apart
from ordinary people.[225] The majority of those who come to Kumrovec on 25 May to kiss
Tito's statue are women.[226] Belaji wrote that the appeal of the Tito cult today centers
less around communism, observing that most of people who come to Kumrovec do not
believe in communism, but rather due to nostalgia for their youth in Tito's Yugoslavia,
and affection for an "ordinary man" who became great. [227] Tito was not a Croat
nationalist, but the fact that Tito became the world's most famous Croat, serving as the
leader of the non-aligned movement and been seen as an important world leader,
inspires pride in certain quarters of Croatia.[228]
Every year a "Brotherhood and Unity" relay race is organised in Montenegro,
Macedonia, and Serbia that ends at the "House of Flowers" in Belgrade on 25 May –
the final resting place of Tito. At the same time, runners in Slovenia, Croatia, and
Bosnia and Herzegovina set off for Kumrovec, Tito's birthplace in northern Croatia. The
relay is a left-over from the Relay of Youth from Yugoslav times, when young people
made a similar yearly trek on foot through Yugoslavia that ended in Belgrade with a
massive celebration.[229]
In 1992, Tito and Me (Serbian: Тито и ја, Tito i ja), a 1992 Yugoslav comedy film by
Serbian director Goran Marković, was released.
In the years following the dissolution of Yugoslavia, some historians stated that human
rights were suppressed in Yugoslavia under Tito, [6][230] particularly in the first decade up
until the Tito–Stalin Split. On 4 October 2011, the Slovenian Constitutional Court found
a 2009 naming of a street in Ljubljana after Tito to be unconstitutional. [231] While several
public areas in Slovenia (named during the Yugoslav period) do already bear Tito's
name, on the issue of renaming an additional street the court ruled that:
The name "Tito" does not only symbolise the liberation of the territory of present-day
Slovenia from fascist occupation in World War II, as claimed by the other party in the
case, but also grave violations of human rights and basic freedoms, especially in the
decade following World War II.[232]
The court, however, explicitly made it clear that the purpose of the review was "not a
verdict on Tito as a figure or on his concrete actions, as well as not a historical weighing
of facts and circumstances".[231] Slovenia has several streets and squares named after
Tito, notably Tito Square in Velenje, incorporating a 10-meter statue.
Tito has also been named as responsible for systematic eradication of the ethnic
German (Danube Swabian) population in Vojvodina by expulsions and mass executions
following the collapse of the German occupation of Yugoslavia at the end of World War
II, in contrast to his inclusive attitude towards other Yugoslav nationalities. [233] Ten years
after his death, Yugoslavia collapsed into multiple devastating civil wars.

Family and personal life[edit]

Tito carried on numerous affairs and was married several times. In 1918 he was brought
to Omsk, Russia, as a prisoner of war. There he met Pelagija Belousova who was then
fourteen; he married her a year later, and she moved with him to Yugoslavia. They had
five children but only their son Žarko Leon [234] (born 4 February[234] 1924) survived.
[235]
 When Tito was jailed in 1928, she returned to Russia. After the divorce in 1936 she
later remarried.
In 1936, when Tito stayed at the Hotel Lux in Moscow, he met the Austrian Lucia Bauer.
They married in October 1936, but the records of this marriage were later erased. [236]
His next relationship was with Herta Haas, whom he married in 1940.[237] Broz left for
Belgrade after the April War, leaving Haas pregnant. In May 1941, she gave birth to
their son, Aleksandar "Mišo" Broz. All throughout his relationship with Haas, Tito had
maintained a promiscuous life and had a parallel relationship with Davorjanka Paunović,
who, under the codename "Zdenka", served as a courier in the resistance and
subsequently became his personal secretary. Haas and Tito suddenly parted company
in 1943 in Jajce during the second meeting of AVNOJ after she reportedly walked in on
him and Davorjanka.[238] The last time Haas saw Broz was in 1946.[239] Davorjanka died
of tuberculosis in 1946 and Tito insisted that she be buried in the backyard of the Beli
Dvor, his Belgrade residence.[240]

