Bij eljina massacre

Bijeljina
anyone for the killings, and no members of the SDG
had been prosecuted for any crimes the unit carried
out in Bijeljina or elsewhere in
in Croatia or Bosnia
Bosnia and
Herzegovina. Milosevic
Miloevi was indicted by the ICTY and
charged with carrying out a genocidal campaign that
included Bijeljina and other locations, but died during
the trial. Republika Srpska leaders Biljana Plavsic
Plavi and
Momcilo Krajinik
Krajisnik were
Momilo
were convicted for
for the deportations
deportations
and forcible transfers in the ethnic cleansing that followed
the massacre. Radovan Karadiic,
Karadi, the former President
of Republika Srpska, is currently on trial for the massacre and other crimes against humanity committed in Bijeljina. At the end of the war, fewer than 2,700 Bosniaks
jeljina.
still lived in the municipality from a pre-war population of
30,000. The Serbs of Bijeljina celebrate 11 April as City
Defense Day, and a street in the city has been named
after the SDG.

The Bijeljina massacre involved the killing of between 48 and 78 civilians by Serb paramilitary groups
12 April 1992
1992 during the Bosnian War.
in Bijeljina on 12
War.
The majority of those killed were Bosniaks (or Bosnian
Muslims). Members of other ethnicities were also killed,
such as Serbs deemed disloyal by the local authorities.
The killing was committed by a local paramilitary group
known
known as Mirkos Chetniks and by the Serb Volunteer
Volunteer
Guard (SDG, also known as Arkans Tigers), a SerbiaRanatovi (aka
based paramilitary group led by eljko
Zeljko Raznatovi
Arkan). The SDG were under the command of the
Yugoslav Peoples Army (JNA), which was controlled by
Serbian President Slobodan Miloevi.
Milosevic.

In September 1991,
1991, Bosnian Serbs proclaimed a Serbian
Autonomous Oblast with Bijeljina as its capital. In
March 1992,
1992, the Bosnian referendum on independence
was passed with overwhelming support from Bosniaks
and Bosnian Croats, although Bosnian Serbs either boycotted it or were prevented from voting by Bosnian Serb
authorities. A poorly organized, local Bosniak Patriotic
League paramilitary group had been established in response to the Bosnian Serb proclamation. On 31
31 March,
the Patriotic League in Bijeljina was provoked into ghting by local Serbs and the SDG. On 12
12 April, the SDG
and the JNA took over Bijeljina with little resistance;
murders, rapes, house searches, and pillaging followed.
These actions were described as genocidal by the historian Professor Eric D. Weitz of the City College of
New York. Professor Michael Sells of the University of
Chicago concluded that they were carried out to erase the
cultural history of the Bosniak people of Bijeljina.

1 Background

Around 3 April, Serb forces

forces removed the bodies
bodies of those
massacred in anticipation of the arrival of a Bosnian government delegation tasked with investigating what had
transpired. A number of sources put the gure of civilians killed in the hundreds or possibly a thousand, but
the International Criminal Tribunal for
for the former
former Yugoslavia (ICTY) and the Serbian War Crimes Prosecutors Oce
Ofce were only able to verify between 48 and
78 deaths. Post-war investigations have documented the
deaths of a little over 250 civilian of all ethnicities in the
Bijeljina municipality during the course of the war.
war. AfAfter the massacre, a campaign of mass ethnic cleansing of

oLocation
Location
of the town of Bijeljina in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

According to the 1991

1991 census, the municipality of
Bijeljina had approximately 97,000 inhabitants. The
The demographic proportions were approximately 59% Bosnian
Serbs, 31% Bosniaks and 10% belonged to other
[2]
ethnicitiesm
The
town of
of Bijeljina
Bijeljina itself
had 36,414
36,414 inethnicities.
The town
itself had
inhabitants, 19,024
19,024 of whom were Bosniaks (or 52% of
the towns population), while the Serbs were the second
[3]
largest
ethnic group
group in
largest ethnic
in the
the town.
town.[31

non-Serbs was carried out, all mosques were demolished,

and nine detention camps were established. Many deaths

ofcially listed
in Bijeljina were
were not ocially
listed as civilian war
war vicvictims and their death certicates claim they died of natural
ral causes.

