Vergal Publication

235, Peters Road, Royapettah,

chennai - 600 014

1
 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA
NAME OF THE BOOK

AUTHOR
T.M. Mani
LANGUAGE
English
DATE OF PUBLICATION
January 2009
TOTAL PAGES
138
PRICE
Rs.
NO. OF COPIES
2000
TYPESETTING
Alpha Graphics,
14/2, Azeez Mohamed Ghouse St.,
Old Washermenpet,
Chennai - 600 021.
PUBLISHERS
Vergal Publications
235, Peters Road,
Royapettah,
Chennai-600 014.

2
 CASTE DESTROYED
Preface
We did not expect a heavy downpour that night. There
were heavy showers accompanied by thunder and light-
ning. Three of us were curling round in three corners in the
pial of that dilapidated choultry. We were almost drenched
by the rains. I thought we could take shelter in the huts
nearby the choultry for a while and asked Chinna Pappa
whether it can be done. She was two years younger than
us. Could be about ten years.
“No Anna, they are all agriculturists (velalars). They
know about our caste. All these days they were moving with
me freely touching and playing. Only yesterday Meenatchi
asked me about our caste. I thought they also belonged to
our caste and told her that. She has passed on the informa-
tion to everybody and from yesterday nobody speaks with
me normally.
“Why did you tell them?” I asked.
“I didn’t know that they were velalars. I thought that
they too belonged to our caste and had told them.” Chinna
Pappa guiltily uttered these words. Even at that time there
was some light in the in the tea shop which was a little
away. “We shall request them to permit us to sleep for a
while there: then alone we can go to work tomorrow.” I said.
“They know about caste, isn’t it?”, asked Chinna Pappa.
“When I went to get tea in the afternoon they asked me.
I said Odda Chettiar. Therefore, they will permit us.” said,
Thangavelu who was nearby. Our hopes were not belied.
The rains now were a light drizzle. All the three of us did
not have any change of clothes. A shorts for the lower body
and a towel for the upper body were all our clothes. Chinna
3
Pappa used to have a skirt and a blouse and also an upper
cloth. Like a boy she used to work with us regularly. A few
years later she was given in marriage to someone whose
ill-treatment she could not bear and she had committed sui-
cide.
The distance between the place where we worked and
out group of huts was about ten kilometres. Many people
would return home after finishing the day’s work. Saying
that I need not strain myself, my mother asked me to stay
in the choultry itself.
She used to send me gruel with those who were coming
to work in the morning. This was the food for me throughout
the day. For Thangavelu who was working with us and Chin-
na Pappa also stayed with me in the choultry. We were six
children to our parents. When the sixth child, my younger
brother was born, my mother stopped my primary school-
ing so that I could take care of him. I had to take him to the
place where mother was working and after he was lactated
should be brought back to the hut. If mother goes to a dif-
ferent village for work, I too had to go and take care of the
brother. If he feels sleepy, I must use mother’s old saree,
tie it up as a swing from the tree and make him sleep.
When the younger brother began to walk about, I was
sent to work for daily wages. It was during those days that
I had to live in places like choultries and lead a life of a
stray dog or fox.
In fact even where a dog, fox, pig, lamb or cow could
move about freely, we cannot move about. That is because
we are ‘polluted’. We had to carry on with such a degrada-
tion and shame and also face dangers in life. Yes, we learnt
about Father Periyar and Akbedkar from our very early
childhood. This rare opportunity was not had by our ances-
tors. They believed that their lot was due to Destiny, Fate,
etc. They never raised the questions, “Why”, “What for”.
They accepted the idea of high and low castes. Or, were
forced to get accustomed to such divisions in the society.
Many of our ancestors were so afraid of the dominant
castes that they ran away from the village and nothing was
known about their fate afterwards. My grandfather’s grand-
4
father one Alagan ran away from the wrath of a big landlord
and settled in this place. And, of course, became a slave to
the landlord of this village. Then his son Vaithi, Vaithi’s son
Perumal and thereafter Perumal’s son Muthu – he was my
father: all these people, one by one were leading the life of
a slavery in the same farm.
When for the sixth generation my turn came to serve
as a slave in that agricultural farm, our family was caught
in the maelstrom of Indian independence. Not the slogan
of “Velliane, veliyeru” (Britishmen, leave the country).When
crores of people who were treated as worse than dogs as
untouchables even in the twentieth century and given food,
work and wages, concessions and awards by the govern-
ment, in this disgraceful set up called democracy, our family
wanted its votes to be cast for the Congress Party’s symbol,
the bull, in the ballot box. Our landlord Manickam Pillai, a
Justice Party leader got angry on this score. He drove out
all of us from even that slavish work he was providing.
For generations after generations, leading a life of slav-
ery and eking out a bare existence with half-filled stom-
achs -- even this was robbed of. My grandfather Perumal
who had devoted to the landlord all his life spent his last
years in hunger and then died as well. My mother and fa-
ther could not find some other farm to lead a slavish life and
went about town after town in search of some work on daily
wages. It is in that background that I had spent my young
days. Wherever we went, the phrase, “Move away”, simply
haunted our minds. In Temples, temple tanks, Agraharams
(living quarters of Brahmins), tea-shops and even where
water is given freely, we were denied admission.
On the one hand such a degrading life and on the other
side thoughts of Ambedkar and Periyar’s self-respect. In
between we were caught in the hopelessness of the re-
alities of life. This book aims to outline a few of those cir-
cumstances. The incidents and the theme of the book are
equally applicable to crores of Dalits in this land.

T.M.Mani,
Founder,
Dalit Blue Tigers Movement
5
 VANA DURGA
Vanadurga is a very famous temple in this part. Though
a very small temple, people will throng to this temple from
near and far off places to have the darshan of the Amman
(Goddess). Today a festival is being held in honour of the
deity. The whole of Kadiramangalam wore a grand look.
The population is such that the place could have been de-
clared a Major Panchayat.
But it remains only a Minor Panchayat. One can almost
say that no caste is unrepresented in Kadiramangalam.
In some places there will only be some castes. In some
places some castes wall not be there. But whether a small
village or big township, there are bound to be depressed
caste people. Because the cremation of dead bodies must
be taken care of, removal of dead carcasses of animals
must be taken care of and removal of night soil must be
taken care of: these are not done by other caste people.
Only the depressed caste has to attend to these works.
Just as the priestly functions are legally monopolised
by the Brahmins, so also the work of cremating the bodies
and lifting the human excreta are compulsorily to be done
by the Dalits. This continues to be the social law till today.
Irrespective of the fame of the city, you will find people do-
ing these jobs there are only Dalits.
Kadiramangalam and its surrounding villages are no
exception to this state of affairs. The Amman festival is cel-
ebrated each year. This year gala singing and dancing and
fireworks are exceeding the usual fanfare. At one place one
could see log rolling, throwing the ring and gambling with
cards feverishly going on. In another place one could see
folk musical instrument naiandi melam blaring forth. A big
crowd had collected there clapping and whistling and pass-
ing humorous comments loudly.
At the centre of the crowd a girl was dancing with a
6
scanty dress exhibiting her ample bosoms, putting on a
mini blouse and wearing a short skirt, you can say shortest
skirt, showing off her thighs: It was not so much dancing as
mere twisting and turning her legs and arms. Near her was
a man sporting a bushy moustache, big rings on the ears,
wearing just a loin-cloth, a decoration in the plaits and also
wearing a turban and dancing to match the strides of the
girl.
Just to enhance the glamour of this dancing a pipe in-
strument nadaswaram and a percussion instrument called
urumi were creating big noise. The piper was choosing ap-
propriate songs from movies to which the girl and the man
in the middle danced. They will try to rub the other’s chest
with their own, will come so close and by a peculiar hip
movement would indulge in erotic sway. The mob consist-
ing of men and women would be ecstatic (yes, they are not
general public now). They called this gypsy dance – kura-
van-kurathi dance: they glorified it as folk-dance.
They live on the platforms of the roads, platforms in the
bus stands along with dogs and pigs. Nobody has a con-
cern for these sons of the soil who are citizens of this coun-
try. There is no guarantee to their lives or fundamentals in
this land.
When they are hungry, they seek dustbins overflowing
with leaves thrown away after the guests had finished their
food; if they go in search of satisfying their bodily hunger
by searching for some privacy amidst bush, there is none
to feel ashamed that they live like this. But there are some
disgraceful people in this society who compose songs and
dance sequence on them and make money.
Can any one say that men or women from kuravar
caste sing and dance, show their flesh and earn money?
Can these people dress up like dominant or majority caste
people, imitate them and give a performance? What would
happen if they attempt to do such a thing? They would sim-
ply be slashed down with swords!
People who are called kuravan, kurathi, vettian, vettichi
and dance like this, do they really belong to that caste?
No.
7
 People who dance like this in this area are coming from
colonies in Kumbakonam. People who cannot find a where-
withal to live, men and women find refuge there. Except the
kuravars.
All other castes are here. They have also indulged in
inter-caste marriages. Among them Karuppusami Thevar’s
group is very famous.
The genre of such Kumbakonam folk-dance artistes
were attracting the admirers from Kadiramangalam. A little
away from this scene, the bigwigs of the place were stand-
ing, blessing vettian Chinnathambi who has been garland-
ed and forced to beat a drum going around all the streets
and this was also being photographed.
Vettian is the name of a profession. It is not the name
of a caste. Only the Dalits are doing the job of the vettian.
How Kathiramangalam vettian is getting such garland and
respect today is a pertinent question.
In Kadiramangalam slum area (cheri), there are near-
ly 40 huts which belonged to Dalit families. It is possible
that long back Hindus could have given them this place
for dwelling in return for doing the degrading work. Just
outside the small village this was situated, connected by a
mud road where a cart could just traverse. Kali, Kunjappan
and Kaliamurthy were the three who did the job of vettian
for caste Hindus.
By convention, vettian’s job included beating the drum
(thappu) during special days of Hindu households and dur-
ing temple festival times. On the New Moon days each
month they should suitably cut logs of wood as firewood to
be used by the Hindu houses. The list included a number
of works like the above.
For all the above work they will not be paid money or
grain as wages. They will be given food or old clothes only
according to Manu Dharma Sastra. If the domestic animal
of Hindus die, immediately it would be communicated to
vettian. He has to rush there and remove the carcass. If
any circumstances or poor health prevents him from im-
mediately attending to this work, he could face severe con-
sequences.
8
 The punishment will not stop with a severe beating. He
could be turned out from his job. The land granted to him
could be confiscated. Whatever income he earns during
the harvesting time or other agricultural operations would
be stopped.
There are some instances when his house itself has
been burnt. ‘Thappu’ instrument has its main part only from
the skin of cow or bull. So the vettians also would not delay
in finishing the assigned work of removal of carcass.
The Hindus would leave their dying animals near the
slums where vettians live. Before the dead animal’s skin is
removed, dogs will sense, sniff and assemble there in large
numbers! There would also be a crowd of children!
Those who want beef would assemble there with ves-
sels. After distribution whatever is left out will be buried in
deep pits. Yet within a couple of days the unpleasant odour
will thickly cover the entire area.
Also, the processing of the skin of the cow or bull will
create a stink and the place will have this additional odour
as well.
So when a cow or bull dies in a Hindu household, the
slum will be stinking for several days.
When we decided to have a movement of Dalit Youth
against the atrocities of the Hindus against Dalits in this
area, we first decided that hereafter beating of the drum,
thappu, would be stopped.
This became the defying gesture and the ground for the
Dalits. In the Kadiramangalam village there were a lot of
atrocities based on untouchability perpetrated on Dalits.
They cannot enter the tea-shops. It is a common thing
to beat them up there.
When we formed our organisation there many young-
sters who tearfully narrated their bitter experience at the
hands of Hindus in the form of atrocities. One can say that
practically there was no Dalit youngster who had escaped
beating from the caste Hindus. So as the first step of defi-
ance we decided to refuse to beat the thappu. We called
9
Kali, Kaliyamurthy and Kunjappan and talked with them.
They agreed to this. But they had apprehensions that
one acre of land which had been as grant for vettian’s work
could be confiscated. We told them that we would give pro-
tection for their land. Then they agreed to the decision.
In all villages there are land grants to vettians. From time
immemorial Dalits have been enjoying this right. We cannot
assert as to when it was started. However, we cannot find
in any revenue records the names of Dalits till today. They
are registered as joint pattas along with the landlords. It is
believed that these lands were granted during the times
of kings. As according to Manu Dharma Dalits cannot own
land, the practice of holding joint pattas probably came into
vogue.
They had enticed the Dalits by giving these lands. And
this practice continues even now.
When the Hindus learnt the decision that ‘thappu’ won’t
be beaten by the usual trio, they arranged someone from
Kunjappan’s family to do the same promising him land, etc.
many concessions not enjoyed by vettians so far and got
his consent.
It is this man who has been garlanded and going round
the streets beating the drum before each Hindu house dur-
ing Vanadurga festival: it is this photo which will be adorn-
ing all the shops in the area.
In spite of fireworks, singing and dancing, the crowd was
not dense as usual. Rumours had spread that Dalits were
to be attacked during the festival. As a result, many Dalit
youth had not turned for the occasion from nearby villages.
The police had also posted a large number for security pur-
poses. There was also a rumour going around that the huts
of the Dalits were to be burnt after the festival.
We had also gathered about twenty young men who had
come from neighbouring places and had armed them for
guarding the slum area. To gather information as to what
was going on in the festival, we had sent two new persons.
After the festival was over, around 2 O’clock in the night, all
Hindus sat under the temple pandal and decided that Dalits
10
should not be employed, even those who had been given
jobs in the fields must be stopped from working, sheep and
cattle will not be permitted to graze on the common land,
cutting the grass would be stopped that the Dalits should
not gather even logs of wood, and that the land grant given
to vettian must be taken back and given to the new one
who had agreed to beat the drum.
These decisions had to be confirmed by the people who
had gathered. The Brahmins, Chettiars, Pillais and Muda-
liars wanted some body to do all the slavish works for them,
someone to gather cow dung, disposing the carcass of the
animals, digging the pits, etc. and queried as to what must
be done for doing all these things, there were ripples in the
crowd.
Then some youngsters of Vanniar caste agreed to do
what was till now done by the Dalits and that made the ban
on Dalits a certainty.
When this news reached us who were in the Dalit dwell-
ings, many expressed their apprehensions about what
could be done in the future. The young men there pacified
them. It was suggested that those who do not have young
babies should leave the place along with their family mem-
bers and earn living in other places, those with cattle would
take them and settle temporarily in their relatives’ places
elsewhere and only youngsters would stay on there. They
also said they would even sacrifice their lives for protecting
the land grant that had been assigned to them. They were
highly emotional.
In the midst of such repressive measure proposed by
the Hindus it was heartening to note the resolve and cheer
of these youngsters. The all-powerful Hindus had taken a
decision in front of Vanadurgai temple…The very poor and
destitute Dalits had taken a decision in their slum!
The day dawned with a question as to which decision
would eventually win.
The decision taken by the youth in the Dalit cheri with
great emotion need not be taken as an ordinary one. It must
be termed as struggle for rights. Why should these people
who are within a particular religious field must be treated
11
for ages with contempt and disgust? How long would they
have to wage this struggle for equal rights?
This is the meaning of what Ambedkar had said that in
each Indian village there are two Indias. Why should the
Vanniars who are no different in food habits, in dressing,
in the colour of the skin and resemble the Dalits in all re-
spects should cry out to reek vengeance on he latter?
The slum area of the Dalits in Kadiramangalam wore a
deserted look within a week’s time. The very young babies
and the very old people almost were starving. Women who
did not have babies to take care of and men folk had left
for other places to seek jobs. The cattle had been sold in
the market. Whatever animals remained were taken to re-
lations’ houses in other places. All that they depended for
sudden and important expenses were just these animals.
Now that is also lost. Usually for the marriage of a son or
a daughter, they would borrow money from the landlord,
signing a bonded slavery deed.
Now even the landlord has become an enemy.
You can be sure that no marriage would be celebrated in
Kadiramangalam Dalit slum this year. Only eleven young-
sters belonging to the Dalit movement were living there.
They were constantly under the anxiety that any time their
huts could be burnt: still they left the place in the morning to
neighbouring areas and returned by the night. The Hindus
had send messages to people in other places that Kadira-
mangalam Dalits should not be employed. As a result their
going out and earning also came to an end.
For refusing to beat the drum, why such a cruel treat-
ment to the Dalits? Not only that. The dalits cannot move
about with footwear on. At no public place should they sit
on equal terms with caste Hindus. They cannot take out
any procession in the main streets. In the tea-shops they
cannot enter inside. All these restrictions are imposed even
today in many villages. Has any Hindu fought against these
inhuman restrictions? Only the Dalits are putting up some
resistance.
Only they can recognise and identify the enemies. Is
Thappu an auspicious Hindu beat or music? No. Among
12
the Brahmin and Vellala families there is no practice of
thappu beating. They why should the Brahmins and Vella-
las get angry over this? The reason is the instrument thap-
pu, cow’s skin associated with that, the skinning of cow
or bull, eating beef, using the skin to prepare rope or cord
all create in their minds a sense of disgust. Just like kaus
(darppai) and coarse grass (nanal) are considered symbols
of higher value, thappu was signified denoting the inferior
status of the Dalits.
Thappu had been utilised to create noise. Marriages,
child births, girls coming of age, ear-lobe ceremony, death,
temple festivals, announcements of royal orders, good or
bad news communications, announcing war during olden
times, raising huge noise to scare and drive away the wild
animals – for all these thappu had been used. As kuzhal
(flute) and yazh (stringed instrument) had been denied to
Dalits, they converted thappu into music and sang and
danced. That is how it is depicted in Nandan’s store where
there is a description of Pulai street (where Dalits lived).
Apart from this, there is no record to indicate thappu
was a musical instrument. But there are plenty of literary
evidence to show that it was used to create big noise. Peo-
ple then marginalised slums. They avoided the profession
done by these Dalits. Practising untouchability they are mar-
ginalised those people. Now music and art are also thrown
aside. Our friend, an intellectual like Prof.K.A.Gunasekaran
want to show that this was Dalit’s music simply because he
knows how to play it
Similarly because education was denied to them, the
Tamil spoken by them which is a flawed one is sought to be
given a separate form as Dalit literature and impose it on
us by people like Bama who have moved among the Dalits
and understood the nuances of such flawed language.
If thappu is termed Dalit art, do we not have a right to
Kuzhal and Yaazh? If what Bhama says is Dalit literature,
don’t we have any right over my sweet Tamil language?
When many words have been taken off in dictionaries due
to non-use by others but preserved by us through oral trans-
mission, should we be condemned as speaking a flawed