Jovanka Broz and Tito in Postojna, 1960

His best known wife was Jovanka Broz. Tito was just shy of his 60th birthday, while she
was 27, when they finally married in April 1952, with state security chief Aleksandar
Ranković as the best man. Their eventual marriage came about somewhat
unexpectedly since Tito actually rejected her some years earlier when his confidante
Ivan Krajacic brought her in originally. At that time, she was in her early 20s and Tito
objected to her energetic personality. Not one to be discouraged easily, Jovanka
continued working at Beli Dvor, where she managed the staff and eventually got
another chance. Their relationship was not a happy one, however. It had gone through
many, often public, ups and downs with episodes of infidelities and even allegations of
preparation for a coup d'état by the latter pair. Certain unofficial reports suggest Tito
and Jovanka even formally divorced in the late 1970s, shortly before his death.
However, during Tito's funeral she was officially present as his wife, and later claimed
rights for inheritance. The couple did not have any children.
Tito's grandchildren include Saša Broz, a theatre director in Croatia; Svetlana Broz, a
cardiologist and writer in Bosnia-Herzegovina; and Josip Broz – Joška, Edvard
Broz and Natali Klasevski, an artisan of Bosnia-Herzegovina.
As the President, Tito had access to extensive (state-owned) property associated with
the office, and maintained a lavish lifestyle. In Belgrade he resided in the official
residence, the Beli dvor, and maintained a separate private home. The Brijuni
islands were the site of the State Summer Residence from 1949 on. The pavilion was
designed by Jože Plečnik, and included a zoo. Close to 100 foreign heads of state were
to visit Tito at the island residence, along with film stars such as Elizabeth
Taylor, Richard Burton, Sophia Loren, Carlo Ponti, and Gina Lollobrigida.
Another residence was maintained at Lake Bled, while the grounds
at Karađorđevo were the site of "diplomatic hunts". By 1974 the Yugoslav President had
at his disposal 32 official residences, larger and small, [241] the yacht Galeb ("seagull"), a
Boeing 727 as the presidential aeroplane, and the Blue Train. [242] After Tito's death the
presidential Boeing 727 was sold to Aviogenex, the Galeb remained docked in
Montenegro, while the Blue Train was stored in a Serbian train shed for over two
decades.[243][244] While Tito was the person who held the office of president for by far the
longest period, the associated property was not private and much of it continues to be in
use by Yugoslav successor states, as public property, or maintained at the disposal of
high-ranking officials.
As regards knowledge of languages, Tito replied that he spoke Serbo-Croatian,
German, Russian, and some English.[245][full citation needed] Broz's official biographer and then
fellow Central Committee-member Vladimir Dedijer stated in 1953 that he spoke "Serbo-
Croatian ... Russian, Czech, Slovenian ... German (with a Viennese accent) ...
understands and reads French and Italian ... [and] also speaks Kazakh."[246]
In his youth Tito attended Catholic Sunday school, and was later an altar boy. After an
incident where he was slapped and shouted at by a priest when he had difficulty
assisting the priest to remove his vestments, Tito would not enter a church again. As an
adult, he identified as an atheist. [247]
Every federal unit had a town or city with historic significance from the World War
II period renamed to have Tito's name included. The largest of these was Titograd,
now Podgorica, the capital city of Montenegro. With the exception of Titograd, the cities
were renamed simply by the addition of the adjective "Tito's" ("Titov"). The cities were:

Republic City Original name

 Bosnia and Herzegovina Titov Drvar Drvar

 Croatia Titova Korenica Korenica

 Macedonia Titov Veles Veles

 Montenegro Titograd a
Podgorica a

 Serbia Titovo Užice Užice

Kosovo Titova Mitrovica Mitrovica
Vojvodina Titov Vrbas Vrbas

Titovo
 Slovenia Velenje
Velenje
a
the capital of Montenegro.