During 1990, a group of Serb Yugoslav Peoples Army

As of December 2014, local courts had not prosecuted (JNA) ocers
ofcers and experts from the JNAs Psychological
1

2 PROVOCATION, TAKEOVER, AND MASSACRE

Operations Department had developed the RAM Plan[4]

with the intent of organizing Serbs outside of Serbia,
consolidating control of the Serbian Democratic Party
(SDS), and preparing arms and ammunition.[5] In 1990
and 1991, Serbs in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina had proclaimed a number of Serbian Autonomous
Oblasts with the intent of later unifying them into a homogeneous Serb territory.[6][7] As early as September or
October 1990, the JNA began arming Bosnian Serbs and
organizing them into militias.[8] That same year, the JNA
disarmed the Territorial Defense Force of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina (TORBiH).[9] By March
1991, the JNA had distributed an estimated 51,900
rearms to Serb paramilitaries and 23,298 rearms to
the SDS.[8] Throughout 1991 and early 1992, the SDS
heavily Serbianized the police force in order to increase
Serb political control.[9] In September 1991, Bijeljina
was established by the Bosnian Serbs as the capital of the
Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Northern Bosnia, later renamed in November as the Serbian Autonomous Oblast
of Semberija, renamed again in December as the Serbian Autonomous Oblast of Semberija and Majevica".[10]
In response, local Bosniaks established the paramilitary
Patriotic League of Bosnia and Herzegovina, shortened
to the Patriotic League.[11]
In January 1992, the SDS assembly proclaimed the Republic of the Serbian People of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Radovan Karadi, its soon-to-be president, announced that a unied Bosnia and Herzegovina no longer
exists.[12] In March, the Bosnian referendum on independence passed with overwhelming support from Bosniaks and Bosnian Croats, having been boycotted by most
Bosnian Serbs.[11] The SDS, claiming that independence
would result in the Serbs becoming a national minority
in an Islamic state,[12] had used armed irregular units to
block the delivery of ballot boxes, and dropped leaets
encouraging the boycott.[13] Despite this, thousands of
Serbs in larger cities did participate in the referendum
and voted for independence,[14] and several violent incidents were triggered across Bosnia and Herzegovina.[11]
According to historian Noel Malcolm the steps taken by
Karadi and his party [declaring Serb] Autonomous
Regions, the arming of the Serb population, minor local incidents, non-stop propaganda, the request for federal army protection matched exactly what had been
done in Croatia. Few observers could doubt that a single
plan was in operation.[15] Bijeljina was strategically signicant because of its location, which enabled the easy
movement of military personnel, weaponry, and goods
into Posavina and the Bosnian Krajina where Serb forces
were gathered.[16]