13
Tamil? Stating that there are separate Dalit literature, Dalit
Art and Dalit Culture is nothing but marginalisation, dis-
crimination and based on Varna dharma. It seems Ambed-
kar’s ideas on Equality and Fraternity do not apply to us. So
we decided that refusal to beat thappu would stem from the
beginning of a base to fight for our rights. We shouted that
there was no need to hunt for dead animals to manufacture
thappu instrument. The Hindus were irritated at this. And
they began to discuss these things.
For cultivation in vettian grant lands, seedling for trans-
plantation had been raised secretly in other places. People
who had gone out were given information to gather. All the
people of the slum put in their efforts and the land was filled
with transplanted seedlings overnight!
The Hindus would not have expected this development.
In the fields where agricultural operations had begun,
members of the Movement were guarding. Had Kadira-
mangalam Hindus come to the fields they would have faced
resistance.
Kathiramangalam Vanniars were never afraid of skir-
mishes either. On many occasions they had gone as a
crowd and attacked the neighbouring Dalits. There are fac-
ing many cases on that account. Dalits never put up a stiff
resistance then.
Now the position was not like that. As the Dalits had
learnt to organise themselves, were prepared to arm them-
selves and had learnt to seek the help of law enforcing
authorities. Besides, Vanniars were doubtful whether Brah-
mins and Vellalars would give full co-operation to them.
The reason was this. The Vanniar youngsters had ac-
cepted during the meeting held before Vanadurga temple
that they would undertake all the work considered unedify-
ing when there was opposition to Dalits. Thereafter in the
big landlord’s house one bull had died. Formerly when an
animal died information would be given to vettian.
Immediately the Dalits would arrange to take the dead
body of the animal to their place.
That was the usual practice. Now the landlord instead
14
of informing the youngsters of well-to-do families about the
removal of the carcass, had sent word to youth from poor
families.
This has a created a furore among them. They had
asked for a vehicle to carry the dead body of the bill. And
then there was also the problem of where to bury it. Also
they had asked the landlord to give rupees three hundred
towards expenses. These were not liked by the landlord. As
a result, differences of opinion began to crop.
Now as the Dalits had defied and raised the crops in
the vettian grant lands, only Vanniars could go and attack
them. So everyone was called in for consultation and it was
decided to thrash the Dalits. But when a meeting took place
in the verandah of the landlord’s house, it was decided that
no good would come out of beating them up and decided
to make complaint against the Dalits in the Police and put
them behind the bars.
On that day at the sunset, the Police entered the area
of Dalit dwellings. The way talked looked like threatening
the Dalits. They read out the names of Kali, Kaliyamurthy,
Kunjappan and seventeen members of the Movement an
said these people should immediately report to the Police
station.
We asked what the complaint against them was. They
said that they had received complaint to the effect that these
had illegally transplanted crops in the landlord’s fields and
were spreading discontent in the village.
“They have gone work and not yet returned home. We
will bring them to Police station in the morning”, we re-
plied.
The Police got angry. They could not identify those three
and seventeen others. So they angrily told those who had
gathered, “Get into the Jeep. Come and tell the Inspector
about this.”
The situation became tense. But the Police though an-
gry, just left the place in their jeep. In the next half-an-hour
a big Police van came. We became cautious. We asked
Kali, Kunjappan and Kaliamurthy to hide themselves; others
15
were prepared to go to the Police station. However, things
did not turn up as we expected. Four policemen got down
from the van and others had left for the market street.
We inquired the four Police constables as to what was
happening. They said they were stationed here for security
and the Inspector had asked for all the people mentioned
in the complaint and the village headman to go over to the
station in the morning.
When asked about the ten police constables in the van
we were told that they were to be stationed in the market
street for general protection.
The same night we prepared handbills with the slogans,
“Don’t confiscate the land of the Dalits! Don’t compel us
to do degrading work!, “Down with Untouchability”, “Down
with cruelty in the name of the caste!” and had pasted them
near Pandanallur Police Station area and near Tiruppanan-
dal Police Inspector’s office.
We also wrote a brief account of how Vettian grant lands
are under cultivation, and background details pertaining to
the same. This we had placed in the market street of Pan-
danallur.
Around 10 O’clock in the morning the Hindus from
Kadiramangalam had come in large number to Pandanallur
Police station.
As arranged by us already, hundreds of Dalits from Pan-
danallur region had also appeared there suddenly.
Now our crowd was larger than the Hindus. Kadiraman-
galam was about six kilometres away from Pandanallur.
Therefore, they could not collect more number of people. If
an unsubstantiated civil problem becomes a law and order
problem, that itself would become a sold evidence. That is
our experience. Now Kadiramangalam Vettian land grant
has become a law and order problem. Immediately Tahsil-
dar and Deputy Superintendent of Police were brought into
the picture. Additional police forces were requisitioned. The
Inspector of Police said five representatives of Dalits and
five from Hindus should represent the matter.
Both the parties did not agree to this. The situation be-
16
came tense. Authorities became very cautious. Here we
must remember one thing. The Inspector who was here
earlier was a corrupt person, stepped in caste feelings who
had filed a number of cases against the Dalits. Even though
he had been transferred, during the days he worked here
had smuggled teak wood from here and had constructed a
house in his native place. We had complained against that
to higher authorities with proof. The new Inspector was in
considerable embarrassment.
So he said that this Vettian problem must be resolved
by Tahsildar only. The Tahsildar said that both the parties
should not enter the filed and after ten days a peace com-
mittee would be formed and till then police protection would
be posted. As this Peace Committee is generally a ruse
resorted by the officials and Hindus to cheat the Dalits, still
as the transplantation had just taken place this would have
been advantageous to us only. Still we objected to the rea-
soning behind asking both the parties not to enter the grant
land.
We said that it is unfair that we should not enter the land
which are under our possession for hundreds of years and
recently when transplantation work had been done. At this
time a quite unexpected thing happened. The big landlord
himself came voluntarily and said that he had no objec-
tion to us taking care of the land during the ten days. This
was agreed to and an agreement signed to that effect. Now
we got some proof over the right to cultivate over the land
which was under us for hundreds of years without any legal
evidence. The Vanniars who had come there did not know
this secret.
In the agreement it was stated that the Vettian land
could be under the care of Kali, Kaliyamurthi and Kujappan
till the decision of the Peace Committee was known. The
big landlord was an educated person. Very knowledgeable.
Vanniars may not know that it would be impossible hereaf-
ter to get into the land of Vettian grant. But there was no
chance that the big landlord did not know that. He has done
this knowing fully the legal position. What is the reason?
The big landlord did not want to antagonise the Dalits

17
permanently. At the same time he could not afford to aban-
don Vanniars either. This was because he had in Kadira-
mangalam and the surrounding places large tracts of lands.
Some of them were benami lands. Here both Vanniars and
Dalits, men and women are agricultural labourers. He can-
not afford to antagonise one section in one place and carry
on his activities smoothly in other places. That will affect
his lands and also lands in the neighbouring villages. At the
same time if Vanniars and Dalits remain united there would
be problems like demand for higher wages, etc.
The planned Peace Committee did not materialise. It
was just being postponed from time to time. As Dalits were
angry with Vanniars they were happy to exult that the Van-
niars were also doing degrading work. The fact that Vettian
land grant had been retained by them was taken as vic-
tory over Vanniars. They did not have anything any grouse
against the big landlord.
In all the villages our movement began to spread. Prob-
lems also cropped up. In more than thirty villages cases un-
der Untouchability Act were filed. In a village called Palak-
kudi even the big landlord was not spared. He had been
charged as the prime accused. Likewise in many villages
hundreds of cases had been filed against the Hindus.
As the Dalits had been socially organised, politicians
struggled to run their respective parties.
In this way, landlords, politicians, the majority caste
Vanniars all had become the enemies of the Dalits. The
Police could not act at the behest of the politicians. Some-
times they were not able even to execute the orders of the
ministers. As a result, Hindus began to think that the Dalits
must as a whole be suppressed. They had conducted a
number of secret meetings to achieve their end. A notable
politician in this area supported them. It appeared as if any
untoward thing could break out at anytime.
As we were also apprehensive about the situation,
the members of the organisation were untiringly working
hard. Hundreds of educated men and graduates devoted
themselves to the task of uniting the Dalits. But the day we
feared did come at last.
18
 During 1983 the planned, terrible attack of the Hindus
fell on us. Hundreds of armed Hindu caste fanatics moved
towards a village called Manalur. This place is situated
about 3 kilometres from Kadiramangalam. The adjacent
villages were Thirumandurai, Kumanathurai and Kanjanur.
The last of the four villages was Manalur.
One Comrade Chandrasekar had organised a “Tami-
zha Makkal Munnani” (Tamil People’s Front) in this village.
Even though the Dalits had been well organised communist
ideology took primacy here.
Though communist ideology is not inimical to the inter-
ests of the Dalits, Our contention was that people should
not be divided on class basis. They failed to appreciate
that even the poor and backward classes were against the
Dalits in many ways. We felt that unless a defeat is caste-
wise inflicted on the backward castes and they faced se-
vere impact consequent upon that, there would be no Dalit
liberation.
As a result we did not join hands with Tamil People’s
Front. But at the same time we were not against them ei-
ther. Even though the temple bell is a call for the devotees
to have the darshan of the deity, in Manalur it sounded like
a demoniac call. The evil doers had gathered together. Just
like a King’s forces they proceeded towards the quarters
where the Dalits were living. Not comprehending the decep-
tion of the marching leaders Tyagi (selfless) Chandrasekar
and the District Organiser Tyagi Chandrakumar appealed
with folded hands, “No, let there be no ill between us. We
have come here only for peace talks.” But donkeys cannot
appreciate the flavour of camphor. Pigs do not know the
aroma of perfume. Two big banyan trees which had fought
for the unity of class untiringly were felled down.
Even while the police were watching, the huts of peo-
ple who struggled for food and clothing and living in the
slum were burnt down. Seven sons of the soil were brutally
butchered.
Even though we had not worked together with the mar-
tyr, we had great affection for each other. For Dalit organi-
sations all revolutionary outfits are only friendly ones. Un-
19
less casteism is destroyed there could be no class unity;
besides Hindu poor have always been the servant class of
the dominant caste Hindus. Even though we had our dif-
ferences, out Hindu enemies views us with equal hatred. In
fact in a murder case I had been charged as first accused
and Comrade Chandrasekar as the 16th accused though
we were no way connected with the incident.
I consider those days I had spent with Chandraekar
as golden days. He used to have a sweet voice. He used
to sing songs in praise of class unity and revolutionary
spirit which delighted other prisoners. He was working as
a teacher in a private school and was living in Manalur,
also attending the work of the movement. Manalur village
always led cruelties of Untouchability against the Dalits
and remained its stronghold. To see Dalits hands and feet
bound and beaten up and charging Dalits with some crime
and parading them disgracefully was very common there.
But as Manalur Dalits had become united, Hindus began to
hesitate in inflicting cruelties.
During this time there was a split among the Dalits. The
Hindus magnified this split. For one section one Mr.Pavadai
was the head.
But Pavadai could not do much antagonising the Dalit
slum dwellers. He approached the Hindus for help. The
Hindus who were waiting for such an opportunity used very
small incidents to file complaints in the Police station. For
petty affairs cases under major sections of Indian Penal
Code were registered. The Police was partial and did not
take cognisance of the offences of one section at all. As a
result the Police, Hindus and the Politicians used the Dal-
its under Pavadai as pawns in their game. Chandrasekar
and his followers were obliged to leave the place.
Just a day before this cruel incident, the District Presi-
dent had come along with Mannai Chandrakumar to Tirup-
panandal and had stayed in Kakkan colony. Then Chan-
drakumar alone went to Police Station and requested the
Inspector to arrange for Peace Committee and the latter
had refused the same. But around 7 p.m. that day Pava-
dai who was with the Hindus said that there would be a