Language and identity dispute[edit]

In the years after Tito's death up to the present, there has been some debate as to his
identity. Tito's personal doctor, Aleksandar Matunović, wrote a book [248] about Tito in
which he questioned his true origin, noting that Tito's habits and lifestyle could only
mean that he was from an aristocratic family. [249] Serbian journalist Vladan Dinić, in Tito
is not Tito, included several possible alternate identities of Tito, arguing that three
separate people had identified as Tito.[250]
In 2013, a lot of media coverage was given to a declassified NSA study in Cryptologic
Spectrum that concluded Tito had not spoken the Serbo-Croatian language as a native.
The report noted that his speech had features of other Slavic languages (Russian and
Polish). The hypothesis that "a non-Yugoslav, perhaps a Russian or a Pole" assumed
Tito's identity was included with a note that this had happened during or before the
Second World War.[251] The report notes Draža Mihailović's impressions of Tito's Russian
origins after he had personally spoken with Tito.
However, the NSA's report was completely invalidated by Croatian experts. The report
failed to recognise that Tito was a native speaker of the very distinctive
local Kajkavian dialect of Zagorje. His acute accent, present only in Croatian dialects,
and which Tito was able to pronounce perfectly, is the strongest evidence for his
Zagorje origins.[252]
Origin of the name "Tito"[edit]
As the Communist Party was outlawed in Yugoslavia starting on 30 December 1920,
Josip Broz took on many assumed names during his activity within the Party, including
"Rudi", "Walter", and "Tito."[253] Broz himself explains:
It was a rule in the Party in those times not to use one's real name, in order to reduce
the chances of exposure. For instance, if someone working with me was arrested, and
flogged into revealing my real name, the police would easily trace me. But the police
never knew the real person hiding behind an assumed name, such as I had in the Party.
Naturally, even the assumed names often had to be changed. Even before going to
prison I had taken the name of Gligorijević, and of Zagorac, meaning the 'man from
Zagorje'. I even signed a few newspaper articles with the second. Now I had to take a
new name. I adopted first the name of Rudi, but another comrade had the same name
and so I was obliged to change it, adopting the name Tito. I hardly ever used Tito at
first; I assumed it exclusively in 1938, when I began to sign articles with it. Why did I
take this name 'Tito' and has it special significance? I took it as I would have any other,
because it occurred to me at the moment. Apart from that, this name is quite frequent in
my native district. The best-known Zagorje writer of the late eighteenth century was
called Tito Brezovački; his witty comedies are still given in the Croatian theatre after
more than a hundred years. The father of Ksaver Šandor Gjalski, one of the greatest
Croatian writers, was also called Tito.[254]

Awards and decorations[edit]

Main article: Awards and decorations of Josip Broz Tito
Josip Broz Tito received a total of 119 awards and decorations from 60 countries
around the world (59 countries and Yugoslavia). 21 decorations were
from Yugoslavia itself, 18 having been awarded once, and the Order of the National
Hero on three occasions. Of the 98 international awards and decorations, 92 were
received once, and three on two occasions (Order of the White Lion, Polonia Restituta,
and Karl Marx). The most notable awards included the French Legion of
Honour and National Order of Merit, the British Order of the Bath, the Soviet Order of
Lenin, the Japanese Order of the Chrysanthemum, the West German Federal Cross of
Merit, and the Order of Merit of Italy.
The decorations were seldom displayed, however. After the Tito–Stalin split of 1948 and
his inauguration as president in 1953, Tito rarely wore his uniform except when present
in a military function, and then (with rare exception) only wore his Yugoslav ribbons for
obvious practical reasons. The awards were displayed in full number only at his funeral
in 1980.[255] Tito's reputation as one of the Allied leaders of World War II, along with his
diplomatic position as the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, was primarily the
cause of the favourable international recognition. [255]
Domestic awards[edit]
   

1st
Order of the People's Hero  a

Row

Order of the Order of the

Order of the Order of
2nd Hero of Order of the Yugoslav
Yugoslav Order of Freedom National
Row Socialist War Flag Flag with
Great Star Liberation
Labour Sash