Provocation, takeover, and massacre

eljko Ranatovi (Arkan), leader of the Serb Vol-

unteer Guard (SDG), spent a month in Bijeljina devising battle plans prior to the attack.[17] On 30 March
1992, Blagoje Adi, Bosnian Serb chief-of-sta of the
JNA, announced that the army was ready to protect
Serbs from open aggression.[18] Fighting broke out in
Bijeljina on 1 April, after local Serbs and SDG personnel threw grenades into shops,[19] including a Bosniakowned cafe,[17] provoking the poorly organized Patriotic League into an armed conict.[9][20][21] About a
thousand[17][20] SDG members and Mirkos Chetniks,[22]
a paramilitary formation commanded by Mirko Blagojevi, were involved and captured important structures in
the town.[23] According to journalist and political analyst
Milo Vasi, Bijeljina was defended by 35 or 38 Bosnian
policemen.[24] According to the International Criminal
Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), Bijeljina was
the rst municipality of Bosnia and Herzegovina to be
taken over by the Bosnian Serbs in 1992.[23] Despite the
pro-Serb activities of the JNA during the Croatian War of
Independence, the Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia
and Herzegovina, Alija Izetbegovi apparently believed
that the JNA would act dierently in Bosnia and Herzegovina, and asked the JNA to defend Bijeljina against the
SDG.[25]
On 12 April 1992, the town was surrounded by JNA
forces,[23] ostensibly to keep the peace.[9] According to
Human Rights Watch (HRW), Serb paramilitaries wearing balaclavas took up positions around the city, including sniper positions in windows on the top oor
of buildings.[26] Meeting little resistance,[27] the SDG,
under JNA command[28] and reporting directly to Serbian President Slobodan Miloevi,[29] swiftly captured
Bijeljina.[23] Artillery units shelled the town in coordination with the street ghting.[30] According to photojournalist Ron Haviv, Serb forces struck rst, with several
busloads of soldiers arriving in the city, seizing the radio station, and forcing local Serbs to reveal the identities of the citys non-Serb residents.[31] The Panthers, a
paramilitary group led by Ljubia Savi (Mauzer), who
was a founder of the SDS,[32] also participated in the assault or arrived shortly after.[33] Together with the SDG,
they began a campaign of violence against local Bosniaks and some of the Serb population, committing several
rapes and murders, and searching residents houses and
pillaging their property.[34] Subsequently, Bosnian President Izetbegovi tasked the JNA with occupying Bijeljina
and stopping the violence.[28] At Karadi's trial, the former Mayor of Bijeljina Cvijetin Simi, testied that the
only real ghting that took place in the town on 12 April
happened around the city hospital, where the most fatalities occurred.[35]
As the ghting progressed, the SDS and the Bosnian
Serbs created the Ministry of Interior of Republika Srpska (MUP RS), an independent Serb police force.[9] According to HRW, a pattern of violence, fueled by the
strive to create a Greater Serbia",[1] developed in Bijeljina
that was later repeated in other municipalities in north-

3
eastern Bosnia and Herzegovina by similar paramilitary tional Guard of Semberija and Majevica, in cooperation
groups from Serbia.[23] This pattern was described by the with Serbian volunteers, Arkans men, and the Serbian
United Nations Commission of Experts in the following 'radicals".[17]
terms:[36]
First, Bosnian Serb paramilitary forces, often with the assistance of the JNA, seize control of the area. In many cases, Serbian residents are told to leave the area before the violence begins. The homes of non-Serb residents
are targeted for destruction and cultural and
religious monuments, especially churches and
mosques, are destroyed. Second, the area falls
under the control of paramilitary forces who
terrorize the non-Serb residents with random
killings, rapes, and looting. Third, the seized
area is administered by local Serb authorities, often in conjunction with paramilitary
groups. During this phase, non-Serb residents
are detained, beaten, and sometimes transferred to prison camps where further abuse,
including mass killings, have occurred. NonSerb residents are often red from their jobs
and their property is conscated. Many have
been forced to sign documents relinquishing
their rights to their homes before being deported to other areas of the country.

