Gender Water and Climate Change The Case of Pakistan PDF
Gender Water and Climate Change The Case of Pakistan PDF
Gender Water and Climate Change The Case of Pakistan PDF
Javeria Afzal
Advisor livelihoods and Climate Change
Oxfam Novib Pakistan Programme
javeria.afzal@oxfamnovib-pakistan.org
Gender, Water
and Climate Change:
The Case of Pakistan
Editors' Note
Pakistan Water Partnership the country chapter of Global Water
Partnership has undertaken to publish a series of technical papers on water
issues and challenges faced by Pakistan. In this endeavour, the first technical
paper titled Gender, Water and Climate Change: The Case of Pakistan, is
being issued. The remaining aspects of water include in particular climate
change impacts and adaptation; dams and development; integrated water
resources management; groundwater governance; gender role in water
partnerships; glacial resources study; moving towards water policy; rain
harvesting and conservation technologies; flood and drought
mitigation/adaptation etc. will be published in 2013-2014 time following
peer review.
These papers will be published and would also be available on PWP website
(www.pwp.org.pk) in the public domain for general awareness and benefit.
Editors/Reviewers:
Dr. Pervaiz Amir
Sardar Muhammad Tariq
Naseer Ahmad Gillani
November 2013
Published by:
Pakistan Water Partnership
710, Street 22, I-8/2, Islamabad Pakistan
Tel: +92 51 486 0895 Fax: +92 51 486 0896
Email: pwp@pwp.org.pk
Website: www.pwp.org.pk
Table of Contents
Introduction
Pakistan, long renowned for its Indus Basin Irrigation System, the largest contiguous
irrigation system in the world, is on the verge of drying out, with potentially dire
consequences for people's livelihoods and food security. Per capita water availability
has plummeted from 5,000 cubic meters (m3) per capita in the late 1940s to 1,080 m3 in
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2010, and is projected to further decline to 850m by 2030, well below the threshold of
World Health Organization (WHO). In this context of increasing water scarcity,
climate change impacts on water resources are likely to be acute. The Government of
Pakistan's National Climate Change Policy recognizes that climate change will be one
of the main driving forces of change for water resources management, given the
'projected recession of Hindu Kush-Karakoram-Himalayan glaciers. threatening
water inflows', 'increased temperature resulting in water-stressed conditions,
particularly in arid and semi-arid regions, leading to reduced agriculture productivity',
'increased intrusion of saline water in the Indus delta, adversely affecting coastal
agriculture, mangroves and breeding grounds of fish' and 'increased stress between
upper riparian and lower riparian regions on sharing the water resources'.
Climate change is increasingly being recognized and addressed as a challenge, but
responses to it, so far, have not sufficiently focused on significant gender dimensions.
As weather patterns become increasingly unpredictable and extreme events such as
floods and drought become more common, the poorest communities, especially those
dependent on natural resources, are finding their livelihoods most threatened.
Women living in poverty are most vulnerable to the impact of climate change and
disasters due to inequitable power relations and to unequal access to natural resources
such as land and water and to development resources such as credit, trainings,
information, and agricultural inputs.
Dealing with climate change impacts on water resources requires pro-active
partnerships, to contribute not only to more efficient use of water, but to also harness
pro-poor and gender equitable agricultural growth. This paper presents major issues
and constraints relating to the water, climate change, and gender nexus in Pakistan,
and explores opportunities for promoting gender engagement in agricultural water
management, in the context of climatic variability and change. The paper is based on
literature review and findings of field research in Sindh are also presented as case study
of inter-relationships between gender, water, and climate change. The field research in
Sindh, based on participatory research methods, was conducted by Laar
Humanitarian Development Program (LHDP) and Research and Development
Foundation (RDF) in six villages in Badin and in Jamshoro districts.
working men were employed in the agricultural sector. It is likely that women's
engagement in agriculture is higher than employment figures suggest, as these do
not reflect women's unpaid work in livestock management and vegetable farming
for example. Most of female agricultural workers moreover are concentrated in
'subsistence-level farming under harsh conditions and with little or no economic
security'.
Literature review suggests that the extent to which women are engaged in farming
and livestock activities in Pakistan depends on a range of factors, including sociocultural norms, agro-ecological conditions, and migration patterns. In rain-fed
(barani) communities, such as Chakwal in northern Punjab, where men have
shifted away from agricultural production to diversify household income, more
women have taken over the management of family farm. By contrast, in canalirrigated communities in Sindh, where agriculture trends to be more marketoriented, cotton-picking offers paid opportunities for women. In Balochistan,
where socio-cultural and patriarchal norms are more binding, agriculture is almost
the sole employer for rural women employing over 91 percent of the rural female
workforce. Ethnographic research also highlights that women are taking on more
agricultural tasks as a result of male out-migration.