Order of the
Order of the Order of Order of
Order of the Order of People's
3rd Partisan Star Brotherhood and Military
Republic with People's Army with
Row with Golden Unity with Merit with
Golden Wreath Merit Laurel
Wreath Golden Wreath Great Star
Wreath

10 Years of
30 Years of
Commemorative the 20 Years of the 30 Years of
4th Order of the Victory
Medal of the Yugoslav Yugoslav Army the Yugoslav
Row Courage over Fascism
Partisans - 1941 Army Medal Army Medal
Medal
Medal
Note 1: aAwarded 3 times.

Note 2: All Yugoslav decorations are now defunct.

Foreign awards[edit]
Here follows a short list including some of the more notable foreign awards and
decorations of Tito.

Re
Award or decoration Country Date Place Note
f

Order of the 19
Southern  Brazil Septemb Brasília Highest decoration of Brazil. [256]

Cross er 1963

Award given by the government

Bangladesh 28 of Bangladesh for the [257]

Liberation  Bangladesh March Dhaka contribution in the Liberation

War Honour 2012 war 1971, posthumously
awarded.

One of the
6
Order of three Belgian national honorary
 Belgium October Brussels [255]

Leopold knight orders. Highest Order of

1970
Belgium.
22
Order of the March
The
White Lion  Czechoslova 1946 Prague
highest order of Czechoslovakia [255]

(awarded two kia 26 Brijuni

times)
.
Septemb
er 1964
29
Order of the Copenhag
 Denmark October Highest order of Denmark. [258]

Elephant en
1974
Order of
Ojaswi    Nepal 1974 [259]

Rajanya
Highest decoration of France,
Legion of 7 May awarded "for extraordinary
 France Paris [255]

Honour 1956 contributions in the struggle for

peace".
6 Order of Chivalry awarded by
National
 France Decembe Belgrade the President of the French [255]

Order of Merit
r 1976 Republic.
 Highest possible class of the
only general state
Federal Cross  West 24 June
Bonn decoration of West [255]

of Merit Germany 1974

Germany (and modern
Germany).
Order of the 2 June
 Greece Athens Highest decoration of Greece. [255]

Redeemer 1954
Highest honour of Italy,
2
Order of Merit foremost Italian order of
 Italy October Belgrade [255]

of Italy knighthood, awarded to Josip

1969
Broz Tito in Belgrade.
Supreme
Order of the 8 April Highest Japanese decoration for
 Japan Tokyo [255]

Chrysanthemu 1968 living persons.

m
30
Order of the Highest decoration awarded to
 Mexico March Belgrade [255]

Aztec Eagle foreigners in Mexico.

1963
Order of the
Order of the 20
Amsterda Netherlands founded by the
Netherlands  Netherlands October [255]

m first King of the
Lion 1970
Netherlands, William I.
Royal
Norwegian 13 May Highest Norwegian order of
 Norway Oslo [255]

Order of St. 1965 chivalry.

Olav
16 Poland's highest military
Order Virtuti
 Poland March Warsaw decoration, for courage in the [255]

Militari
1946 face of the enemy.
Order of 25 June
Polonia Warsaw
1964
Restituta  Poland Brdo One of Poland's highest orders. [255]

4 May
(awarded two Castle
times)
1973

Order of Saint 23
Portuguese order of chivalry,
James of the  Portugal October Belgrade [255]

founded in 1171.
Sword 1975
Highest National Order of
Order of  Soviet Union 5 June the Soviet
Moscow [255]

Lenin a
1972 Union (highest decoration besto
wed by the Soviet Union).
9 Highest military decoration of
Order of  Soviet Union Septemb Belgrade the Soviet Union, one of only 5 [260]

Victory a

er 1945 foreigners to receive it.