20
Panchayat and asked myself and Munisami of my street
to participate in it. In a way Pavadai was a distant rela-
tion of myself and Munisami. When the split came among
the Dalits I persuaded Pavadai not to magnify many things
and that there must be unity. I said we should not have dif-
ferences and that they could resolved through recourse to
discussions. He did not heed to my advice.
But now he came voluntarily and wanted Panchayat to
settle the issue. I asked where it was to take place. He
said, “In Kudianavar Street”. I told him, “The problem is
between us. We can discuss that in our street.” But he said
that important people of the place were to speak. And then
also mentioned the names of leaders of D.M.K., A.D.M.K.,
Congress and Communist parties. I asked what decision
was to be taken. He said, “Well, every body should live in
unity. That’s all.”
In Villages, unity means each one must do the duty as-
signed to the particular caste. If there is a death in the Hin-
du family, Vettian should wait in burning ground. He must
tidy the place up, should have arranged for logs of wood
and over them spread out the cow dung cakes. The funeral
pyre must be got ready.
He must see that everything is in order when the dead
body is brought to the burning ground. Then the washer-
man must go to the house where the person has died. He
must cut the bamboos and prepare a bier so that the body
could be taken out.
When the dead body is being carried, “Nokkar” should
sound a bugle and also beat a drum meant for that specific
purpose. When the body is brought down at the burning
ground, vettian must stay a little away. This is because he
belongs to the untouchable caste. The washerman and the
barber should help the body to be safely put down. In the
meanwhile the barber must also be ready to tonsure the
head of the person performing the final rites.
If any one of the above makes some mistake or the
other, he has to face problems in the village. What type of
punishment would be given, depends upon the general cir-
cumstances and the attitude of the village in general. This
21
is how the unity of village is preserved.
So far more than thirty villages have some types of con-
frontations. We have not sought to make peace with the
Hindus. They have also not called for peace either. But how
come in Manalur things are being done differently? I was
wondering as to how Chandrasekar trusted those unreli-
able politicians to make peace with the Hindus.
But we did not expect that those wicked people to so
easily carry out their long-term conspiracy in Manalur. Why
did they do this cruelty? Many non-Dalits with good hearts
had done so much for the Dalits. Chandrasekar and Chan-
drasekar were too like that. Yes, it must be pointed out that
both of them were not Dalits. Still the Hindus must have
had some compulsion to do something that would terrorise
us.
As I mentioned earlier Dalit rising has been fairly wide-
spread in this area. In all the villages educational activi-
ties were going on. Cash incentives, aids, higher education
funds, part-time education and the like were there. A large
number of young graduates were serving the people. They
fought against the cruelties of casteism in a very intelligent
and legal way.
If any violence broke out, there was a section to take
care of that as well. Dalits had organised in different ways
like Women’s front, Youth Front, Headmen’s Association,
Government Servants Association. About the same time
some revolutionary movements also wanted to establish
themselves in the area. We did not attempt to do anything
contradictory to their aims In order to win our confidence,
some leaders of revolutionary movements inter-married
Dalits.
Backward classes youth like Devadoss, Gunalan and
Gnanaprakasam had given their women folk as brides and
taken Dalit girls as brides. All political parties were aghast
at this. The officials, particularly in the police department
were scared of this trend. We had to file cases under Un-
touchability Act against the village official, Headmaster of
a Higher Secondary School, Big landlord and the likes who
were Brahmins or Kshatriyas. At all stages we had been
22
isolated and were still fighting.
In fact as the Mutts, temples, big landlords and politi-
cians had all been against us, purely for the purpose of pro-
tecting ourselves we had to unite and strengthen ourselves.
For admitting students in schools and colleges, admitting
patients in the hospitals, disputes concerning land, wages,
drinking water, roads, facilities in the living quarters, dif-
ficulties in removing obstacles which prevented aids from
reaching the Dalits, all had to be carefully handled: we had
separate cells for each of the above activity.
We took great efforts to see that Dalits live in a unique
way and also succeeded in them. We decided that Dalit
votes would not be cast for political parties. All political par-
ties wanted to put an end to this. And as Vanniars were
leaders in all the political parties, it was easy for them to
hold talks. About that time one Paramasivam, a wicked per-
son worked as Inspector of Police.
As he also belonged to the same community, political
parties used that opportunity well.
On November 15th 1982 at 10.00 pm all party leaders,
rowdies in the nearby villages and Inspector Paramasivam
held a meeting at Tiruppanandal Panchayat Union Office.
They decided to put an end to Dalit surge and wanted that
to be a permanent solution.
The Commissioner at that time was a Dalit. Early in the
morning he had sent through a road worker a message to
me to be very careful. He had added that weapons had
been gathered and kept in the nearby Hindu houses and all
rowdies and important people had been sent word.
Our place was located 15 km south (north?) of Kum-
bakonam Chennai Highways. They had decided to attack
us on the area covering from a government hospital which
was 20 km south of Police station and Theradi, 20 km.north
of Police Station.
They had decided to kill any Dalit who had entered that
area. The next day by 11.00 am. the rioters had assembled.
I received the news that bout 10 rowdies with arms were
making ruckus in the market street and also get into schools
23
and colleges and warn that any pariah or palla (dalit castes)
should run away and that hundreds of rowdies were shout-
ing near the Police station itself. My tailoring shop was at
the northern end of the market street. The same place was
my office as well.
In the shop I had kept in box and bureau cloths given
by the customers for stitching and note books of the move-
ment. Also, full details about the Dalits in the 220 villages
of this region were kept. I was hoping that enemies would
not plunder the shop.
About 20 men and women who had not gone work that
day had assembled. They were all gathered near the slum
entrance on hearing the news of attack on the Dalits. I had
just returned after having visited a nearby place early in the
morning.
They told me how the enemies were abusing the Dal-
its in the market street, schools, colleges and how they
were going about in the buses searching for the Dalits and
threatening. They expressed their concern about the pos-
sible attack on the Dalits coming to the Market street from
the neighbouring street and also boys and girls going to
schools and colleges. They wanted to reach the Market
street immediately.
I told them that the enemies had planned their attack
and that it would be unwise on our part to clash with them
without more men and arms. The Village Nattamai who was
silently observing all these advised that a large quantity
of chilli powder be kept ready and also gather plenty of
stones. Immediately the women folk there rushed to pick
up and gather as many stones as possible. It would be
evening around five when our men folk who had gone to
work would return. At that time our strength would be great.
Knowing that the enemies had opened their offence in the
morning itself. I got confirmed from other sources what
the road worker had stated in the early morning. Still I was
expecting troubles only in the evening. That is why early in
the morning I had gone to nearby villages and sent word
that our comrades of the movement should assemble in our
street in the evening.

24
 Now as the enemies had started their offensive in the
morning itself, I was perplexed as to what was to be done.
In the Tiruppanandal Panchayat Union the Dalit population
was nearly one third. But they are scattered over many vil-
lages. In the area where I live there are more than 200
families. There were three divisions, people who belonged
to the Mutt, people who belonged to the Temple and people
who belonged to the landlords. They would never remain
united. They would abide to solve even small differences
among them by appealing to Mutt or Temple maniakarar or
with the landlords.
Instead of feeling bad and attempting to rectify over the
conditions of their life, they took pride in calling themselves
as People belonging to Mutt or temple. This divisive force
was much stronger than even the caste feeling. Only after
founding the movement, we brought all these people to-
gether under one control and brought about a number of re-
forms. “Don’t go to the houses of Hindus for getting food.”,
“Don’t go there during festival days for getting sweets.”,
“Don’t go the temple on festival days for getting gruel.”, “If
we are asked to do any work, let us demand wages.” –Even
for implementing these reforms we had to struggle a lot.
Mutt refers to institution founded by Sri Kumaragurupara
Swami. Temple referred to that which was owned by Dhar-
mapuram Adeenam. It is said that these two owned nearly
40,000 acres of land. The big landlords were all Saivites. It
is said that they were having more than 300 acres. Wher-
ever you step into a place in the village it would belong to
any of these three categories.
The East street served as entrance to the Mutt; simi-
larly West street was the gateway to temple and served as
market street as well. In the South street the houses of big
landlords and maniakarars were there. In the north street
there are signs that once they were residences of deva-
dasis (temple dancers). Still these people are loyal to the
three divisions.
History records that Tirugnana Sambandhar and Thiru-
navakkarasar had come and sung and composed songs
on the presiding deity. It is also said that Kungiliya Naya-

25
nar and his daughter Thatakai had served Lord Siva in this
temple. The temple has images of all the 63 nayanmars.
There was a restriction on Dalits to bathe in a tank attached
to the Mutt.
When we organised ourselves as a movement we could
put an end to many of these discriminations and activities.
Even though the whole control over the lands was in the
hands of the Vellalars, the attack on the Dalits were car-
ried out by castes lower in order than them. The backward
castes had just functioned as the soldiers. Only they are
now rioting in the market street.
I had sent word for people who had gone to work in the
nearby regions. It was about 1 pm. when they could come.
Totally only 22 had gathered. Each one had a weapon with
him. They had collected a cartful of stones and the bulls
were kept ready to move the cart. About this time a young-
ster from the neighbouring village hurriedly came to see
us. His shirt had drenched in the perspiration. We turned
to him eagerly for the news. He said that the rioters had
beaten up one Mohan who belonged to our street with an
iron rod and blood had been profusely coming out from the
head and that on the advice of the Police he had been
taken to the government hospital. He said he was not sure
whether wounded man was alive or dead. This was how he
concluded the message breathing heavily.
The person who had been beaten up had gone to Kum-
bakonam the previous day. Without knowing what was going
on the village he had been done in by the enemies. It was
very difficult to control people who had assembled there.
They all rushed towards market street. The cart driven by
the bullocks with plenty of stones rushed out as if driven by
a horse. The way it took place resembled a scene from cin-
ema. The market street was a kilometre away. Even though
Hindus were living on the way they were not in a position
to antagonise the Dalits. They were not considered signifi-
cant either. So, there was no problem in going through
that area. As requested by me, the women did not go to the
place where fighting was taking place.
But they also prevented me from going there. When

26
they did not stop their only sons proceeding with a sword,
they caught hold of both my hands and prevented me from
moving. I cannot never forget in my life how they pleaded
with tears in their eyes that it was enough if I just stayed
back. In a short while the vehicle which had gone with load
of stones returned as speedily as it had proceeded. The
cartman said one could not say how the skirmish would
end and therefore he had come earlier. He also said that
the enemies had fled towards Police station when they saw
our people gathered.
He said that there were nearly hundred people with
arms. He requested us to be very careful and then wanted
some weapon. A woman rushed to her house and came
with an iron rod. He took that and ran towards the mar-
ket street. When he had suggested that people here must
be careful, women were consulting themselves. They di-
vided themselves into two sections, one went towards the
northern part of the slum and the other towards the east.
I asked one of them as to where they were running. They
said, “If the enemies come from different side and burn our
houses we will face the problem of whether to put out the
fire or fight against them…. Therefore, we are proceeding
towards other places for giving protection there.” They did
not even wait for my reply and ran fast.
Even small boys and some girls actively went about and
gathered stones. The collected water in some containers
and dissolved chilli power in it. Two women went about and
collected kerosene from many houses and now there were
two buckets of kerosene. I asked why this was being done.
They said if the enemies or police came in any vehicle to
attack us, this could be used to burn the vehicle. Though
the explanation shocked me, as it was a protective mea-
sure for them, I did not say anything.
As the Police too had joined hands with the enemies
openly, I was awaiting only adverse news. I had decided
that in such case, women and children should be care-
fully evacuated. If in the market street clashes our side is
beaten, enemies would rush towards the slum area. In the
absence of menfolk women and children would face ha-
rassment. I did not tell that to women that just then. They
27
could feel unsafe. Right now without a thought of defeat
they are doing things cheerfully. I didn’t want to stop their
enthusiasm. We were hearing about the happenings at the
market street every now and then.
I had sent messages and arranged telegrams to be sent
to the authorities who were ten kilometres away in Pandan-
allur, avoiding main roads and asking messengers to use
the path through the fields. But it appears no official had
come to the spot till now. That means this attack had been
pre-planned. They must have decided to teach a final les-
son to us.
Whenever Dalits are attacked and put to hardships, there
are enough sympathisers from other castes for support. But
they never like Dalits retaliating. Now it is 5 O’clock in the
evening. Our people who had gone for jobs elsewhere had
returned with Dalits from neighbouring villages.
Our strength had increased. A messenger came and in-
formed me that our people wanted to attack the enemies
crossing Theradi. I firmly said ‘no’ to the request. If we cross
Theradi, the Police would resort to firing stating that we had
attacked the Police station.
Moreover, as the Police support was there, enemies
would be emboldened to attack us. There would be con-
siderable loss of lives. Our aim was only to subdue the
enemies not cause loss of lives. All the shops had been
closed. Buses did not ply through the main road and took
a round about ten kilometres extra distance to reach their
destinations.
This went on from 1.00 p.m. There was no matinee show
in the cinema theatre. Schools had been closed at the end
of morning sessions. The government offices and hospital
wore a deserted look. A Tahsildar who was just about 10
km. away, a Revenue
Divisional Officer within 15 km. distance and a Dy.S.P.
did not turn up either.
Only the constables under the control of Inspectors
of Pandanallur and Tiruvidaimarudar Police stations had
turned up. The Inspector and the political leaders must
28
have thought that with the help of the Hindus Dalits could
be smothered.
Now, even at 5.30 in the evening, both the parties did
not involve themselves in a direct clash. Their intentions
must have been to drag our people nearer the Police sta-
tion. Then alone they could use that excuse to resort to
firing.
If the enemies had attacked us with sickles and other
weapons, cases must be filed against them as well. But if
we are murdered in a Police firing there would be no need
to file cases against them.
Suddenly people who were in front came in full strength
towards the huts. They surrounded me. They said the Po-
lice rushed towards them shooting towards the sky and
nearly 200 rioters of the opposite camp began to charge
with weapons. Our people pretended to retreat and then
lunged forward and in the confrontation one Rajendran who
was leading the enemy group had been killed and many
wounded. There was no loss of life or limbs in our side.
Rajendran who had been killed had belonged to the rul-
ing party. He was just 25 but everyone in the area feared
him. He was in the list of rowdies in the district. Now my
worry was the enemies could kill Mohan who was in hospi-
tal. I was thinking how to save him in this critical situation.
I could not take any decision and felt bad about it.
Now, four youngsters who had participated in the scuf-
fle came a little late. They were perspiring like anything. I
asked angrily where they had been. They said that once
when Rajendran was killed the enemies were scattering
way and utilising that opportunity they had edged their way
through the crowd, had gone to hospital, brought Mohan
through the back side compound and had put him in a safe
place. I was simply stunned. How could they so boldly
achieve so much?
Still the evening had not petered out. There was fading
sunshine but a light drizzle has also started. We could not
delay calling Police and higher officials from other places.
Till then I asked people to be more vigilant in guarding our
street. The drizzle became steady.
29
 If we leave the slum area, they would set fire to the huts.
There was the fear that nearly two hundred huts would be
burnt. Now as there is rain, they will not set ablaze the huts.
Youngsters had formed three groups and patrolled the area
drenched in the showers. In fact nothing would be known
about what is happening in one side of the slum in the other
side. I sent all towards a safe place near the agricultural
lands.
It is eight p.m. now. Still the rains had not subsided. As it
is the day following New Moon day, darkness had engulfed
the place. As the electric wires to the area passed through
the Hindu residence, they had cut off electricity. I had told
the youngsters who were guarding to come to a particular
place when the police came. Exactly by 9 pm a Police van
and a jeep arrived at the entrance point of the slum.
The youngsters who were guarding had assembled at
the place where I asked them to come. At the other end the
high-handedness of the Police had started. Older men and
women were being harassed by the Police. The youngsters
wanted to know what should be done next.
I said that unless I knew what went on the market street,
I would not move out of the place. But only a non-Dalit
could go there and get information as to what is happen-
ing there. At this time two youngsters brought a Hindu who
wanted to meet me. He was an acquaintance of mine. But
he came with trembling now. Everybody surrounded him.
This made him even more afraid. I told my people to leave
him alone and then gave him words of comfort. I asked him
to tell patiently as to what was going on the market street.
He said they had placed the body of the murdered Ra-
jendran on a bench in the verandah of the Police station,
had garlanded it and were making much noise. Some big
official had come who was driving out everyone: a big ho-
tel nearby was made available for a meeting after send-
ing out people from there. That was to be attended by all-
party leaders, some lawyers from Kumbakonam, a retired
Inspector of Police from Sirkazhi . It appears that a petition
had been given and that I had been made the first accused
in the case. He recounted all this very slowly and it took