3 Bosnian delegation investigation

and response

Serb forces ordered the removal of the bodies of those

killed, in anticipation of a delegation of high-ranking
Bosnian ocials due to arrive on 4 April. The delegation included Biljana Plavi, a Serb representative of the
Presidency; Fikret Abdi, a Bosniak representative; the
Croat Minister of Defense, Jerko Doko; and the chief-ofsta of the JNA 2nd Military District, General Dobrain
Praevi.[47] They were sent by Izetbegovi for the purpose of investigating the alleged atrocities.[48] On the
same day, the JNA moved into Bijeljina, but the violence
continued.[25] On 4 April, the SDG established themselves in the local headquarters of the SDS. Local police,
who were engaged in arresting the towns Party of Democratic Action (SDA) presidency, joined them for several
days, as did members of the White Eagles paramilitary
group and local Territorial Defense (TO) members.[41]
Serb ags were mounted on two mosques in Bijeljina,[49]
and checkpoints and roadblocks were established, preventing journalists and European monitors from entering.
The exact number killed in the takeover is unknown.[37] The delegation visited the crisis sta and a military bar[41]
Several sources put the gure anywhere between several racks where they were made aware of the situation.
[18][28][37][38][39][40]
dozen and a thousand.
According to During the visit, Plavi requested that Arkan transfer
the ICTY, at least 48 civilians were killed of which 45 control of Bijeljina to the JNA. Arkan refused, citing
were non-Serbs. Around 3 April, a local policeman was unnished business, and said he would target Bosanski
ordered to guard a hearse which was picking up bodies Brod next. Plavi consequently withdrew her request
from the streets and houses of the town.[41] The killings and commended Arkan for protecting Bijeljinas Serbs
were eliticidal with the aim of erasing cultural history[42] from the Bosniaks.[47] She called him a Serb hero ... who
and included political leaders, businessmen, and other was prepared to give his life for his people, adding that
prominent Bosniaks,[37] but also included women and we need such people.[50] She then thanked and kissed
children.[41] A number of Serbs who had attempted to Arkan in public to which the local members of the SDS
stop the massacre were also killed.[43] An investigation responded with shouts of approval.[47] In a conversaby the ICTY later stated that the victims had been shot tion with Cedric Thornberry, a United Nations Protection
in the chest, mouth, temple, or back of the head, some Force (UNPROFOR) representative, she described Biat close range and that none had been wearing military jeljina as a liberated town.[47] Abdi was initially turned
uniforms.[41] According to the historian Professor Eric back at gunpoint,[38] but was later able to enter.[48] He
D. Weitz of the City College of New York, the killing was then kept in custody by Arkan until Plavi arrived to
of Bosniaks in Bijeljina was a genocidal act.[43] The acts release him.[51] Bijeljina was practically empty, he reagainst civilians in Bijeljina and those carried out by the called. I met with the local authorities, they told me what
JNA and special forces that followed were an attempt had happened, but there wasn't a single Muslim there,
to intimidate and sidetrack the Bosnian government and so we couldn't discuss the problem as a whole. Muslims
general public from pursuing independence.[44]
didn't answer our appeal. They were too scared to come
[48]
GenHaviv, who had been invited by Arkan to take pho- out, and specially scared to talk about it at all.
tographs, witnessed the killings and one of his pic- eral Sava Jankovi, commander of the JNAs 17th Corps,
[52]
tures, which depicted an SDG member kicking a dying reported that:
Bosniak woman, was later published in the international
media prompting Arkan to put out a death warrant for
A big inuence of the SDS and Arkans
Haviv.[45][46] Meanwhile, the Serbian state-owned Radio
propaganda is felt in the 38th [Partisan DiviBelgrade network reported that Bijeljina had been libsion] and the 17th [Mixed Artillery Regiment],
erated with the help of members of the Serbian Nabecause of which some [conscripts] have left

4 ETHNIC CLEANSING, MOSQUE DESTRUCTION, AND DETAINMENT

their units with arms. ... The situation in the
territory is extremely complex. The town of
Bijeljina is controlled by the SDS and Arkans
men, who do not even allow our anti-tank unit
to reach certain positions in the town. There
are about 3,000 refugees in the barracks and
the Cooperative Hall area in Patkovaa. A
team from the BH Presidency led by Fikret Abdi, Biljana Plavi, the chief-of-sta of the
2nd Military District and the commander of
the 17th Corps, has been in Bijeljina barracks
since 1200 hours.

In the following days, he predicted, further deterioration of the entire security and political situation is expected. There is a threat that interethnic conicts in
Posavina and Semberija might spread to other parts of
the zone of responsibility ... Direct armed provocations by SDA, HDZ [Croatian Democratic Union], and
SDS paramilitary units against commands and units are
also possible, as well as attacks by them on military
warehouses and isolated facilities.[52] On the same day,
Bosnian Defense Minister Ejup Gani and Croat members of the coalition government urged Izetbegovi to mobilize the TORBiH[25] due to the inability of the JNA
to stop the violence.[9] Izetbegovi described the images
coming out of Bijeljina as unbelievable. I thought it
was a photomontage, he explained. I couldn't believe
my eyes. I couldn't believe it was possible.[53] He described the takeover as criminal, and said he considered the JNA responsible for Bijeljinas fall because it
passively stood by and watched what was happening.[54]
Izetbegovi mobilized the Territorial Defense later that
day so as to enable people to defend themselves ... from
future Bijeljinas. The Serb members of the Bosnian
Presidency, Plavi and Nikola Koljevi, denounced the
mobilization as illegal and resigned.[9] On 8 April, Izetbegovi announced a state of imminent war danger.[21]
The JNA rejected requests from the Bosnian Presidency
to return the TORBiHs weapons that they had conscated in 1990.[9] Karadi and the Bosnian Serb leadership used Izetbegovi's mobilization order as a pretext
to independence and mobilized their Municipal Crisis
Headquarters, reserve police units, and TO forces.[55]