Women play a major role in farming activities such as sowing, transplanting,
weeding and harvesting, as well as in post-harvest operations such as threshing,
winnowing, drying, grinding, husking and storage,while men tend to play a major
role in land preparation, fertilizer application, threshing, off-farm transport, and
marketing. In livestock rearing, women collect fodder, clean animals and their
sheds, make dung cakes, pump milk, process animals' products such as cheese,
butter, yogurt, and market them. Gender division of labor in the livestock sector
in Punjab, according to 2009 field research, clearly indicates 'that most livestock
related activities are undertaken by females', with men's role being concentrated
on grazing. Women also graze animals, but due to socio-cultural attitudes
regarding female mobility in Punjab, women graze animals on fallow lands near
homestead or near the periphery of villages. These findings corroborate research
conducted in the late 1980 and 1990s, which highlighted that livestock production
and management is mainly women's responsibility, especially in barani
agriculture. Participatory research in Sindh also confirm a clear gender division of
responsibility with respect to productive work, with women's work valued less
because it is viewed as part of household subsistence rather than cash economy. For
households dependent on livestock, tasks such as arranging fodder and milking the
cattle are in addition to reproductive responsibilities including child rearing,
caring for the health of household members, especially the elderly, collecting fire
wood, cooking food for whole family, cleaning the house, collecting water for
household use.
Largely due to unequal distribution of natural resources, moreover, poor women
are not able to efficiently engage in agricultural activities and generate sufficient
income. Only 37 percent of rural households own land and 61 percent of these
land-owning households own fewer than five acres, according to the 2000
Agricultural Census. Land rights are especially challenging for women who are
usually denied inheritance and property rights. Although gender disaggregated
data on land ownership is not readily available, the Pakistan Rural Household
Survey of 2001 found that women only own 2.8 percent of plots. Moreover, even
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when women do have a legal claim to land, customs may prevent them from taking
de facto control of land. In focus group discussions with women in Badin district
for example, 'religious hurdles' were perceived as the main factor constraining
women's access to land in their communities, while in Jamshoro, it was stated that
'even when women obtain land titles, they end up transferring these to male
members of the family', with consequences that 'less than a fraction of a percent of
women probably own land in Sindh'.
As the ownership of land remains a proxy for water rights, and very few women
own agricultural lands, moreover, their water rights remain 'ill-defined'. Access to
agricultural water remains extremely limited for women, perhaps especially so in
areas prone to water shortage, including barani areas, in lands at the tail end of
watercourses, and areas with saline groundwater.
Primary research conducted in Sindh for this paper shows that climatic variability
is already starting to impact upon the livelihoods of poor rural communities which
are highly dependent on agriculture. According to the respondents of the
research, monsoon seasons have been shifting, rainfall patterns have become
increasingly unpredictable and temperatures have been rising causing longer
summer seasons, as a consequence the ecology has also changing. The first and
foremost concern of women is the impacts of these climatic changes on their food
security their and earning capability. Participatory research in South Punjab,
conducted by Doaba Foundation, also confirm that rural communities are clearly
noticing changes in seasons and unusual weather patterns which are adversely
affecting crop and livestock production (See Box 1).
Box 1: Community Perceptions on Climate Change Impacts, South
Punjab and in Sindh
Crop farming and livestock production are being increasingly difficult for
small-scale farmers in South Punjab, due to erratic and unpredictable rainfall.
According to an interviewed woman in Muzaffargarh 'we have no rains when
needed for agricultural fields'. Another farmer stated, 'for the last four to five
years, we have seen that rain does not come when needed; instead it come
close to harvesting season. This makes us everything that we have worked for
over the months. Women's health is also being affected by extreme heat
during wheat harvest previously we used to work every day of the week,
now we don't have the energy to work after two days, affirmed a respondent.
An interviewed woman in Moor Thaheem village in the Muzaffargarh
District reported that groundwater is drying up and hand pumps are no
longer useful. She also expressed concern regarding the safety of your
daughters' whose responsibility it is to fetch water. My young daughters
usually collect water for household use from neighboring which is risky
sometime in the evening due to dog biting and rivalries. Livestock is also
being affected: now there is extreme shortage of fodder for these livestock, as
natural bushes and plants in riverine belts of South Punjab are vanishing at an
alarming rate.