30
nearly thirty minutes to complete his narration.
He also said that he had come to the motor shed fully
hoping that no danger would come to him. His tone was
very pleading. In reality he was a very good man. Also quite
knowledgeable. I told him that no good person would suffer
at hour hands and sent him back safely with two persons
guarding him.
What he mentioned as the big official must have been
an I.G or D.I.G. I told the people that none of them should
be there in the village and all should come to Aralur village
by short-cut. I just took one person with me for help. I did
not have the heart to leave the place. At that time a jeep
and a motor cycle had circled out street. We were hiding in
a nearby place.
In the dwelling area there was no movement either. Sud-
denly electric lights came on. Some ten or fifteen policemen
were going round the area. Some were having guns and
some lathis. I thought it would not be prudent to tarry there.
Whether it was quarrel between children or even cocks,
generally everyone will have some peace of mind only after
reporting the same to me. Now when such a big danger is
surrounding them and I am obliged to leave the place.
I could not even see my aged mother, wife or small chil-
dren. With a heavy heart I left the place. The friend who
was with me had been helping me from the morning, giving
water, making me to sit calmly and gathering information.
Now he is following me. On the way when I saw our people
hiding in the field, I told them not to lose heart and be brave
and without telling anyone where I was going, started off.
If from our street we move about a kilometre via the
fields, one could reach a place called Sikkal Nayakkan Pet-
tai. My friend Kanniah’s (now his name is Zakaria) house
is there. We reached his place. He had heard full details
about the events in Tiruppanandal. I had sent information
on that to many friends in the movement by the evening
itself. Kanniah was one of the responsible members of the
movement.
I got a bedspread from him, covered my head with that
and in a cycle provided by him reached a village called Ala-
31
veli with my friend. Dalit youngsters who had participated
in the scuffle had assembled there. I made groups of two
three out of them and sent them to different places. My
brother who was wounded on the leg was also sent to a
safe place. To monitor what was going on in Tiruppanandal
I formed a committee of youngsters from neighbouring vil-
lage and entrusted them to the care of Alaveli Asaithampi.
By about one in the night a car came from Kumbakonam to
take me there.
Four youth accompanied me. With the help of a so-
cial reformer in Kumbakonam, we reached a place called
Kankoduthavanistham. I had the great privilege to see the
great heroes who had wreaked vengeance on the wicked
Irunjur Gopalakrishnan in that place.
We were entrusted to the care of some youngsters who
had newly embraced Islam. There were 22 of them. When
we went there, all of them were there. They were in Dravi-
dar Kazhagam before that. As Meenatchipuram conversion
appealed to them most, along with Ambikapathi, the father-
in-law of Thazhai M.Karunanidhi, they had come to this
place and got converted into Islam.
They were very happy to welcome us in their midst. Be-
tween two rivers there was a thick grove of mango trees.
There was a tiled-roof house. It was here that they first be-
gan to recite kalima. Now in the village itself a Jama-at has
come and they pray there. Therefore the house was empty.
We finished our morning food and slept.
For a night and then a whole day we had been without
food and were constantly in touch with the struggle. The
four youngsters now slept well. They were happy to have
done the job well. Even snoring noise emanated from them.
But I could not get sleep. My mental struggles were not
over. People had been working hard by cutting grass, cut-
ting logs of wood for firewood, doing agricultural work for
the landlords in the hope that their sons would get education
and degree, would get employment and protect themselves
and other members of the family and were educating them.
Now with murder charges on them, they were sleeping.
Now arrangements are to be made to send them to
32
prison. Many Dalit youngsters lose their precious lives in
this manner. Because those wicked people had won, these
people had to go to prison.
If these had been defeated, they would have lost their
lives by being killed. I think how their parents had given
them weapons and sent them to fight and after the skir-
mishes were over send them to ensure my safety.
If I had been a literary person, I would have written an
epic on them. Had I been a writer, I would have written their
stories as a novel. But I am neither a great literary figure nor
a writer. I am just one of the crores of people who for the
crime of having been born a Dalit, struggling to survive.
It is not that I alone undergo this suffering. Whoever is
born into Dalit families in India, their story has been to lead
a life of humiliation and shame notwithstanding their merit
and capabilities.
I can say boldly that none was born in India in the last
century who was so intelligent and capable as the great
Ambedkar. Yet he had to face so many humiliations. His-
tory records that though Jagjivan Ram had earned crores
of rupees, he had to put up with lot of humiliations.
My mind was filled with thoughts like this. In our own vil-
lage there have been reformers. They had been praised as
scholars and men of rectitude. But none of them had come
forward to help us. They could have been distinguished
with even a reformist bent of mind. They could talk in the
meetings, write well. But in practice they could not help us.
They would be subjected to the hatred and enmity of their
blood relations. If they break with their relations and come
to help us then none would have any matrimonial relations
with their families. That is why even very big reformers who
had lived in India could not do any iota to improve the lot
of the Dalits.
Thick of forests; broken heart; a base life full of submis-
sions to meanness. Why this disgrace? What is it we suffer
for? To accumulate wealth and pleasures? Do we ask a
share in the wealth of the Hindus or in their houses? No.
We are also human beings. If walk with chappals, should
we be beaten with chappals? Simply because one smoked,
33
should he be tied up and beaten? Simple because he asks
for wages for work, should he be ostracised? Womenfolk
to be jeered at and disgraced! If questioned, drive out from
the village! How long to endure all these?
Even if something perfectly legal is demanded, what jus-
tice is there if all other castes join together to ostracise the
entire Dalit caste? People who destroy others, who betray
their country’s interests to foreign lands, who print coun-
terfeit currency, who have black money, indulge in bribery,
people who are crafty and cheat others, gamblers, wom-
anisers and above all wicked are said to be upper castes.
But the one who struggles in the soil and produces paddy
and cotton, struggle without sufficient food and clothing,
they say, should not wear footwear, have an umbrella to
protect from hot son or should not take out procession in
the main streets!
Still for how long these cruelties are to be endured?
Periyar said, “Think, reason and lift yourself from degrad-
ing condition.” How else can more strongly stress a value
to arouse the dignity of an individual? Is a life without re-
spect, a life at all? Even when a dear daughter was born
there was no happiness in the heart. Only a feeling that I
had produced another ‘untouchable’ life. The mind raced
along such thoughts. Also turned towards younger days.
I must have been five or six years at that time. Inside
the house I could hear my mother crying inconsolably. The
village people were outside talking in groups. I went inside.
Saw my father stretched on the floor with his head on the
lap of my mother. Was consoling my mother in a very low
tone. Both talked as if they wanted to control the volume of
their speaking. When I saw mother crying, I too cried. Lying
there, my father asked me to come near him, wiped out my
tears and consoled me.
Even though I was very young, I could follow what oth-
ers were speaking. It seems that father was doing some
field work for mutt maniyakarar. After finishing the work,
he had taken a bath and had spread the towel over the up-
per part of the body so that it could dry, father was stand-
ing outside the house of maniyakarar. Seeing father with a

34
towel over the shoulders, the maniyakarar shouted at him,
“So, you require an upper cloth, you a pariah whore’s son!”
and removed his chappal and beat him up. Even now when
I think of it my heart burns.
Father was very cultured. Even in those days had read
Nikandu, the grammar work. Had read Ramayana, Ma-
habharata, Arappalisathakam, Kumaresasathakam, Se-
evakachintamani: would recite many verses from those
works from memory.
The school was in the Hindu street. Grandfather used to
carry him and leave him near the entrance of the school. As
he belonged to the lower caste, he would not be allowed
inside. He would sit under the shade of the Pipal tree and
listen to the lessons. In the evening grandfather would take
him back. Father seems to have been a good scholar. It
seems that mastering Nikandu was a big achievement in
those days. When he grew up a little, without the knowl-
edge of grandfather ran away to Burma. After five years
there, he came back. But they got him married to mother.
Otherwise he would have left for Burma. He would often
say that had he continued in Burma, his life would have
been well-spent.
Father was very beautiful to look at. He used to wear
white khadar cloth only. He had small ear-rings. Once in
our village Hindus had celebrated a temple-car festival.
There was a huge crowd. Generally on occasions like that
one Kumbakonam Gurusamidoss used to give music con-
certs, explaining the great events that are taking place in
the country and composing songs himself. He also used to
sell books containing those stories and songs. There would
be loud-speakers as well. Once he did not have an accom-
panying singer and requested anyone who knew music to
come forward to the stage. My father went to the stage.
There was unrest in the crowd. One Hindu shouted at Gu-
rusamidoss “What, you are asking a pariah to get onto the
stage?” The singer pacified him and asked my father to
stand below the stage and sing.
Even though father felt humiliated, he knew the Hindus
would be angry if he refused to sing. So he sang. Father

35
had very good voice. Often he used to sing beautifully what
Gurusamidoss wrote on Tiruppanandal Singa Kadirvel. The
people in the area would gather in a crowd and enjoy the
music.
Sometimes people in the crowd would shed tears. The
songs will be so full of heroism and pathos. Singa Kadirvel
was born in Tiruppanandal. Had belonged to Vanniar com-
munity. He was working in Tiruppanandal Arunajatesar
temple farmlands belonging to Dharmapuram mutt as a su-
pervisor.
Once the temple maniyakarar was going round the vil-
lage. As usual he was following the maniyakarar. When a
small canal had to be crossed, maniyakarar got into it and
waded through the water to reach the other side. Kadirvel,
however, just in one jump crossed the channel. Maniyaka-
rar felt ashamed. After returning to the fields, he shouted at
Kadirvel, “You Palli, how dare did you jump and cross the
canal while I was wading through it?” And whipped him up.
Kadirvel, unable to bear the beating, shouted back. The
maniyakarar, to prevent Kadirvel from entering the house,
covered it up with fence.
Unable to bear the wrath of the temple management,
Kadirvel went underground. After some days, the festival
of Murgan chopping the head of Surapadman was taking
place in a gala manner.
Then the Vanniars were carrying the idol of Murgan in
a palanquin and the procession was moving forward with
maniyakarar leading. Kadirvel who was hiding at the top of
a roof-tiled house shot maniyakarar with a gun.
After some time, the Police under the British rule shot
dead Kadirvel in a place called Panankattankudi near Sirka-
li. The body was riddled with 22 bullets. Kadirvel’s mother,
wife and daughter all had to die of starvation.
This is how I had heard the story of Singa Kadirvel sung
by my father. My mother used to sing many of these songs
when agricultural operations were on. When Kadirvel had
gone underground, one day he appeared suddenly in the
marriage house of a Brahmin. Everyone was terribly afraid
when they saw Kadirvel.
36
 They wanted their lives to be spared and begged him
to ask for anything. He got some jewels from them and
seems to have gone to Pondicherry to get a revolver and
wreaked vengeance on those who tried to betray him. (This
revolver had been kept as an exhibit in a show organised
by Kumbakonam Mahamaham Festival committee, with a
note that it was the one used by Tiruppanandal Kadirvel.)
In order to construct a fence around Kadirvel’s house
only people from our dwellings had been utilised by the
Maniyakarar. Therefore our people were shivering in fear
that Kadirvel would burn all the huts there. One day sud-
denly Kadirvel appeared in the place and assured them
that he would do no harm to them. Then alone people in the
area began to sleep peacefully. The Vellalars had always
used Vanniars to punish Pariahs and Pariahs to punish the
Vanniars. Vellalars never like people above them to pros-
per, nor would allow people below them to prosper. But
Vanniars were not like that. They will praise those above
them and will oppress those castes which they consider are
inferior to theirs. They would act as errant men for those
above them and even will attack their own people. There
are countless incidents like this.
As far as our village is concerned, the entire land is
under the control of Saiva Siddantha followers. Most of the
lands in Thanjavur district are either with the Brahmins or
Vellalars. With knowledge in science and modernism Brah-
mins had moved towards townships and established their
control there. Vellalars also similarly adopted modernism
through science and captured media as well.
When Brahmins left the villages, they sold their lands
to other castes. But the Vellalars when they left the place
retained lands under their own control. They knew that the
so-called inferior castes could be enslaved only by control
over the land and accordingly retained them.
If a Vanniar crosses a canal by just jumping over it or
if an ‘untouchable’ spreads a towel over shoulders, these
people are not able to tolerate that. What a twist of life that
man had for just crossing the canal by jumping; how much
indignities he had to put up with. And his wife and children

37
and dependents orphaned. Even the government had him
shot dead.
Kalki Krishnamurthy who wanted to depict the cruelties
of caste-system, instead of depicting social degradations
changed it as a love story or some rubbish in “Kalvanin
Kathali”: also made a motion picture out of it. Many writers
with their own caste, religious and political base distort his-
tory and write as they please.
On the fifth morning the gentleman from Kumbakonam
who had arranged protection for me came. He said that
there was no rioting in the village and that murder charges
had been filed against 54 people in the first information
report many more added and tar many Dalits who can be
rounded up are being arrested and all the members of my
family had been included in the report; my aged father and
uncle and five aged people have also been arrested and
that women folk had been sent to safe places and that my
wife and children have been sent to a safe custody; he
also gave a detailed account of what was going on in the
place.
It was surprising to note that the opposite camp did
not retaliate in any way. When I asked about that, he said
that all party leaders after consultations for four days had
come to a good decision. But what he suggested gave me
a shock. He said he would take me immediately to meet
an important politician and that I should join that party. The
arrangement would just last for a month and that my name
would be removed from the charge-sheet. He also said that
other leaders had agreed to this and on this basis I should
see to it that there were no further disturbances.
As far he was concerned with a good heart, we wanted
me to be safeguarded. Also he did not want any further
clashes. As far as I was concerned, I could have been
hacked to death in that skirmish itself. When people who
struggle for food, clothing and shelter carry on a life or
death struggle, this scheme was nothing more than mak-
ing them slaves of the caste domination. If I join a political
party I would just be a slave to that leader. Have we been
fighting for so long only for this? Can people who come

38
after me act independently?
This caste struggle is not going to end up with me. Even
if a thousand years elapse, casteism would not leave this
soil. So long as castes are there, inequalities also would
abound. Untouchability would also be practised. So long as
Untouchability is there, struggles will be there. If struggles
are to be succeed, leadership should be there. If leaders
become selfish, aspire only for power and position and sub-
missive to caste Hindu leaders, people will not trust any
leader then. Is life worth living when there is no self-respect
or dignity. If our father of the nation Annal Ambedkar had
not fought for self-respect throughout his life, would I ever
had this thinking on self-respect? I too would have just lived
a slavish life under some landlord.
Should I ever step into the place of those caste fanat-
ics? That gentleman from Kumbakonam had just given that
advice taking into consideration the difficulties of the peo-
ple and for myself. He had no evil designs. I told him that I
was not agreeable to the proposal. I told him to take me to
some court where I could surrender. His face wore a pained
look. He said that they also said that I would come only to
this decision.
But he said in an apologetic tone that under the circum-
stances that was all he could do. I did not say anything
further to him. I told him to make arrangements whereby we
could surrender in some court. That night also I could not
sleep properly. I was sure he would no go and report my re-
fusal to their plan to them. I was not agreeable to that. And
before that information reaches them, I must make some
alternative arrangements. Otherwise the enemies would
tell the police that I live underground under the support of
that gentleman; the police would monitor his movements.
If I am caught by the police, to please the enemies they
would disgrace me. And my people would feel terribly un-
happy about it.
So before the dawn I started with the youngsters who
had come to give me protection. The local youngsters who
had assured our safety were put out. They all had clearly
grasped the significance of the teaching of Islam. They said