Swedish Royal order of
Royal Order 11
chivalry, established by
of the  Sweden March Stockholm [255]

King Frederick I on 23
Seraphim 1976
February 1748.
Most
 United 17 British order of chivalry,
Honourable
October Belgrade awarded in Belgrade by [255]

Order of the Kingdom 1972 Queen Elizabeth II.

Bath
Some of the other foreign awards and decorations of Josip Broz Tito include Order of
Merit, Order of Prince Henry, Order of Independence, Order of Merit, Order of the
Nile, Order of the Condor of the Andes, Order of the Star of Romania, Order of the Gold
Lion of the House of Nassau, Croix de Guerre, Order of the Cross of
Grunwald, Czechoslovak War Cross, Decoration of Honour for Services to the Republic
of Austria, Military Order of the White Lion, Nishan-e-Pakistan, Order of Al
Rafidain, Order of Carol I, Order of Georgi Dimitrov, Order of Karl Marx, Order of
Manuel Amador Guerrero, Order of Michael the Brave, Order of Pahlavi, Order of
Sukhbaatar, Order of Suvorov, Order of the Liberator, Order of the October
Revolution, Order of the Queen of Sheba, Order of the White Rose of Finland, Partisan
Cross, Royal Order of Cambodia and Star of People's Friendship and Thiri Thudhamma
Thingaha.[citation needed]

See also[edit]
 Ivan Srebrenjak
 List of places named after Josip Broz Tito
 List of Yugoslav politicians
 Foibe massacres

 Biography portal
 Politics portal
 World War II portal
 Socialism portal
 Communism portal
 Catholicism portal
 Croatia portal
 Serbia portal
 Slovenia portal

Notes[edit]
1. ^ Although Tito was born on 7 May, after he became president of
Yugoslavia, he celebrated his birthday on 25 May to mark the
unsuccessful 1944 Nazi attempt on his life. The Germans found forged
documents that stated 25 May was Tito's birthday and attacked him on
that day.[12]
2. ^ Despite there being "not the slightest doubt" about the date and
location of Tito's birth, many people in all parts of the former
Yugoslavia give credence to various rumours about his origins. [13]
3. ^ Ridley notes that since his death there have been stories written
about this period in his life, some of which state that he married a
Czech girl in 1912, and she bore him a son. According to Ridley, these
stories are "almost impossible to verify".[28]
4. ^ Ridley notes that some popular biographers falsely claim that he
married for a second time in Vienna and had a son.[33]
 5. ^ When he was conscripted into the army, his date of birth was
recorded as 5 March 1892.[35]
6. ^ Vinterhalter states that he was promoted to sergeant after
completing non-commissioned officer (NCO) training. [37]
7. ^ West gives the date as 21 March,[45] and Ridley says 4 April
8. ^ West states that the marriage occurred in mid-1919. [57]