clear sign of looting.[56] The ICTY concluded that Serb

forces killed a minimum of 52 people, mostly Bosniaks, between April and September 1992 in the Bijeljina
municipality.[57] In April, an organized campaign had
begun to remove the Bosniak population of Bijeljina.[58]
The SDS in Bijeljina put forth a plan and proposed that
a Bosniak family be killed on each side of town to create an atmosphere of fear.[57] On 23 September 1992,
the SDG and Mirkos Chetniks handed over control of
Bijeljina to the SDS[17] and the plan was carried out by
Duko Malovi's special police unit.[57] On 24 and 25
September, in the village of Bukre, 22 people including seven children were removed from their homes and
taken to the village of Balatun where they were killed and
thrown into the Drina river.[59] It is suspected that they
were killed by members of the Special Unit of the MUP
RS under the supervision of local police and the former
State Security.[60][40] All were under the direct command of Mio Stanii the then Minister of MUP RS.[60]
Mass ethnic cleansing was committed and nine detention camps were established following the massacre.[57]
All seven mosques in Bijeljina were destroyed.[61] They
were systematically destroyed using explosives under the
supervision of police and experts, and after their collapse the remains were removed with military construction equipment.[62] Trees were planted where they once
stood.[17]

A State Commission for the Free transfer of the Civilian Population[63] or Commission for the Exchange
of Population was created and headed by Vojkan
urkovi, a Major in the SDG,[64] and included Mauzers
Panthers.[65] Its purpose was to completely expel all nonSerbs from Bijeljina.[63] urkovi claimed that the Bosniaks had left voluntarily and said Bijeljina was sacred
Serbian land.[17] According to him after a time, the
[Bosnian Serb] Peoples Deputies, Milan Tesli and Vojo
Kupreanin, expanded the Commission in the name of
the [Serb Democratic Party] Deputies Club, and later the
Commission was approved by the Parliament of the Serbian Republic [of Bosnia and Herzegovina].[66] He explained that travel [expulsion] was undertaken in the following manner: the State Commission for the Free Transfer of the Civilian Population had as its duty to inform the
State Security Service of the Serbian Republic [of Bosnia
and Herzegovina] (Republika Srpska) of that travel. The
latter, by fax, would then pass that on to that ministry
4 Ethnic cleansing, mosque de- in the Republic of Serbia which has jurisdiction. The
transit [on to Hungary] would occur in broad daylight, at
struction, and detainment
noon.[67] Expulsions continued into 1994,[68] and in July
a systematic program was implemented with the goal of
The SDG stayed in Bijeljina until at least May 1992.[47] expelling the remaining Bosniaks and extorting property
[69]
urkovi was promoted by
General Manojlo Milovanovi, chief-of-sta of the Army and money from them.
[66]
Mauzers Panof Republika Srpska (VRS), commented on Arkans ac- Arkan to Lieutenant Colonel in 1995.
[70]
tivities in Bijeljina and Zvornik in April and May 1992: thers later became a special unit of the VRS. Mauzer
[32]
The return of Serb voluntary units from the Republika was killed in 2000.
Srpska and Republika Srpska Krajina was characterized
by long formations consisting of both personnel carriers and tanks and a great number of trucks. This was a