39
they had been entrusted to protect us and that it was their
duty to safely take care of us till he takes us back. Besides
the news appearing in the papers are not encouraging.
They said it was not advisable to move out at this time.
But I pacified them and started. We divided ourselves into
two groups and decided to reach Tiruvarur separately. But
when we researched we were in for a shock.
A C.I.D. inspector working in our area was in Tiruvarur
Bus Stand. Even though he had seen us, he just pretended
he had not seen us and turned his face in a different direc-
tion. But before he could turn his face towards us, we just
fled from the place and hid under an old bus which was
stationed there. Before he could contact the local police,
we left Tiruvarur.
But the following day my wife’s sister who was working
in a bank in Tiruvarur could not escape the clutches of the
C.I.D. He had to face beatings as well. In the end a week
after the incident took place, on 23.11.1982 five of us sur-
rendered in Mayiladuthurai Judicial Court. We were sent
to Tiruchi Central Prison. 49 persons who were involved in
the case had already been produced before the Court and
were in Tiruchi Central Prison.
In the next few days 7 youth belonging to Radical Youth
League and 11 people from Tamil People’s Front had
also been added in the list of accused, arrested and were
brought to Tiruchi prison. Thiagu who had specialised in
the art of destruction had been accused in a murder case
and was in prison. There were also Muniraju and Lenin who
were in the Naxalite movement. They were kept in a sepa-
rate cell. Though for 7 years they had been kept in solitary
confinement, we were surprised that they had learnt about
the activities of our movement. They had met us nearly 10
years back with some dirty clothes and unshaven face. At
that time the activities of our movement were going on in
full swing. We had gathered a very large number of young-
sters.
Two youngsters belonging to our street informed us that
their father was engaged in gathering cow dung in the cow
shed of the mutt and that Maniyakarar had accused him

40
of having stolen rice meant for cow and had tied him and
beat him up.
That man was all his life doing slavish work in the mutt.
I felt very bad that for a few kgs. of rice he had been treat-
ed like that. On that day the youngsters who were 18 and
15 stopped Maniyakarar who was returning from the mutt
mauled him with cycle chains and then reported it to me.
I took them under my safe custody, kept them under-
ground for a while and produced before judicial court. It
was at that time the two youth mentioned by me had met
me and complimented me on the attack of Maniyakarar.
At that time a number of rich people and big landlords had
been set as targets for being beaten up by some organisa-
tions. Both of them spoke as if they wanted to give great en-
couragement and inspiration to our movement. But I never
believed in violent deed or retaliation. Our principles were
just to defeat the caste fanatics and those who indulged in
violence.
It was never our aim to seek out and destroy. I had told
them that people who for thousands of years had been un-
der economic and social oppression must be emancipated
through education, awakening and self thinking and must
be helped through service oriented activities and that there
was no place for violence or destruction. They recalled
that incident nearly after ten years in the prison. I could
understand how their movement had spread its influence
throughout the country and how keenly they were going
about their job.
The members of our movement were working hard to
get bail for us to come out. Nearly people from two hundred
villages showed great concern in this. They had also con-
tributed some amount. After three months we came out on
conditional bail. I was asked to stay in Chennai and report
to Tiruvallikkeni D2 police station daily: others were asked
to stay in Thanjavur and sign in the Taluk Police station.
The brothers who were in Thanjavur had to struggle for
even food.
Our lawyer was a social reformer. They were living in
their garden, cooked their food and were sleeping in the
41
upstairs of his house. This was a very great help to us.
After spending three months on conditional bail like this, I
was told not to go to my place but conditions imposed on
others were relaxed and they went home. I was staying
in Kumbakonam. About this time we received information
that there were some problems in a village called Vetta-
mangalam. This village is under the jurisdiction of Pandan-
allur police station in Tiruvidaimarudur Taluk of Thanjavur
district. There are nearly 200 Vanniar and Thevar families
living there.
There are about fifty depressed castes here. The near-
by villages were Thatchulampallam, Kamatchipuram and
Kulasekaranallur. For Hindus living in this village to reach
Kollidakkarai, it would be enough if they cross Raja canal.
This is a little wider and during rainy season water will be
full. If there is any death during that time, a float will be
constructed and the bier will be taken to the other side and
people would be accompanying it swimming.
This was the position for the Hindus. For the Dalits
the burning ground was at the end of their street itself. In
Thanjavur district in most of the Dalit areas things were
just like that only. In the district dry lands were limited while
wet lands were more. In some part of the ground the Dalits
would have their settlements. Usually they were located on
the eastern side of the village. In any nearby vacant land
there would the burning ground.
In the burning ground of the Hindus there won’t be road
or water facilities. They have to wade through the canal and
even fields. During agricultural season too, when a crowd
moves with bier crops will be destroyed but Hindus will not
mind it. But they never would permit Dalit dead bodies to
be carried through their streets. They have a tradition that
a dead body of dalit passing through their streets would
bring evil to the place. In order to understand this tradition,
I would like to relate to you a story from Hindu Purana.
Once there lived a sage called Jamadagni. He had a
wife. That lady used to go to river to fetch water for the
household. Once a Gandharva Prince was moving along
the sky and his shadow could be seen in the river. It ap-

42
peared that the wife of the sage was much attracted by
him. The sage who was in meditation learnt about this. Im-
mediately he called his son Parasurama and told him to cut
off mother’s head as she had lost chastity. Acting on the
dictum that there was no greater duty than to obey father,
Parasurama took his weapon axe and tried to find his moth-
er. Learning that her son was coming to chop her head off,
the mother ran away to save her life. But the son followed
her. She reached the house of a Vettian. Still Parusurama
did not leave her. Despite much entreaties, he chopped her
head and brought it to his father. The sage appreciated him
much and told him that he would grant a boon to him. The
son asked for his mother’s life again.
The father agreed to it, asked to son to take back the
head and fix it over the trunk and sprinkle water from a
crest-like water vessel, usually holy people carry. Paru-
surama did so and his mother came alive. The son asked
her to come home. She said that the moment she, a brah-
min woman, had entered the dwellings of Vettian, even
then she had died and therefore she was only like a dead
body and that she would not come to the house. This is
how the proverb “The dead body from slum should not pass
by the village” came into vogue. This is the substance of
the fabricated story. The Brahmin woman who had stayed
in the dwellings of the Dalit people is worshipped as Man-
icka Nachi.
In 1980 the government constructed under NREP a
bridge across the Raja canal. The scheme cost one and
half lakh rupees. It is said half the cost was taken from
funds allotted to Dalits. This bridge was constructed just to
reach the burning ground near Kollidakkarai.
But the Hindus refused Dalits permission to carry their
dead bodies by using this bridge. The distance between
the streets of the Hindus and this bridge is about one kilo-
metre. Even though the road was there, the Dalits had to
take the dead bodies by wading through Raja canal and
burn it in their burning ground. Now as the bridge has been
constructed they demand the right to use this bridge.

43
 VETTAMANGALAM
News reached me about how a person had passed
away in Vettamangalam Dalit area and how in order to pre-
vent the Dalits using the new bridge, Hindus had gathered
from surrounding areas and are blocking the areas leading
to the bridge. It had been two days since the death has
taken place and the body has not been disposed of. As I
was still under conditional bail, I went to the Revenue Di-
visional Officer of Kumbakonam and demanded the right
to carry a Dalit dead body through a bridge constructed at
the government cost. I had also given a complaint that the
Hindus who obstruct this must be booked under Untouch-
ability Act.
As the Hindus were in large numbers and to avoid any
clashes, the Revenue Divisional Officer said that he him-
self would personally come arrange for the burning of the
dead body. But what subsequently happened really pained
us. The RDO constructed a bamboo bridge by the side of
the cement bridge and had arranged for the funeral proces-
sion to go by that bridge. Vettamangalam brothers came
and told me at Kumbakonam that even the dead carcasses
of animals of the Hindu families are taken via the cement
bridge. They were incensed that but even the government
by way of insulting us had arranged for construction of a
separate bamboo bridge.
We condemned the action of Revenue Divisional Officer
by having demonstrations in front of his office at Kumba-
konam. Now two Dalit political leaders arranged to get let-
ters from two local dalits that it was enough to have bamboo
bridge for the Dalits. We carried a placard stating that we
would destroy the bamboo bridge. We made propaganda
against the action of the government.
After a few days a Dalit had died. In his last days I had
been to Vettamangalam. His stomach was bloated. He

44
wanted to get up on seeing me but could not do so. People
who were nearby managed to make him sit. With great dif-
ficulty he raised his hands and greeted me. I was moved to
see his condition.
He wanted to say something. I bent my head near him
and could catch the words. My eyes shed tears. I had hor-
ripilation. “Would you arrange to take my dead body through
the cement road?” he had asked in a feeble voice. I stood
there silently. He did not expect any reply. Slowly putting
his head down, he reclined.
I thought that he would be alive just for a couple of days.
Womenfolk and children had gathered. The ground was
very wet. There was tamarind tree nearby with plenty of
green tamarind. This tree had belonged a Brahmin. (How
an Iyer got ownership of a tree in the midst of the dwelling
place of Dalits of over 500 years is a mystery.) Under that
tree the placed a plank and asked me to be seated. In a
while the headman came. He looked a bit apprehensive.
I could understand the reason for the fear. I asked him
to sit nearby and asked him about why he signed in the peti-
tion stating that bamboo bridge was enough. He said, “I did
not know why they had called. They mentioned the name
of two Dalit leaders and asked me to put my signature. Be-
cause they were our people, I trusted. I did not know that
it was mentioned that bamboo bridge was enough. Those
leaders had cheated us.” His regret was genuine.
Those two leaders belonged to the neighbouring village.
They had belonged to one particular political party. The lo-
cal leader of that party was a caste fanatic. Under his insti-
gation these quislings had done this job. This was shown
an agreement and they closed the problem of Vettaman-
galam. The Hindus and Dalits had become reconciled.
The R.D.O. had written to the higher authorities stating
that a person by name T.M. Mani involved in a murder case
has been magnifying this problem. We prepared a state-
ment that the bridge to Kollidakkarai had been construct-
ed at government cost and that people of all castes had a
right to use the same and if anyone prevented the Dalits
from taking the dead bridges over it, suitable action must
45
be taken. We also provided the names of people who were
preventing and gave that list signed by people living in the
area and forwarded the same to all higher authorities.
In the next week the person who was sick had died. We
immediately communicated the matter to all the authorities
with whom we had lodged a complaint earlier, requested
for protection to carry the bier and sent telegrams to the
authorities. We went to Pandanallur Police station gave a
complaint asking for protection. But they said they could
give protection only if the body is taken by the bamboo
bridge.
Throughout the day no official came near the dalit quar-
ters. Around 9 pm when I was in Kumbakonam I heard the
news that Tahsildar of Tiruvidaimarudur along with 10 con-
stables was proceeding towards Vettamangalam Dalit slum.
The distance between Vettamangalam and Kumbakonam
is about 25 kms. Along with some friends I reached Vetta-
mangalam by 11.00 pm. The whole place was engulfed in
darkness. Also there was a slight drizzle. Only slight shad-
ows could be seen in the darkness. The jeep of the Tahsil-
dar and a police jeep were stationed at the end of the Dalit
street. Nearly ten tall policemen were standing with lathis.
Some old people were preparing a pier with bamboos.
When womenfolk saw us they began to wail loudly. The
Police and Tahsildar were threatening that the body should
be removed by the night itself. Menfolk had gone and were
hiding near the fields. We had told them that our leader
has to come. But they don’t listen. Have asked some old
people to prepare the bier immediately. Tahsildar himself
has brought new dhoti, garland, incense sticks, camphor
and frankincense. This is the gist of what they told me.
Usually new clothes are brought only by father-in-law.
Camphor etc. will be purchased by headmen. But here Tah-
sildar himself had brought all these things and is waiting
with his people. I went near the jeep. I asked where Tahsil-
dar Machan was. Then shouted angrily in very loud voice.
When my voice was heard, people who were hiding near
the fields started coming.
They had also collected some stout constables from dif-
46
ferent police stations just to terrorise the Dalits.
They spoke something among themselves. One came
close to me He was a distant relative of mine. But you can-
not expect any consideration like relationship, caste or re-
ligion with the Police. We have to be very cautious always.
He was a head constable in Kumbakonam. He told me that
according to instructions from Revenue Divisional Officer,
they had come and that the higher authorities wanted the
body to be cremated by that night itself.
Even if a goat, cow or a dog dies only the owners decide
when to bury the same. What was the crime of these peo-
ple except that they were born into Dalit caste? Not only
the high caste Hindus, but even the officials behave like
caste Hindus! Apart from preventing the body to be taken
through the Hindus bridge, they want the body to be taken
and cremated somewhere even without observing funeral
rites and traditions. How is this just?
Among the officials only the Tahsildar was the higher
ranked authority. Others were Inspectors and men of lesser
rank. I told them that let R.D.O and Dy.S.P. come in the
morning. Only then would we take out the bier. They replied
that to prevent you people from using the cement bridge
Hindus have mustered in thousands. There could be riots
and even burning of your huts. He said to give protection
to us and to solve the problem they had sent him.
He also said that Dalits are very poor and depend upon
the Hindus for livelihood. That we should not make this
prestige issue and take the brier along the bamboo bridge.
And in a pacifying tone said that he too was a Dalit and a
large number of people who had come with him were also
Dalits.
I thought only the head constable who spoke to me was
a Dalit. Now from what this Tahsildar says it appears that
they have selected a lot of Dalits just to threaten and op-
press us. Higher officials could easily threaten subordinate
officials and get things done. In all departments Dalit of-
ficials are used for such purposes. To suppress the Dal-
its using Dalit officials had been a common feature. While
Tahsildar was speaking to me, one youngster called me to
47
speak in private. He said that he had reliable information
that Hindus had assembled in very large number near the
cement bridge and what the Tahsildar had been saying was
true.
The street where Hindus lived was nearly a kilometre
from this place. Dalits could not possibly know what was
going on there. I thought we too should have gathered
many people during the day time. I felt that I had commit-
ted a mistake. As I was staying in different place under
conditional bail, I could not react to the situation correctly. I
really was perplexed.
I thought of how the person who has died, told me be-
fore his death about the dead body to be taken by cement
bridge. How degrading it must have been to see that bam-
boo bridge by the side of the cement bridge. It now seems
that I could not fulfil his last wish. If all had to be brought
together for consultations, these officials are standing so
near. So I thought it would be better if all these were to be
moved out. I told the Tahsildar that all the officials should
leave the place. He not only refused but said the dead body
must be created on that day itself and that was the order
they had and therefore the police would be there for protec-
tion duty. I told him that unless the left the place immedi-
ately we would burn the huts ourselves and announce that
they along with the Hindus had done that. The Tahsildar
talked with others and they all moved away. The place was
free from the officials.
I gathered all men an women in the Dalit area and asked
for suggestions as to what could be done. An old man sug-
gested that the Hindus had gathered in large number to
prevent us doing what we want and that we too must gather
people and must go through the cement bridge only. The
vice president of the movement in that area said that he
had gone to the Police station in the morning to present a
petition about the need for police protection and that they
wanted the bier to be taken only through cement bridge.
The Inspector not only refused to accept the petition but
had insisted that they must take the dead body only via
bamboo bridge and that was the instruction of Revenue
Divisional Officer. If we defy that we could be booked for
48
rioting and would be put in prison.
The dead body, that too life having to come to an end
after prolonged illness, began to stink. If it was kept in that
condition the following day also, the stink would be unbear-
able, said a woman relative. We should have gathered by
now enough people. Now keeping a decomposing body
and hunt for people means, Police themselves would inter-
fere on the grounds that general health condition would be
affected and remove the body.
We did not want that situation to develop. At the same
time we did not like the idea of crossing the canal via bam-
boo bridge either. As there was no other alternative, we dug
a pit in the garden and buried the body. His beseeching
whether his body would be taken by cement bridge haunted
me. Because of poor planning and also having not reached
the place on time, this mistake had happened.
Those who lead ordinary people should take decisions
on time. With guilty feelings I began to leave the place. The
day was about to dawn. When I came out of the Dalit dwell-
ings, one revenue official rushed towards me and asked
what we were going to do about the dead body.
I did not reply to that official. Hindus who were waiting
with weapons to attack us near the cement bridge had no
idea as to what had happened here. Throughout the night
they were making merry. This exuberance did not last for
many days.
In the next week an old person had suddenly passed
away. When the news spread hundreds of young Dalits
from neighbouring areas had gathered in Vettamangalam.
The opposite camp also had assembled near the cement
bridge in full strength. Throughout the night under petro-
max light there was singing and dancing there.
Early in the morning the Dy.S.P. came with a retinue of
officials and asked us as to why we had not taken the dead
body yet. We said we would go only by the cement bridge.
He said that if took that route there could be clashes be-
tween the Hindus and the Dalits. We replied that he should
take action on those who prevent us from using common
bridge.
49
 He just stared at us and left in the jeep. A very large
number of Police force had been stationed. Around 11.00
in the morning, the District Adi Dravidar Welfare official
came. All his subordinate officials had also come in jeeps
and vans. Two Dalit leaders also accompanied them. They
were not the ones who had given a petition to provide just
bamboo bridge in the past. These were contractors under
the Adi Dravidar Welfare department. They were putting on
their shoulders towels denoting that they belonged to the
ruling party. They had come to pacify the Dalits and take
the body by the bamboo bridge.
They had called people in the dwelling and were prom-
ising a lot of good things. They said they would make ar-
rangements for a pucca colony to be built there with in-
dividual houses for all. The said milch animals would be
provided for each family. There would be construction of
cement water overhead tank and water supply for all the
houses. Also arrangements were being made so that the
next dead body could go by the cement bridge. On the oth-
er side the police stood guard to see that the dead body
was not taken out. Hindus also stood by them.
Around five in the evening all the officials had left the
Dalit area. We had prepared handbills stating that the dead
body would be taken in a procession and burnt at the Rev-
enue Divisional Office. We had planned to take the dead
body by a taxi to Kumbakonam and from Old Palakkarai to
take out a procession to the Revenue Divisional Office.
But this secret had leaked out and the Police prevented
any vehicle or car from entering the area. I was told by a
person from the CID that the District Superintendent of Po-
lice was coming the following day and see to that there were
no violent incidents till then. Darkness engulfed the place.
More than three hundred youngsters decided to spend the
night in Vettamangalam only. We were apprehensive that
Police could forcibly take the corpse. We wanted to prevent
such step at any cost.
Nobody had taken food in the last two days in the Dalit
dwellings. From the adjoining villages people were provid-
ing food. We were thinking as to how to feed three hundred