Footnotes[edit]
1. ^ "Tito". Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.
2. ^ "Josip Broz Tito". Encyclopædia Britannica Online. Retrieved  27
April2010.
3. ^ Rhodri Jeffreys-Jones (13 June 2013).  In Spies We Trust: The Story
of Western Intelligence. OUP Oxford. p.  87. ISBN 978-0-19-958097-
2.
4. ^ Bremmer, Ian (2007).  The J Curve: A New Way to Understand Why
Nations Rise and Fall. Simon & Schuster. p.  175. ISBN 978-0-7432-
7472-2.
5. ^ Andjelic, Neven (2003). Bosnia-Herzegovina: The End of a Legacy.
Frank Cass. p.  36. ISBN 978-0-7146-5485-0.
6. ^ Jump up to:a b c McGoldrick 2000, p. 17.
7. ^ Sebestyen, Victor (2014).  1946: The Making of the Modern World.
Macmillan. p. 148.  ISBN  978-0230758001.
"Tito was as brutal as his one-time mentor Stalin, with whom he was
later to fall out but with whom he shared a taste for bloody revenge
against enemies, real or imagined. Churchill called Tito 'the great
Balkan tentacle' but that did not prevent him making a similar deal as
the one he had made with the Soviets."
8. ^ Shapiro, Susan; Shapiro, Ronald (2004).  The Curtain Rises: Oral
Histories of the Fall of Communism in Eastern Europe.
McFarland.  ISBN  978-0-7864-1672-1.
"...All Yugoslavs had educational opportunities, jobs, food, and
housing regardless of nationality. Tito, seen by most as a benevolent
dictator, brought peaceful co-existence to the Balkan region, a region
historically synonymous with factionalism."
9. ^ Melissa Katherine Bokovoy, Jill A. Irvine, Carol S. Lilly, State-society
Relations in Yugoslavia, 1945–1992; Palgrave Macmillan, 1997 p.
36 ISBN 0-312-12690-5
"...Of course, Tito was a popular figure, both in Yugoslavia and outside
it."
10. ^ Martha L. Cottam, Beth Dietz-Uhler, Elena Mastors, Thomas
Preston, Introduction to political psychology, Psychology Press, 2009
p. 243 ISBN 1-84872-881-6
"...Tito himself became a unifying symbol. He was charismatic and
very popular among the citizens of Yugoslavia."
11. ^ Jump up to:a b Peter Willetts, The Non-aligned Movement: The Origins of
a Third World Alliance (1978) p. xiv
12. ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 43.
13. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 42.
14. ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 44.
15. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 44.
16. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 45.
17. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Vinterhalter 1972, p. 49.
18. ^ Jump up to:a b c Swain 2010, p. 5.
19. ^ Jump up to:a b Ridley 1994, p. 46.
20. ^ Minahan 1998, p. 50.
21. ^ Lee 1993, p. 9.
22. ^ Laqueur 1976, p. 218.
23. ^ West 1995, p. 32.
24. ^ Swain 2010, pp. 5–6.
25. ^ Jump up to:a b Swain 2010, p. 6.
26. ^ Dedijer 1952, p. 25.
27. ^ Jump up to:a b Ridley 1994, p. 54.
28. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 55.
29. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 55–56.
30. ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 55.
31. ^ Swain 2010, pp. 6–7.
32. ^ Jump up to:a b c West 1995, p. 33.
33. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 57.
34. ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 58.
35. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 43.
36. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i Swain 2010, p. 7.
37. ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 64.
38. ^ Jump up to:a b Ridley 1994, p. 59.
39. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 62.
40. ^ Jump up to:a b West 1995, pp. 40.
41. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 62–63.
42. ^ West 1995, pp. 41–42.
43. ^ West 1995, pp. 41.
44. ^ Jump up to:a b West 1995, p. 43.
45. ^ Jump up to:a b c West 1995, p. 42.
46. ^ Gilbert 2004, p. 138.
47. ^ Frankel 1992, p. 331.
48. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 64.
49. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 65.
50. ^ Swain 2010, pp. 7–8.
51. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 66–67.
52. ^ Jump up to:a b c d Swain 2010, p. 8.
53. ^ Jump up to:a b Ridley 1994, p. 67.
54. ^ West 1995, p. 44.
55. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 67–68.
56. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 71.
57. ^ Jump up to:a b West 1995, p. 45.
58. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 76.
59. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 77.
60. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 77–78.
61. ^ Vucinich 1969, p. 7.
62. ^ Trbovich 2008, p. 134.
63. ^ Swain 2010, p. 9.
64. ^ West 1995, p. 51.
65. ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 84.
66. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 80–82.
67. ^ West 1995, p. 54.
68. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 83–85.
69. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 87.
70. ^ Auty 1970, p. 53.
71. ^ West 1995, p. 55.
72. ^ West 1995, p. 56.
73. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 88–89.
74. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 90–91.
75. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 95–96.
76. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 96.
77. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 96–97.
78. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 98–99.
79. ^ West 1995, p. 57.
80. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 101.
81. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 102–103.
82. ^ West 1995, p. 59.
83. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 103–104.
84. ^ Barnett 2006, pp. 36–39.
85. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 106.
86. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 107–108 & 112.
87. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 109–113.
88. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 113.
89. ^ Vinterhalter 1972, p. 147.
90. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 114–115.
91. ^ Jump up to:    West 1995, p. 62.
a b

92. ^ Ramet 2006, p. 151.

93. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 116–117.
94. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 117–118.
95. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 120.
96. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 121–122.
97. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 122–123.
98. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 124.
99. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 126–127.
100. ^ Jump up to:    Ridley 1994, p. 129.
a b

101. ^ Jump up to:    Banac 1988, p. 64.

a b

102. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 131–133.

103. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 134.
104. ^ West 1995, p. 63.
105. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 134–135.
106. ^ West 1995, pp. 63–64.
107. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 136–137.
108. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 137.
109. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 138–140.
110. ^ Ridley 1994, pp. 140–141.
111. ^ Ridley 1994, p. 135.
112. ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 52.
113. ^ Kocon 1988, p. 84.
114. ^ Roberts 1987, p. 24.
115. ^ Nikolić, Kosta (2003). Dragan Drašković, Radomir Ristić
(ed.).  Kraljevo in October 1941. Kraljevo: National Museum Kraljevo,
Historical Archive Kraljevo. p. 29.
116. ^ Nikolić, Kosta (2003). Dragan Drašković, Radomir Ristić
(ed.).  Kraljevo in October 1941. Kraljevo: National Museum Kraljevo,
Historical Archive Kraljevo. p. 30.
117. ^ Nikolić, Kosta (2003). Dragan Drašković, Radomir Ristić
(ed.).  Kraljevo in October 1941. Kraljevo: National Museum Kraljevo,
Historical Archive Kraljevo. p. 29.
118. ^ Kurapovna, Marcia (2009).  Shadows on the Mountain: The Allies,
the Resistance, and the Rivalries That Doomed WWII Yugoslavia.
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119. ^ "1941: Mass Murder". The Holocaust Chronicle. Retrieved 10
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120. ^ Ramet 2006, p. 152–153.
121. ^ Richard C. Hall, War in the Balkans: An Encyclopedic History from
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122. ^ Ramet 2006, p. 157.
123. ^ "Rebirth In Bosnia".  Time Magazine. 19 December 1943.
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124. ^ Jump up to:a b Tomasevich 2001, p. 104.
125. ^ Tomasevich 1969, p. 121.
126. ^ Banac 1988, p. 44.
127. ^ Roberts 1987, p. 229.
128. ^ Ramet 2006, p. 158.
129. ^ Tomasevich 1969, p. 157.
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Bibliography[edit]
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 Banac, Ivo (1988). With Stalin against Tito: Cominformist splits in Yugoslav
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8014-2186-0.
 Barnett, Neil (2006). Tito. London, England: Haus. ISBN 978-1-904950-
31-8.
 Belaj, Marijana (2008). Peter Jan Margry (ed.). 'I'm not religious, but Tito is
a God': Tito, Kumrovec, and the New Pilgrims. Shrines and Pilgrimage in
the Modern World: New Itineraries into the Sacred. Amsterdam:
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together, reconciliation, disappointment". Journal of Central and East
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Connection".  Europe-Asia Studies.  50  (3): 493–
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Intelligence. OUP Oxford.  ISBN  978-0-19-958097-2.
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Yugoslavia, and the Cold War. Pennsylvania State University
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Harper & Bro; Library of Congress No 57-6130.
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Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. ISBN 978-90-411-1400-6.
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problems, 1918-1988 (1988). online free to borrow
 Pavlowitch, Stevan K. Tito--Yugoslavia's great dictator : a
reassessment (1992) online free to borrow
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Yugoslavia (2008) excerpt and text search
  Ramet, Sabrina Petra (2006).  The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and
Legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University
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Company.  ISBN  978-0-09-475610-6.
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Brunswick, New Jersey: Duke University Press. ISBN 978-0-8223-0773-0.
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Tauris. ISBN 978-1-84511-727-6.
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Sheen, Norman Vincent Peale, and Billy Graham in the Age of Extremes.
Lexington Books.  ISBN  978-0-7391-7431-9.
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Twenty Years of Socialist Experiment. University of California Press.
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8047-0857-9.
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Further reading[edit]
 Batty, Peter (2011). Hoodwinking Churchill: Tito's Great
Confidence Trick. ISBN 978-0-85683-282-6.
 Beloff, Nora (1986). Tito's Flawed Legacy: Yugoslavia and
the West Since 1939. Westview Pr. ISBN 978-0-8133-
0322-2.
 Carter, April (1989). Marshal Tito: A Bibliography.
Greenwood Press. ISBN 978-0-313-28087-0.
 Đilas, Milovan (2001). Tito: The Story from Inside. Phoenix
Press. ISBN 978-1-84212-047-7.
 Maclean, Fitzroy (1957). Disputed Barricade. London:
Jonathon Cape., also Published as The Heretic. 1957.
 Maclean, Fitzroy (1949). Eastern Approaches. London:
Jonathon Cape.
 Maclean, Fitzroy (1980). Tito: A Pictorial Biography.
McGraw-Hill. ISBN 978-0-07-044671-7.
 Pirjevec, Joze (2016). Tito - die Biographie. Kunstmann-
Verlag München. ISBN 978-3-95614-097-6.
  Vukcevich, Boško S. (1994). Tito: Architect of Yugoslav
Disintegration. Rivercross Publishing. ISBN 978-0-944957-
46-2.