War crimes prosecution

We live with the former war criminals, we see them every day in the streets.
Branko Todorovi, President of the Helsinki Committee
for Human Rights in Bijeljina[71]
Bosnian courts have not led any war crimes indictments
for the massacre. In 2008, Branko Todorovi, the President of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Bijeljina, criticized the lethargic and unacceptable behavior of the Republika Srpska judiciary.[72] However,
since 2003, the prosecution of war crimes has mostly
been under the jurisdiction of the Court of Bosnia and
Herzegovina.[73] In 2000, the International Crisis Group
named three individuals from Bijeljina as potentially indictable for war crimes":
Mirko Blagojevi: who is alleged to have led
Mirkos Chetniks, which took part in the attack and
in the ethnic cleansing of Bijeljina.[22] He served
as the head of the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) in
Bijeljina[71] and is now a lawyer.[74]
Vojkan urkovi: who is suspected of forcing
Bosniak civilians to hand over all their money, valuables and documents, and to sign away their property. He is also reported to have worked with the
Panthers and other groups in the forcible expulsion
of the civilian population.[22] He was arrested in
November 2005, but released from police custody
less than a month later.[75]

11 years imprisonment.[81] On 27 September 2006, Krajinik was found guilty on a ve counts of crimes against
humanity, including the same count as Plavi regarding
the persecution of non-Serb populations in municipalities including Bijeljina, but he was found not guilty of
genocide. In 2009, he was handed a twenty-year prison
sentence.[80] After serving two-thirds of her sentence,
Plavi was released in October 2009.[82] Krajinik was
released in August 2013, having served two-thirds of his
sentence (including time spent in custody).[83]
In 2010, the Serbian War Crimes Prosecutors Oce investigated Borislav Pelevi, a former SDG member and a
member of the Serbian National Assembly. The investigation was ultimately dropped due to lack of evidence.[84]
In 2012, former SDG member Sran Golubovi was arrested in Belgrade at the request of the Prosecutors Ofce. Golubovi was charged with an indictment listing
the names of 78 victims. Clint Williamson, the lead prosecutor, said that other members of the SDG could not
be identied because their faces had been covered with
masks.[84] As of October 2014,[85] closing arguments
had been concluded in the trial of Karadi, the former
President of Republika Srpska, for the massacre,[86] and
other crimes against humanity committed in Bijeljina,
among other areas, as well as for the genocide at Srebrenica.[87] The ICTY is expected to deliver judgment in
Karadi's case in the rst quarter of 2016.[88]
As of December 2014 no member of the SDG has been
prosecuted for the murders, rapes, or looting committed in Bijeljina,[89] or any of the crimes allegedly committed by the unit elsewhere in Croatia or Bosnia and
Herzegovina.[90]

Jovan Aimovi: who is alleged to have played a

major role in the last initiative to remove Bosniaks from Bijeljina shortly prior to the signing of
6 Aftermath
the Dayton Agreement in November 1995.[22] He
reportedly continued to evict Bosniaks from their
houses during peace time. He later became a mem- The Research and Documentation Center in Sarajevo has
recorded a total of 1,078 fatalities in the Bijeljina municber of the police in Ugljevik.[76]
ipality during the war, including approximately 250 civil[91]
Many deaths in Bijeljina were
In 1997, the ICTY secretly indicted Arkan for war crimes ians of all ethnicities.
not
ocially
listed
as
civilian
war victims and their death
carried out in Sanski Most in 1995, but not for those
certicates
claim
they
died
of natural causes.[92] Af[77]
in Bijeljina.
In January 2000, he was killed in a Belgrade hotel lobby by masked gunmen, and did not face ter the war ended, less than 2,700 people of the pre-war
trial.[78] In 1999, Miloevi was indicted for carrying out Bosniak population of over 30,000 still lived in the mua genocidal campaign that included Bijeljina and other lo- nicipality of[3]Bijeljina (the town itself had 19,000 Bosniak
cations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, among other charges, inhabitants ). Many faced diculties in returning to
but he died mid-trial in March 2006.[79] In February their homes including discrimination from the police, be2000, Plavi and Momilo Krajinik, the speaker of the ing unable to receive an identication card, or reconNational Assembly of Republika Srpska, were indicted nect their phone lines. Local authorities prevented the
for the same genocidal campaign in Bosnia and Herze- Islamic community from reconstructing a mosque and,
govina, among other charges.[80][81] On 2 October 2002, for a while, did not allow them to have their own local
Plavi pleaded guilty to persecuting the non-Serb pop- meeting place. Meaningful Bosniak participation in the
administration of the municipality was also
ulations in 37 municipalities in Bosnia and Herzegovina, politics and
[93]
As
of 2012, 5,000 Bosniaks have returned to
blocked.
including Bijeljina. This plea was entered under an agree[40]
Bijeljina.
ment that involved the prosecution moving to dismiss the
remaining charges. She was subsequently sentenced to In 2007, the Bijeljina truth commission was created with