50
people during the night. At that time Manakkunnam Kasi
came in three bicycles carrying bags of rice. He gave four
measures of rice to each of the 40 houses and asked it to
be cooked. Each one’s drumstick tree provided the greens.
Rasam and Kuttu (mixture) were prepared. In about an
hour’s time each house provided food to 8 and 10 people
and fasting was over. The next day also Kasi had done like
that.
Kasi had arranged to collect from 10 Dalit area, one
measure of rice from each house through headmen who
sustained the tempo in this front and did a valuable service.
(In a few days’ time Manakkunnam Kasi was murdered by
the Hindus.) No body slept during the night. Arrangements
also were made to collect as many weapons as possible.
Dalits were very firm that whatever loss of life is in-
curred, the dead body must be carried only through the
cement bridge. It was decided to carry the bire silently
upto bamboo bridge and suddenly force the way to cement
bridge and then carry the same through that. To cross the
distance of about 50 feet between the two bridges, one
may have to face attacks from Hindus and the Police. To
see that the bier is not disturbed during this operation, hefty
people had been prepared to carry it.
If one person carrying the bier were to be injured, there
was another person to continue the work. Dalit youngsters
were in a frenzy. Similarly the Hindus who had gathered
near the cement bridge were singing and dancing and en-
joying themselves. Also had collected weapons which were
shining. It looked as if to see the atrocity in Vettamangalam
even the night had quickly ended its duration. Very early
in the morning itself the Panchayat Union Commissioner
alighted from his jeep in the Dalit surroundings. Also pres-
ent were an officer from the general hospital and the Health
Inspector. They had for their protection four constables.
They inspected the dead body immediately. They said the
body had decomposed and it must be immediately removed
or there would be general health problems. The Panchayat
Commissioner got a certificate to this effect from the Doc-
tor.

51
 They will take over the dead body forcibly and throw
it somewhere or burn it. That is why this medical drama.
Dalit youngsters understood this stood on vigil for nearly a
furlong distance from the main road to the entrance of the
dwellings.
Around 9 O’clock in the morning two CID police came
in a jeep. At the entry point they were stopped by the group
of Dalit youngsters. They aid that there would be a Peace
Committee meeting in Pandanallur Revenue Inspector’s
office at 10 a.m. Without dislocating the security arrange-
ments some leaders along with the village headmen went
there. In Revenue Inspector’s office a number of Hindu
bigwigs had gathered.
Myself, Kudanthai Sowrirajan, Tiruppanandal Uthirasu,
Alaveli, Asaithambi, Nedunkollai Perumal, Pandanallur Kal-
iyamurthi, Visarachami, Pappakkudi Kalingarajan, Ramian,
Srirngapuram Balu who were are all ordinary folk, younger
than me represented our side.
In the side opposite to the Dalits, two Dalit leaders were
also there. They had come to give evidence on behalf of
their masters. In the Revenue Inspector’s office of Pandan-
allur two sets if seats had been provided each facing the
other.
Hindus who had belonged to different political parties
were sitting in the lower row. Along with them the two Dalit
leaders also were sitting. In the upper row we were sitting.
The Tahsildar of Tiruvidaimarudur presided over the meet-
ing.
From the Hindus side they spoke threateningly. They
said that Hindus and Dalits were very close to each other in
Vettamangalam like a mother and the child, it had already
been decided by the authorities that the Dalits would take
out the dead bodies via the bamboo bridge and that outsid-
ers like us are creating tension over it. This was the argu-
ment of the Hindus. We said while the cement bridge used
by all the other castes to take out the dead bodies, it would
be illegal to prevent Dalits alone to use it for that purpose.
We also said that in fact construction of separate bamboo
bridge for the use of the Dalits was an even greater offence
52
and all these people must be arrested under Untouchabil-
ity Act. The Hindus were much agitated. From our side
Asaithambi told them heatedly that they could do whatever
they wanted.
Both the sides exchanged harsh words. I asked my
side to be quiet. The Hindus had dispersed. The Tahsildar
and other officials who had accompanied him tried to seat
both the sides for talks. The CID Police said that the Dis-
trict Superintendent of Police was on his way and that we
should not disperse and go away. Around 2 p.m. the S.P. of
Thanjavur district came.
He gave stern warning to the Hindus and ourselves. He
also used harsh words directed generally at all. He said if
we do not agree to some decision within thirty minutes, he
himself would take a decision. He was very angry.
The constables were standing erect with the guns. That
also frightened both the sides. The way he was critical of
both sides irritated me. The Tahsildar persuaded both the
sides to resume the seats. They wrote in a note book the
those signed agreed to whatever decision had been taken
by the authorities. This was considered a resolution , read
out and first the Hindus signed it. The authorities would
have thought that if the Hindus had signed, we too would
sign. But we refused to sign.
The Superintendent of Police asked us to meet him
separately. We went to the place where he was sitting.
A number of police officials and the Panchayat Com-
missioner of Tiruppanandal were there. An order which had
prepared was handed over to us. In order that the readers
must fully understand the problems of Vettamangalam Dal-
its in disposing of the dead bodies, I am reproducing in full
the order of the Panchayat Commissioner:

53
 Panchayat Union Commissioner, Tiruppanandal
Date: 11.4.84
N.K.2699/84 B3
Notice:
SUB: General Health, Vettamangalam village,
Serfoji Rajapuram Circle –disposal of dead body of a
deceased person on 9.4.84 –cremation.
REF: Letter from Area Inspector dated 11.4.84
One Mani, son faith had died in the Adi Dravidar
Street of Vettamangalam village on 9.4.84. The body
of the dead person is lying in his elder brother’s house
without being cremated till now. There are no efforts
to dispose of the body either so far. As three days had
elapsed since the death and cremation has not been
done, this could lead to adverse general health situ-
ation and there is the danger of spread of infectious
diseases. Arrangements must be made to dispose of
the dead body within one hour from the receipt of this
notice. It is notified hereby that otherwise action will
be taken under Tamil Nadu General Health law.
Commissioner
Panchayat Union, Tiruppanandal
Special Officer,
Serfoji Rajapuram Panchayat
To
Sivasami, Adi Dravidar Street, Vettamangalam.
When this notice was served on us, officials of
many departments of government were there. What is
the truth in the notice? Readers must think. It is true
that as the dead body has been lying uncremated, it
is decomposing.
But the authorities have stated that the Dalits had
not made any arrangements to dispose of the body.
Is this proper? Because the Hindus refuse the body to
54
be taken through the cement bridge and the authori-
ties also aided and abetted by them by constructing a
bamboo bridge separately for the Dalits, this situation
has come about.
Is a Hindu dead body superior? Dalit’s dead body
inferior? Had the authorities implemented law, would
this disgrace have taken place? As if it is not enough
to keep us outside the village while alive, now they
want to inflict indignities on the dead ones too!
When they have the mentality to disgrace us even
after death, what relationship could there be between
them and us? The talk that all Hindus must be united
seems just an empty assurance.
The law says that Untouchability has been abol-
ished. Where has it been abolished? How dare this
big lie goes about unchallenged? In all the 12 lakh
villages of India, the same situation prevails. To give
one lakh rupees as prize money for a village where is
no untouchability is a fraud. So long as Hindu religion
is there, you cannot see such a village.
After receiving the notice from the commission-
er and perusing the same, we prepared a reply and
handed over to the District Superintendent of Police.
Sender:
Sivasami,
Adi Dravidar Street,
Vettamangalam.
To
The Hon’ble District Police Higher Official,
Camp: Pandanallur Revenue Inspector’s office.
Ref: Notice no. NK 2699/B3 of the Commissioner,
Tiruppanandal Panchayat Union.
Sub: Taking out the bier through the public bridge
for cremation – request for protection –
My uncle Mani, son of Vaithi had passed away on
55
 9.4.84 after illness. The Hindus of the village and the
revenue officials are preventing us from taking out
this body via the cement bridge to the crematorium.
As a result, as stated in the order cited above, the
body which is lying uncremated for three days is de-
composing and it is likely to endanger public health.
We are obliged to cremate it within one hour. We re-
spectfully submit to Your Honourable Self to kindly
make arrangements so that the dead body is taken
through the cement bridge near the Hindu street.
SD/- Sivasami
Vettamangalam

The above letter was drafted and submitted to the Dis-

trict Superintendent of Police.
He read it and look at us as though he could burn us
with his looks. We understood the meaning of his stare and
left the place in anger. After a while one official came and
showed us the complaint we had written and asked us to
add one more sentence stating that we will bind ourselves
by what the authorities decide in the matter. We said the
authorities are preventing us from taking out the dead body
through the cement bridge and therefore there was no
question of abiding by the decision of the authorities. We
were very firm. He returned without giving any reply. It was
about 5 in the evening. The crowds on both the sides had
swollen. At the main street a little away, members of our
movement raised slogans like, “Down with castes”, “Down
with untouchability”, “We will smash the bamboo bridge”
and sat on the road obstructing the traffic. Printed handbills
also were distributed. As a result there was restlessness.
Four constables ran towards the side of agitation. Revenue
officials were trying to pacify the crowd. Finding the situ-
ation getting worse, the Police Official ordered that all of
them should leave for Vettamangalam.
When the District Police Officer had ordered like that,
the police, revenue and Harijan welfare officials who were
in the Revenue Inspector’s office and other places pro-
ceeded towards Vettamangalam in jeeps and vans. Nearly
56
500 members of our movement who saw this also followed
them. The whole scene resembled as if a piece from a cin-
ema was enacted.
The Tahsildar took myself and some leading members
of the movement in his jeep. The authorities seemed to
complete the process of cremation as early as possible.
Our members were even more ardent than them. But all of
us were moving in a hurried manner without even having
decided whether the bier would go through cement or bam-
boo bridge. We had decided that it would be via cement
bridge. We were prepared to face any consequences on
that account.
The members of the movement had kept the body in
the bier to be carried immediately. The procession started
and hundreds of Dalits had surrounded it. Also hundreds
were preceding and following the bier. We did not have
the heart to ask the authorities as to which bridge must
be chosen: nor did they seem to spell out clearly which
bridge must be taken. Near the cement bridge, Vanniars
had gathered there in large number along with the police.
When the bier approached near the bamboo bridge, the
armed police showed a little hesitation. Whether they did
not know that cement bridge is to be used or we would be
forced to use bamboo bridge, it was uncertain. But those
who carried the bier, and those who had been surrounding
them moved very swiftly like lightning towards the cement
bridge and proceeded on it. The whole of Kollidakkarai re-
verberated with slogans Jai Bhim, Jai Bhim. The Police and
Vanniars guarding the entrance to the cement bridge stood
transfixed. Probably the authorities must have thought that
if their decision to permit the bier to cross through cement
bridge had been communicated earlier, there could have
been violence.
Dalits had to struggle so much for even a right granted
under law!
When we returned after the cremation was over, con-
stables with arms had lined up on the route. Members of
our movement were leaving in batches to their respective
places. Myself and some leaders stood at the entrance of

57
Harijan street and asked people to leave the place peace-
fully.
At the end of the street there were women folk standing
under a tree. Five or six bricks had been so formed as to
give a cone shape in a small raised mud pial. Within that
an earthen lamp had been lit. A trident had been placed
opposite that. An old woman was distributing sacred ash
and vermilion after showing camphor to the lamp from a
big plate. Everybody closed their eyes, placed their hands
before the mouth as a mark of respect and showed their
forehead to the old woman. Some local people who had
come with us went and joined in these rituals.
We were standing a little away. The old woman brought
that big plate towards us. A local member gently turned her
away.
All the difficulties faced by the Dalits are due to this
sacred ash and vermilion. Annal Ambedkar says that this is
what brands them as untouchables.
Is there none to impart to these people the great truth
told by that great man? Are do they not want to cast off that
stamp? Which is the truth?
What does it matter if a man’s dead body is taken by a
particular road? Should there be so much rancour over it?
Some reformers advise us that we could have climbed
down a little in this matter. But they do not understand that
this age-old right has been denied to us from time immemo-
rial.
No reformist organisation has come forward to take up
cudgels against the daily indignities heaped upon the Dalits.
It is said that Dr.Ramadoss stood against Vanniars himself
by helping to carry a bier on his shoulders in a place called
Kudithangi in Thanjavur district . And it has been widely ad-
vertised that to express great appreciation for that, leader
of Viduthalai Siruthiar organisation Thol.Thirumavalavan
conferred on Dr.Ramadoss of the title “Tamil Kudithangi”.
If there are reformers like Ramdoss to fight for the rights
of Dalits, and when there are Dalit leaders to chronicle
them, there is no need for Dalit leaders like myself or my
58
organisation or others to function at all.
But did such an event take place? Was it proper that
Thirumavalavan should have bestowed on Dr.Ramadoss
the title of “Tamil Kudithangi”? To clarify the matter, I will
relate briefly an incident as that had happened in Vetta-
mangalam.