In Sindh, data from the field reveals that farmers have started to modify their
agricultural practices. In focus group discussions, participants stated that
instead of growing wheat, increasing number of farmers are growing pulses,
and late sowing and harvesting is increasingly practiced. Climatic variability
may be impacting women's workload more than that of men. As men are
responsible for buying seeds and sowing crops, their farming responsibilities
end earlier than those of women, who more tied to the fields until harvest
time. Respondents stated that women are responsible for replanting if first
planting is unsuccessful; moreover, crops now twice as much watering as
before. So women have to work harder and longer in this way, concluded an
interviewee.
Potential impacts of climate change on the availability of water have other
gendered implications related to women's reproductive duties. Increased
frequency or severity of droughts, floods and other water related hazards will put
already over-stretched sanitation systems under further stress, increasing the risk
of water-related diseases. Already, diarrheal diseases caused by poor water and
sanitation situation are one of the main causes of mortality for children under the
age of five. The heightened risk of consumption of contaminated water will
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therefore place increased pressure on women's reproductive tasks of caring for the
health of household members.
Literature review suggests that gender and water discussions in Pakistan is usually
framed within the domestic sphere for example time spent on water collection
for domestic use or availability of adequate water and sanitation services while
linkages between gender and agricultural water are less well documented. Statistics
on the management and use of different types of agricultural water resources that
are disaggregated by gender are not readily available, and the essential problems
faced by many women farmers access to water for agricultural purposes have
still not received sufficient policy attention. This is despite the general
acknowledgement that one of the most efficient manners to improve agricultural
output of small landholdings is year round irrigation, supplementary irrigation,
water harvesting and other water conservation techniques. Increased access to
water is also indispensable for landless women engaged in livestock. As the
evidence and case studies indicate, women do not have sufficient access to
agricultural development resources including irrigation services. In spite of
women's agricultural responsibilities, 'women's roles in irrigation are frequently
overlooked by agricultural extension agents and water engineers' and women
'have played a relatively small role in public decision making about water
management'.
More thorough policy and action research is needed in Pakistan to ensure that legal
and socio-economic constraints faced by women in different agro-ecological zones
in accessing agricultural water are addressed in the design or management of
irrigation projects. For example, according to a 2011 social assessment study on
the Punjab Irrigated-Agriculture Productivity Improvement Project, women
farmers are more likely to prefer high efficiency irrigation systems such as drip,
sprinkler and bubbler as these do not 'require night irrigation as well as other
field work generally not considered culturally appropriate for women e.g.
diversion of water from channels, tilling etc'. In general, there are grounds to
question whether water projects have prioritized irrigation technology and
hydropower dam construction, and have not sufficiently focused on common
resources such as watersheds, freshwater fisheries, and wetlands for food and
subsistence, which are of critical importance to women farmers and livestock
breeders.
Despite increased policy discussions on the importance of water and gender over
the past few decades, moreover, institutional arrangements for the management of
water resource largely continue to exclude women. Empirical research from the
late 1990s suggests that women's participation in water users' organization has
been severely limited. For example, according to a 1998 study, women were found
to be included in decision-making in only two out of 35 rural water supply schemes
studied. Similar to the area of water supply and sanitation, women's participation
in irrigation water management bodies has been limited. In the context of
irrigation water, for example, according to a 2006 report by the Sustainable
Institute Development Policy Institute (SDPI), 'men are seen to best represent the
water-related interests and needs of the household, and the congruence of interests
between men and women is assumed'.
Differing perspectives between women and men are therefore not rendered
sufficiently visible within bodies such as Provincial Irrigation and Development
Authorities, Area Water Bodies, Water Users Associations, Farmers'
Organizations, where women are not sufficiently represented. According to a
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vulnerability assessment data at village level, however, they had been unable to use
gender disaggregated information for making shelter projects more gendersensitive throughout, since they lacked gender expertise. 'Women's voices
remained unheard, therefore, in the process of designing the shelters, and in the
allocation of and access to productive resources'.
Recommendations
Addressing climate change impacts on water requires pro-active and multistakeholder partnerships that promote efficient, gender equitable, and sustainable
use of water in the contextof increased vulnerability to climatic variability and
change. Concrete recommendations, at national and community levels include:
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The capacity of academic and research institutions to analyze and advocate for
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