8 FOOTNOTES

a four-year mandate. It held two public hearings in 2008,

but by March 2009, although it was not formally disbanded, the commission was eectively dissolved when
the majority of its members resigned. A number of factors have been cited as contributing to its failure, such
as the inclusion of the commander of the Batkovi concentration camp in its delegation, its limited legal standing, disputes over the commissions scope, and poor
funding.[94]

[19] Gow 2003, p. 128.

Local Serbs celebrate 1 April as City Defense

Day,[95][96] and a street in the town is presently named
after the Serbian Volunteer Guard.[97][40] In 2012, the Bijeljina municipal veterans organization, municipal ocials, and city leaders marked the occasion stating that
on this day the Serbian people of Semberija were organized to defend against and prevent a new Jasenovac and
notorious 13th Handschar division.[74]

[24] Amanpour 1 June 1997.

See also

[20] Toal & Dahlman 2011, p. 113.

[21] Calic 2012, p. 125.
[22] International Crisis Group 2 November 2000, pp. 1013.
[23] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
27 September 2006, p. 113.

[25] Kumar 1999, p. 40.

[26] Human Rights Watch August 1992.
[27] Amnesty International 21 December 1994, p. 5.
[28] Maga & ani 2001, p. 182.
[29] Ramet 2006, p. 427.
[30] Gow 2003, p. 129.
[31] Keane 2003.

List of massacres in Bosnia and Herzegovina

[32] BBC 8 June 2000.

Serbian war crimes in the Yugoslav Wars

[33] Human Rights Watch May 2000, pp. 1112.

Footnotes

[34] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

27 September 2006, p. 117.

[1] Human Rights Watch May 2000, pp. 2, 16, 33.

[35] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

& Radovan Karadi transcript, p. 35702.

[2] Human Rights Watch May 2000, p. 11.

[36] Human Rights Watch May 2000, p. 16.

[3] 1991 Population Census in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Ethnic Composition of the Population (PDF), Institute for
Statistics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, p. 17

[37] Human Rights Watch May 2000, p. 14.

[4] Allen 1996, p. 56.

[39] O 2010, p. 69.

[5] Judah 2000, p. 170.

[40] Karabegovi 4 April 2012.

[6] Lukic & Lynch 1996, p. 203.

[41] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

27 September 2006, p. 114.

[7] Bugajski 1995, p. 15.

[8] Ramet 2006, p. 414.
[9] Central Intelligence Agency 2002, p. 135.
[10] Thomas 2006, p. 9.
[11] Human Rights Watch May 2000, p. 12.
[12] Toal & Dahlman 2011, p. 110.
[13] Gow 2003, p. 173.
[14] Velikonja 2003, p. 238.
[15] Lukic & Lynch 1996, p. 204.

[38] Malcolm 1994, p. 236.

[42] Sells 1996, p. 26.

[43] Weitz 2003, p. 215.
[44] Beirevi 2014, pp. 8889.
[45] BBC 24 May 2001.
[46] Kifner 24 January 2001.
[47] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
27 September 2006, p. 115.
[48] Silber & Little 1997, p. 225.

[16] Human Rights Watch May 2000, p. 15.

[49] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

27 September 2006, pp. 113114.

[17] United Nations Security Council 28 December 1994.

[50] Velikonja 2003, p. 247.

[18] Goldstein 1999, p. 242.

[51] Ramet 2006, pp. 427428.

[52] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

27 September 2006, pp. 329330.

[84] Ristic 2 October 2012.

[53] Silber & Little 1997, p. 224.

[85] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

& Radovan Karadi CIS, p. 5.

[54] Sudetic 5 April 1992.

[86] Irwin 22 March 2013.

[55] Central Intelligence Agency 2002, p. 136.

[56] Beirevi 2014, p. 90.

[87] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

& Radovan Karadi CIS, p. 1.