59
 KUDITHANGI
Kudithangi is a place about 10 km. north of Kumba-
konam. About half a kilometre north of the historical Tir-
uppurambiam there is a place called New Colony. People
from different places came and settled in this place about
twenty thirty years back in what was a fallow land. All of
them belonged to Pariah community.
From there within less than half a kilometre in the north,
Kudithangi colony is located. About 50 Pariah families are
living there. From there in about half a km. distance adja-
cent to Kudithangi in Kollidakkarai about 150 Vanniar fami-
lies live. At the end of the Kudithangi colony there is the
burning ground for the Dalits.
People had been petitioning to the government for a
long time to allot land for burning ground near Kollidak-
karai. About this time to establish our movement there, we
had gone to Kudithangi Dalit dwelling area. People there
informed us about their petition. After our association was
formed there, the first activity was to demand a place for
crematorium for the Dalits by holding demonstrations and
fasting before the Revenue Divisional Office at Kumba-
konam. At that time on 12.1.88 in the Dalit area an aged
person by name Ayer had passed away.
We submitted copies of our petitions and details about
our demonstrations to the
District Collector of Thanjavur and Superintendent of
Police. They said they would look into the matter. But the
Union and town office bearers of the Vanniars Sangam
wrongly presumed that we were about to take the dead
body to Kollidakkarai for cremation and had assembled
thousands of Vanniars through their association and be-
60
gan to guard near Vanniar street in Kudithangi.
A very riotous situation prevailed there. The District Col-
lector called us and said that as we have already a burning
ground and if arrangements are made for a new alterna-
tive burning ground there could be disturbances and it was
possible that they were responsible for the situation and
accordingly asked us take the dead body to the old crema-
torium. Also he said he would make alternative arrange-
ments shortly. The Superintendent of Police confirmed that
view. There was reason for both the officials fearing that
they could be charged with instigation –both of them had
belonged to depressed classes.
Even though two top district officials belonged to the
depressed castes, we felt very unhappy that nothing could
be done for the legitimate demands of innocent people; but
at the same time we also thought of the plight of the District
Collector Gangappa.
If you pass by Kudithangi Kollidakkarai eastwards for
about two kilo metres, there is the village Nilathanallur fa-
mous for cattle shanty. Near that there is the village called
Kavalkudam.
In that place a Vettian did not turn up immediately to
remove the carcass of a cow in Hindu family. To teach a
lesson, the Hindus had burned the huts of six vettians. For
the crime of giving a complaint to Police on this incident,
hundreds of Hindus had gathered and burned about 40
huts there.
Congress leader Moopanar’s right hand Ramakrishna
Padayatchi had lead all the above incidents. Even after
four days of burning the huts, no action was taken against
those who burnt them but they also declared that it was
an accident. We met the District Collector Gangappa, told
him the details and also gave him the list of people who
had perpetrated the offence. He personally visited the spot,
took action and provided dwellings for Kavalkudam Dalits
near Neelathanallur where a large number of Dalits were
living. As Collector Gangappa had belonged to dalit caste,
caste Hindu political leaders took revenge and he was
transferred to Milk Project department.
61
 This could be done to him even though he was an I.A.S.
official. He had lose his job as the District Collector. We
thought about these things. What is the guarantee that such
indignities would not befall on these Dalit officials? Still as
we were not inclined to take the dead body to the burning
ground, we buried it in the land adjacent to his place and
raised a Samadhi there.
We continued to press for allotting a burning ground for
us in Kollidakkarai by organising demonstrations. At this
stage, on 23.8.88 one Selvam, son of Kaliaperumal died in
the New Colony. On the previous day for a very big confer-
ence of Scheduled Caste emancipation in Chennai we had
participated. From Thanjavur we had attended by harness-
ing 360 lorries. When we returned to the place on 23rd we
got the news of the death of Silva. For New Colony people
there was already a burning ground in Kollidakkarai.
In 1983 when Annappattu, wife of Pattaru of New Colony
had died, the body was cremated only in Kollidakkarai ghat.
So we made arrangements for immediate disposal of the
body. When the brier was being carried, hundreds of Van-
niar Sangam members wearing the yellow turban of their
identity blocked the road with weapons in their hands.
The reason for people who had not objected to the cre-
mation of Annappattu in Kollidakkarai doing so now was
that they had formed an association. As there was no other
alternative the body was just kept there and people re-
turned to village. When we heard the news, we immediately
complained to Sub-Collector, Kumbakonam. We appraised
him of the fact that people of New Colony had a burning
ground in Kollidakkarai. We also told how the Vanniars are
obstructing the proceedings. As it was late in the night, we
decided to complete the rituals in the morning.
But when we went there in the early morning neither
the body nor the bier could be found. The authorities must
have taken them and thrown it somewhere. Members of
our movement who enraged at this attacked the police who
were standing guard there. In fact one Inspector was so
severely wounded in the head that there was a danger to
his life.

62
 Other constables who by now were severely affected,
ran away from the place. On 24.8.88 hundreds of armed
police personnel entered nine dwellings of Dalits including
at Kudithangi and New Colony and indulged in heavy de-
struction of properties. Old sarees and dhoties were burnt.
All earthenware were broken. Case under attempted mur-
der (Sect.307, and other sections were registered against
104 Dalits including 22 women Kudithangi dwellers. Sis-
ters of our movement were taken to Kumbakonam and
were tortured.
For many months we faced imprisonment and then con-
ditional bail. Many deaths followed and we decided not to
use the old burning ground and did not change our course
of taking the brier through the common public road. Despite
so much hardships we did not recede from our stand. For
four years the agitation went on.
Many dead bodies were buried in the streets and ca-
nals. We also had to face many cases during this period.
At this juncture on 14.8.88 Nirappirigai and press people
who had come for field inspection stated that there was no
organisation in the area with awareness and militancy!
Not only Nirappirigai, but for many reformist organisa-
tions and reformers probably the name Kudithangi came to
knowledge probably on after Dr.Ramadoss arrived there!
People who had come for inspection did not take into
cognisance the struggles of the people there which were
going on for a long time. They were just bent on highlight-
ing the arrival of Dr.Ramadoss there. Did not Dr.Ramadoss
know what was going on in Kudithangi for the previous four
years? After 82 Vanniars were arrested and sent to impris-
onment under Valence Act and brought an end to the prob-
lem of burning ground in Kudithangi and exposing thor-
oughly the duplicity of Vanniars by Kudantai Ramanathan,
Polur Varathan and others, and after Chief Minister Jayala-
litha ordered that dead bodies could be taken by the main
road to Kollidakkarai, only then did Dr.Ramadoss come to
Kudithangi to get political mileage out of it. Vanniar women
asked him that only his party people prevented the bodies
to be taken by that road and why did he come as if to be-

63
tray them and joining the Dalit slum dwellers. If Ramadoss
came along with the Dalits they threatened to resort to road
block again.
After undergoing many hardships and indignities and
finally bringing the matter to an end after four years, our
people also hated the arrival of Dr.Ramadoss. The Sub-
Collector also pressed Dr.Ramadoss to leave the place.
But the leaders of our movement who had come in the lin-
eage of Rationalism and Self-respect of Periyar and Annal
Ambedkar welcomed him warmly, took him in procession
to the burning ghat and said that quarrel over must be left
behind and efforts made to capture seats in the Parliament.
It is this most conscious group that has been called as one
without awareness or militancy by Nirappirigai. Is this also
not a kind of untouchability?
By Dr.Ramadoss’ arrival no good accrued to either
party. For the simple reason the problem had been solved
even before that. We thought that there would be harmony
between the two communities after his arrival. That also
did not take place. After a few days both our communities
called for a conciliation meeting at R.P.S. Stalin’s house in
Kumbakonam and established harmony. Knowing nothing
about all these things, Thirumavalavan has given a wrong
information that Dr.Ramadoss was one of the people who
carried a bier of Dalit and there were thousands of Vanniars
assembled. Also, he has conferred on him the title, “Tamil
Kudithangi”. Subsequently he calls him as the enemy of
Dalits. Both these are unnecessary.
As for as Ramadoss is concerned he has to show often
that he is not an enemy of the Dalits and accordingly show
effusiveness to some Dalit leader. It could be John Pan-
dian or Thirumavalavan, Ezhilmalai, Ponnusami or some-
body else tomorrow. This is how he met the attack of leader
Ilaiyaperumal. On such occasions we had supported Ilai-
yaperumal. But we have never said that Ramadoss was an
enemy of the Dalits. At the same time never accepted the
leadership of any caste Hindu either.
When that research article appeared in Nirappirigai
our movement was listed under Naxalites by the Police. At

64
the time of Ariyalur blast, with the backing of Court order
my house was subjected intense search by the Police. In-
tense search meant hundreds of Police and local, outside
Dy.S.P.s under the guise of search, the whole of our dwell-
ings had been laid threadbare and people in the area were
put under fear.
The Police knew that there was no chance of obtaining
any document pertaining to the Ariyalur blast with us. But
its intention was to intimidate and terrorise us.
Even though Kudithankigal research article in Nirappiri-
gai hurt us greatly, we never showed that out. The reason
was that comrades A. Marx, P. Kalyani and Ravikumar all
wanted to do some good to us.

65
MURDER CASE – IMPRISONMENT
During 1984 the case involving murder charges against
me was taken up for hearing. It was contended that my
younger brother and another youngster were holding the
murdered person and I used a long Veecharival to kill him.
That is how witnesses presented the matter. The princi-
pal six witnesses almost verbatim repeated the same story.
Thanjavur Ramamurthy argued excellently. He took great
pains to see that I was acquitted in the case. Of the 54 ac-
cused, the one who really committed the murder was also
there. He was just about 18. If his parents were persuaded
to make the son accept the crime, probably he could get a
life sentence and will come out by the time he is 30.
The amount we spend on the conduct of the case could
be given to that family. I also could escape the prison sen-
tence. The youngster also had agreed to the suggestion.
His family also accepted the same. But I was not prepared
to accept it. I did not like the idea of betraying a youngster
with a lot of self-respect and dignity. If I did that who would
come out for public service? As for as we were concerned
the matter was treated as public service only. I said even if
I am given death sentence it did not matter. In the end the
Judgement awarded me a life term.
Six persons including my younger brother were given
one year imprisonment. Arrangements were made for get-
ting bail for the six. On November 5, 1984 I was taken to
Tiruchi Central Prison. I was given uniform meant for pris-
oners. Naxalite prisoners who were in solitary confinement
had been transferred to some other prison. Ganesan who
was an associate of Thiagu (in solitary confinement) gave
in writing acceptance of some conditions and was with us.

66
The heroes who murdered those who had put an end to the
life of MP Annan Murugian in a planned manner were also
with us. One of them, MP’s brother Russia and three others
and one from Thevar community were the five involved in
that case.
A person from Thevar caste had been deliberately in-
cluded in this group. They had considered that if all had
belonged to one caste there would not be ‘realism’ in the
case! Therefore, he had been included. Till the end that
Thevar was not close to them at all. He was lamenting that
they had included him in this case because he was a com-
munist and that he had nothing to do with the murder. Rus-
sia also agreed with the contention. He said that he and
his brothers did it Thevar had nothing to do with this. Just
to make it a political issue they had included him. He also
added that they had born all the Court expenses but still
that man was complaining.
It is true that Irinjur Gopalakrishna Naidu had burnt
44 dalits alive in Keezha Venmani and Dalit youngsters
wreaked vengeance on him: it is equally true that M.P. Mu-
rugian (Communist) was murdered in a planned manner by
the caste Hindus and those wretched people had to face the
revenge from Dalit youth. These were caste struggles. But
many powers join together to depict them as class struggle.
There were many Dalits in prison who were absolutely in-
nocent of any crime. Veppamthattai is a small village in
Perambalur district. One Perumal who had belonged to
Pallar caste was a primary school teacher in that village.
He had inter-caste marriage with a Mudaliar girl.
He was an ardent follower of Periyar. He had bought a
plot in the area where Mudaliars were living and had laid
foundations for constructing a house there as well. This had
created great pain and anger to Mudaliars and those who
were serving with him. Not only had he married a higher
caste woman but wanted to live amidst them as well! How
could they tolerate that? It was rainy season. Two higher
caste girls who were playing by the pit of the foundation
stones had fallen inside and the sand had covered them.
Nobody had noticed this. They had searched for two days
and then found the bodies of the children in a decomposed
67
manner. The manner in which the children had met with
death pained and shocked profoundly the teacher much
more than even parents.
People in the area who had seen things personally
did not have any doubt whatsoever. However, a teaching
belonging to high caste with the teacher also was serv-
ing as the Correspondent of Malai Murasu. Joining hands
with caste Hindus he hatched a conspiracy. The incident of
children’s death was published In Mali Murasu with a big
heading, “Is this Human sacrifice (Narabali)?” This news
appeared on the fifth day after the children had died. Be-
cause the teacher had got an inter-caste wife and was liv-
ing among the Hindus, this served as a good opportunity
for caste fanatics to turn things against him.
As a result of the efforts made by these wicked people
the news item from Malai Murasu was taken up for dis-
cussion in the legislative assembly. With the connivance of
caste Hindus and politicians, the Police department fabri-
cated a false case. They caught hold of a soothsayer with
small drum to swear that the teacher gave children as sac-
rifice on is advice: also the teacher’s pariah friend in the
nearby village by name Palanimuthu was instigating him
to give this human sacrifice. The case was conducted and
false witnesses testified. Perumal the teacher and his friend
Palanimuthu got life imprisonment and were languishing in
the Tiruchi central prison.
The Supreme which had taken up the final appeal set
aside the conviction and also passed strictures on the Po-
lice for fabricating the case.
One can say that untouchability, indignities of the caste
system and hunger were absent in the prisons. As every-
body is compelled to be living, eating and sleeping at one
place, even if there were mental reservations, they were
just kept to oneself. Also as the Dalits were convicted in
large number, many prisoners are Dalits and therefore
caste clashes are not much in evidence. As I have fre-
quently been put in prison, the punishment has not been
felt severely by me. I have also spoken and written much
about my experiences in prison on many occasions. Even

68
a prison is like a school to a man.
During the times while I was in prison none had been
executed. Generally when people look at the place where
execution takes place, there is undoubtedly a fear in the
mind. When we some very cruel murderers we ourselves
feel outraged and want to kill them. I think the government
should itself kill those who take the lives of others when
they are full of male chauvinism or caste superiority. (I am
not referring to encounters.)
If the government had killed people like Irinjur Go-
palakrishnan, the lives of many Dalits could have been
spared. Only the weak are put to death by the strong ones.
Only the government could kill such strong people. In free
India lakhs of Dalits had been killed. Lakhs of women have
been murdered. If Government functions properly and im-
plements law in a strong manner and if punishments had
been severe, crimes could have come down considerably.
I do not accept some intellectuals who argue that awarding
death sentence is also a crime.
Election dates have been announced in 1984. We de-
cided to use this for counter propaganda. We selected
Tiruvidaimarudur general constituency, placed Sowrira-
jan who had done field work with us as our candidate and
made propaganda. Without handbills and wall posters,
men and women conducted street corner propaganda. We
talked about how atrocities of untouchability are commit-
ted against Dalits throughout the land. We also explained
how irrespective of the political affiliations politicians act
at the behest of high caste people, mutts and temples and
landlords and how the Police also act as their servants; we
listed indignities and atrocities against the Dalits.
The D.M.K. which had been consistently winning that
constituency lost the elections this time. This gave a great
impetus to the members of our movement. If only the scat-
tered Dalit leaders are brought together and a political force
raised, we thought that could give us a political security. We
tried to gather all Dalits, Pallars, Pariahs and Arundhatiars
together and have a solid front. This was our first victory.
One Scheduled Castes Liberation Front came into being