External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has
media related to Josip Broz
Tito.

Wikiquote has quotations

related to: Josip Broz Tito

 Josip Broz Tito Archive at marxists.org

 A film clip Aviation In The News, 1944/06/22 is available at
the Internet Archive
 Newspaper clippings about Josip Broz Tito in the 20th
Century Press Archives of the ZBW

Political offices

Preceded by President of the Federal Executive

Ivan Šubašić Succeeded by
Council¹
as  Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Petar Stambolić
Yugoslavia
1944–1963

Preceded by Foreign Minister of Yugoslavia

Ivan Šubašić Succeeded by
1945–1946 Stanoje Simić
as  Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the
(acting)
Kingdom of Yugoslavia in exile

Preceded by
Borisav Ristić Defence Minister of Yugoslavia Succeeded by
as  Minister of the Army, Navy and
1945–1953 Ivan Gošnjak
Air Force of the Yugoslav
government-in-exile

Preceded by Succeeded by
Ivan Ribar President of Yugoslavia Lazar Koliševski
as President of the Presidency of the 1953–1980² as President of the Presidency of
People's Assembly Yugoslavia

Party political offices

President of the Presidency of the

Preceded by League of Communists of Yugoslavia Succeeded by
Milan Gorkić 1937–1980 Branko Mikulić
(acting before October 1940)
 Military offices

Marshal of Yugoslavia
New title Title Abolished
1943–1980

Diplomatic posts

Secretary-General of the Non-Aligned

Succeeded by
New office Movement
Gamal Abdel Nasser
1961–1964

Notes and references

1. i.e. Prime Minister of Yugoslavia

2. President for Life from 22 January 1974, died in office

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Federal Secretary of Foreign Affairs of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

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Federal Secretary of People's Defence of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

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Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (1948–1952)

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Executive Committee of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (1952–1958)

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Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (1978–1982)

show

Members of the Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1974–1979)

show

Members of the Presidency of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (1979–1984)

show

League of Communists of Yugoslavia

show

Heads of State of Yugoslavia

show

Prime Ministers of Yugoslavia

show
 Secretaries-General of the Non-Aligned Movement

show

Resistance in Yugoslavia

show

Key people of World War II in Yugoslavia

show

Leaders of the ruling Communist parties of the Eastern Bloc

show

President of the Federation of Veterans Associations of the People’s Liberation War of Yugoslavia

show

Socialism
476f-969b-333274685c6b

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