[57] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

27 September 2006, pp. 117118.

[88] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia

& Cases summary.

[58] Sudetic 18 July 1994.

[89] Al Jazeera 9 December 2014.

[59] Musli 24 September 2011.

[90] Dzidic et al. Collaku.

[60] Musli 26 September 2012.

[61] Human Rights Watch May 2000, p. 4.
[62] Musli 13 March 2013.

[91] Prometej 27 February 2013.

[92] Musli 16 September 2013.
[93] Human Rights Watch May 2000, pp. 3, 37.

[63] Totten & Bartrop 2008, p. 410.

[64] Human Rights Watch May 2000, p. 28.

[94] International Center for Transitional Justice 8 September

2009, p. 3.

[65] Amnesty International 21 December 1994, pp. 67.

[95] Dnevni Avaz 2 April 2012.

[66] Cigar & Williams 2002, p. 53.

[67] Cigar & Williams 2002, p. 133.

[96] Proslava dana odbrane grada [Celebration of the City

Defense Day]. InfoBijeljina.com. 31 March 2015. Retrieved 6 January 2016.

[68] Sudetic 18 July 1994; Sudetic 30 August 1994; Sudetic 3

September 1994; Sudetic 5 September 1994; Sudetic 20
September 1994

[97] Pazarac 8 August 2010.

[69] Amnesty International 21 December 1994, p. 3.

[70] Human Rights Watch May 2000, p. 34.
[71] Little 17 September 2008.
[72] Husejnovic 8 November 2008.
[73] Accountability for War Crimes. oscebih.org. OSCE
Mission to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Retrieved 12 January
2016.
[74] Musli 2 April 2012.
[75] B92 27 October 2011.
[76] Human Rights Watch May 2000, p. 36.
[77] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
23 September 1997.
[78] Erlanger 16 January 2000.
[79] Armatta 2010, pp. 285, 470.
[80] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
& Momilo Krajinik CIS, p. 1.
[81] International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia
& Biljana Plavi CIS, p. 1.
[82] Traynor 27 October 2009.
[83] Fox News 30 August 2013.

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War Crimes, 19911995. In Ingrao, Charles; Emmert, Thomas A. Confronting the Yugoslav Controversies: A Scholars Initiative (2nd ed.). West
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Gow, James (2003). The Serbian Project and its Adversaries: A Strategy of War Crimes. London: C.
Hurst & Co. ISBN 978-1-85065-646-3.
Judah, Tim (2000). The Serbs: History, Myth and
the Destruction of Yugoslavia. New Haven: Yale
University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-08507-5.

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Prosecutor v. eljko Ranatovi (Initial Indictment)" (PDF). International Criminal Tribunal for
the former Yugoslavia. 23 September 1997. IT-9727.
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War Criminals in Bosnias Republika Srpska: Who
Are the People in Your Neighbourhood? (PDF)
(Report). International Crisis Group. 2 November
2000.

10

External links

Bijeljina: The Righteous Man. Bosnia and Hercegovina: Twenty Years Later. Institute for War and
Peace Reporting. 24 April 2012.
Clouds Over Bijeljina. Bosnia and Hercegovina:
Twenty Years Later. Institute for War and Peace
Reporting. 24 April 2012.
Feinstein, Anthony (21 June 2015). Capturing A
War Crime. The Globe and Mail.
Hadzic, Hasan (July 2003). Bijeljina: A Bastion of
Apartheid. Bosnia Report. Bosnian Institute (32
34).
Haviv, Ron. Preventing Genocide Gallery Eyewitness Testimony Ron Haviv. United States
Holocaust Memorial Museum.
Toal, Gerard (3 April 2012). The Bosnian War, 20
years on .... Oxford University Press Blog.

EXTERNAL LINKS

11

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Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

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Brown, Hohum, Bobrayner, Rms125a@hotmail.com, Hmains, F382d56d7a18630cf764a5b576ea1b4810467238, Mr Stephen, Dl2000,
ChrisCork, NE Ent, Cydebot, Future Perfect at Sunrise, DumbBOT, The Anomebot2, Scrawlspacer, Jdaloner, VVVladimir, JL-Bot, Shaliya
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