69
under the leadership of leader Ilaiyaperumal.
For this organisation, V. Balasundaram was appoint-
ed as the President, Dr.Cheppan as the Treasurer, lead-
er A. Saktidasan as the General Secretary, respected
M.Sundasrarajan as Adviser. After conducting small meet-
ings in Thanjavur, Tiruchi, South Arcot, Chennai and spo-
radically in other places, finally we conducted a big con-
ference in Pandanallur, Thanjavur district on 29.6.86. The
meeting which started around 11 in the morning lasted till
2 in the night without any interruption. People sat even
without food and listened to the leaders recounting the in-
dignities and atrocities perpetrated on the Dalits. As the
Chairman of the meeting I said: “I beg the leaders who are
assembled here, even falling at your feet. Save the chastity
of our sisters. There are women who had lost their hus-
bands, husbands who had lost their wives, mothers who
lost their children, girls who lost their chastity and children
who have last their fathers and the like assembled here. I
invoke the name of our Father of the Nation Ambedkar. You
must all unite and work for the uplift of our people.”
Leader Ilaiyaperumal, Dr.Cheppan, leader A. Sakti-
dasan, Venerable Sundarrajan, Dalit Ezhilmalai, all leaders
in Tamil Nadu of important organisations and also a num-
ber of leaders belonging to smaller groups had participated
in the conference. All the leaders who spoke in the meeting
stressed the need for unity and even said they could be
beaten with chappals in the junction of the streets, if they
strayed from the stand. But it was shameful that many left
the movement when the next elections were announced.
Only a few leaders like Ilaiyaperumal, Saktidasan,
Cheppan, Respected Sunderrajan, Kodikkal Chellappa,
V. Palanivelu remained with the movement. Others were
attaching themselves to some political party or the other.
We started a movement called Scheduled Caste Liberation
Movement with these leaders. The flag resembled Repub-
lican Party with sufficient white background to add a Red
Star. A seven member group including myself registered the
party. Then came the discussion as to with whom to align
during the elections. Before the elections the way many
leaders behaved was so disgraceful that I do not want to
70
write about that. They behaved so shamefully.
Still our leaders took initiative decided to bring others
too and then Scheduled Caste Liberation Front would con-
test in 18 constituencies. Accordingly 18 persons includ-
ing Kodikkal Chellappa contested the elections. Of these
Thangarasu who was put up Ilaiyaperumal in Kattuman-
narkovil alone won. Others were defeated. After the results,
Chellappa become heart-broken.
In 1982 conversions in Meenatchipuram had created
a stir throughout India. The Saivite Mutts, Adeenams and
RSS outfits raised a hue and cry that Meenatchipuram peo-
ple were getting converted into different faith for money.
They propagated that Muslims give a lot of money to Dalits
for conversion. MGR who was the Chief Minister then also
had stated that it was wrong change to change one’s reli-
gion for the sake of money and had justified the principles
stated by Hindutva forces. Almost dailies were publishing
reports like this only. That made everyone to speak freely
that Meenatchipuram people converted into other faith for
the sake of money. This was not only an insult to people of
Meenatchipuram but also had the aim of putting an end to
Ambedkar’s principle.
About this time Scheduled Castes Liberation Front
under the leadership of Ilaiyaperumal and Indian Human
Rights Party convened state general body meeting and an-
nounced that only socially atrocities inflicted on the people
were responsible and not money. The Government of India
sent the Union Minister of State for Home, Yogendra Makh-
wana to Tamil Nadu and asked for a report on the Dalits of
Meenatchipuram converting to Muslim faith. The Hindutva
forces tried very much to pressurise the minister to come
out with the statement condemning the religions conver-
sion in Meenatchipuram.
At that time Respectable Kakkan, President of Hari-
jan Welfare Movement who had affiliated with Scheduled
Castes Liberation Front had prepared Brother Viswana-
than for it. But they could not succeed in their efforts. If
they had succeeded, in Tamil Nadu a situation would have
arisen which would have negated Ambedkar’s policy of re-

71
ligious conversion. The Scheduled Castes Liberation Front
had close relationship with Yogendra Makwana. Not only
that, Ilaiyaperumal was the State President of Akil Bharati-
ya Anususit caste parsast movement, which was run by
Makwana. Therefore, when the Minister came for inspec-
tion to Meenatchipuram, he and many of us met him at the
airport and appraised him about the cruelties inflicted on
Dalits in Tamil Nadu and reminded him of gruesome inci-
dents in Villuppuram, Venmeni and Ramanathapuram and
stressed that Meenatchipuram conversions were the result
of indignities of untouchability.
Thereafter in the statement issued by the Home Min-
istry regarding Meenatchipuram conversions it was made
clear that Dalits of Tamil Nadu aspire for social equality and
that as they do not get it under Hindu religion, there is reli-
gious conversion. As a result all the Hindutva forces were
dumbfounded. It must be noted that for this great service
Kodikkal Chellappa was largely responsible.
Then based on Central Government statement we
propagated in favour of Meenatchipuram conversion. A
large number of people accepted Islam. There was a great
change among people who had accepted Islam newly. Till
then they had been subjected to struggles, imprisonment
and torture; now Islam was a source of great vigour and
strength. They did not think that due to social indignities
they had joined Islam but integrated themselves totally with
Islam. In two or three years’ time they had become com-
pletely merged in Islamic identity.
Apart from Change in the place of living, occupation
and physical appearance the way matrimonial relations
took place also gave a great deal of surprise. Once we
were in Madurai Junction retiring rooms with leader Ilai-
yaperumal. At that time some railway employees had come
to see us. At that time one Abdur Rahman who had be-
longed to our place also came. Only in the previous year he
had embraced Islam.
Prior to that he was serving as the secretary in the Sched-
uled Castes Liberation Front at Tiruppanandal Panchayat
Union. During very critical times had worked hard in the

72
movement. Had faced many cases. Also the leader knew
him well. Still now the leader c could not recognise him.
Only when he introduced himself with his old name, could
the leader identify him.
The leader just sat transfixed. For a long time he was
silent. Then he let out a long sigh. Said those senseless
people did not know where the country was going. I asked
which senseless people. He said he was referring to the
Hindu heads of religious groups and party leaders. Ilai-
yaperumal had deep regard for Hinduism.
He is maintaining Nandanar Mutt, an institution founded
by Swami Sahajananda. When we had supported conver-
sion activities in Meenatchipuram, he did not raise any ob-
jection. Now when he saw Abdur Rahman in Madurai and
felt deeply about it, it surprised me. In many public meet-
ings he had justified the conversion in Meenatchipuram.
He had stressed the correct situation to the Union Home
Minister. But probably he did not seem to like people in the
movement to change their religion.
The Dalits are needed for the communists, politicians,
Tamil nationalists, employers, landlords and Hindus. That
is why they do not favour conversion. In India the Dalits are
considered as a useful commodity. But should Dalit organi-
sations think like that? Unfortunately they do think only like
that.
The leaders of Dalit Movements, after Ambedkar have
not stressed the need for religious conversion. There were
two reasons for it. The first one was if Dalits change their
religion, the movements would be weakened. Secondly the
anger of Hindus would affect the political situation serious-
ly.
Ambedkar knew this very well: still he thought that his
people’s liberation was of paramount importance and as
a role model himself, got converted into Buddhism. (The
speech of Ambedkar on 15.10.56 on the day of conversion
to Buddhism has come in book form. Readers are request-
ed to read and understand its significance.)
He said that to leave Hindu religion itself was a libera-
tion. But today Dalit leaders and movements are hobnob-
73
bing with Hindutva forces. Brother Abdur Rahman who had
come to see us, waited for a while, took note of the silence
and then left the place after some time. And the railway
employees who were there, who were also Dalits, passed
harsh comments on Abdur Rahman.
Leader Ilaiyaperumal is a great Dalit leader. No Dalit
leader could work so tirelessly for the downtrodden as he
has been doing. He did not have any bad habits like smok-
ing or drinking. He hated people who took to drink. He was
very familiar with leaders like Nehru, Indira Gandhi, Rajiv
Gandhi; besides he knew personally many Presidents and
moved with them on equal terms. He could converse in
English effortlessly.
He was the Chairman of the Scheduled Castes Com-
mission which was appointed by Mrs.Indira Gandhi. The
report he prepared made the world aware of the fact that
even in Independent India, untouchability was still prac-
tised. His report was discussed even in the United Nations.
A Gandhian, he pointed out that even in the birth place of
Gandhi untouchability was still prevalent.
Though a man of great stature, he would personally go
to villages even to solve minor fence problems. When Dalit
huts are burnt in villages, he would be there even before
the fire is put out. Whenever there were caste disturbances
he would personally go and bring amity there without both-
ering the distinction about Pariahs, Pallar or Arundhatiar.
In places like Venmani, Villuppuram, Unjanai, Kurinjanku-
lam, Bodi where disturbances had taken place, his services
were monumental. When Pallars were severely affected in
Bodi, the way he mustered thousands of people belonging
to Pariah community and demonstrated before District Col-
lector’s Office in Thanjavur was a classic example for his
organising ability.
By 1960s Dalits in Tamil Nadu constituted the vote bank
for the Congress party. They did not know much about
Ambedkar. They revered Gandhi like a God. At that time
DMK commented upon Ambedkar and Gandhi, pointed out
the different approaches of these leaders, how Ambedkar
had made adverse comments on Congress and Gandhi,

74
etc. and tried to gather Dalits to their side. While replying
to these charges, Congressmen used to tell that Ambedkar
opposed Gandhi due to instigation from Englishmen but still
Congress made him the Law Minister. When Congressmen
were indulging in such anti-Ambedkar propaganda, Ilay-
aperumal was an important leader in the Congress.
He was very close to Kamaraj also. In 1962 when he
opened an Hostel for Dalits in Chidambaram after Ambed-
kar’s name, he had asked Kamaraj to declare that open.
This might appear as a contradiction. But in those days it
was used as a tactics not to make much out of the differ-
ences between Ambedkar and Gandhi so that Dalits could
remain united.
I gave some account of leader Ilaiyaperumal history be-
cause if that is properly grasped Dalit movement members
could learn what type of service they could do for society.
But despite his outstanding service and dedication Dalit
liberation is still far off. Why? Even in the villages adjacent
to his place doubt glass system still prevails. Why?
If an answer is to be given to this question briefly, one
has to see the historical evidence. The history of Ilaiyape-
rumal long struggle against untouchability is undoubtedly
spread over fifty years. But he was friendly towards Brah-
mins and Vellalars who were practising untouchability.
Anti-Untouchability, Anti-casteism have been there for
a very long time. Siddas strongly condemned inequality of
the caste system. People like Ramalinga Adigal and Vive-
kananda were very great saints respected by people. They
had pleaded for the abolition of caste and untouchability.
But casteism has not been affected even a little. Also,
they lived as Hindus. This is an example to know that
so long as one is a Hindu all the work he does against
casteism and untouchability will only have a temporary ef-
fect. Even though the life and service of leader Ilaiyaperu-
mal had been colossal, because he led the life of a Hindu,
his contribution could only have been temporary. Though
there was no question of his meekly surrendering to other
political parties during election time, there were occasions
that he had to adjust with the Hindus.
75
 It is true that many Dalit leaders in different stages shine
today in the stage he had erected for them. But the think-
ing and living of Ambedkar was quite contrary to this. After
analysing thoroughly the conditions of the Dalits, Ambed-
kar said don’t continue to live as Hindus. He stressed
conversion to other religion was the only solution. Having
almost showered a torrent of fire against Hinduism finally
stressed,
To lead a full life, convert to other religion.
To organise yourself and unite, convert to other reli-
gion.
To gain self strength, convert to other religion.
To be liberated, convert to other religion.
To have happiness in family life, convert to other reli-
gion.
That was his firm message.
He wanted all Dalits to follow him and get converted to
other faith. Not only that. He expected reformists and ratio-
nalists those who opposed Hinduism and who wanted to
destroy casteism in India would follow suit in converting to
other religion. But nothing like that happened.
The final decision of Ambedkar to get converted to Bud-
dhism shocked the Hindus. Readers know how much the
Hindus were put off during the recent Meenatchipuram reli-
gious conversion. I have also indicated that in these pages.
If conversion of a few families could create so much furore,
what would have happened if millions had changed their
religion along with Ambedkar?
Hindus became very cautious. They thought that if Dalits
who constituted one fourth of the Hindu strength changed
into some other religion, the strength of the Hindus would
receive a great blow. Dalit leaders were compromised. Con-
cessions like seat reservation, job reservation, etc. were
offered as a ruse. Those who talked about conversion were
totally neglected in politics. The Dalit leaders who became
fearful submitted to Hindutva forces.
Those who listened to Ambedkar and got converted to
76
other faith were a minority. Those who thought that greater
strength could be had by conversion to Buddhism did not
succeed much. Examples can be cited for the above in the
lives of Respected Sunderrajan, Dr.Cheppn, Saktidasan
and others. Now people like V.T.Rajasekar, Prof. Periar-
dasan and others call themselves Buddhists.
As individuals they could say that they are no longer
Hindus. But who is there to stand by them in life, to have
matrimonial and social relations? Is it enough if one were
to declare that he is not a Hindu? One has to integrate with
the rest of humanity. Change of religion is not just a change
in name. It should be helpful to have a meaningful social
life. It should not isolate the individual further.
Even though for a very long time there have been strug-
gles against inequalities in the Hindu society, nobody be-
fore Ambedkar had suggested that change of religion is an
alternative. It was Ambedkar who had very firmly made it
clear that caste system could not be abolished. He said
that the only way get equality was to change from Hindu-
ism. In fact this advice is applicable to all those who oppose
inequalities of caste system. But nobody has subscribed to
it in practice.

Neither Gandhi nor Ambedkar had considered separate

electorate as a political problem. The separate electorate
was not given to ‘untouchables’ alone. Muslims, Christians
and Sikhs also were given that concession. Gandhi did not
object to that because they were outside the pale of Hindu-
ism.
But the case of untouchables was not like that. They
remain Hindus, the base for Hindu society. If the founda-
tions of a fort were to lose strength, what would happen to
it? The whole edifice would fall. That is why Gandhi risked
his life to retain the depressed classes.
Before he was prepared to stake his life even, he said
like this:
“To give separate constituencies to untouchables is a
problem concerning religion. I am not worried about others.
77
But if the so-called untouchables were to be given sepa-
rate constituencies, they would become different from the
Hindus. In that case nobody can prevent the disintegration
of Hindu religion.” He also accused that the British Gov-
ernment was preparing to give separate constituencies to
the untouchables only for the sake of destroying Hindu re-
ligion.
What do we learn from this? Separate constituency is
not a political problem. We learn clearly from Gandhi that it
is a religious problem. His decision to undertake fast unto
death defeated the plans of Ambedkar. The decision of
Ambedkar to show the Dalits as distinct in law from Hindus
could not be implemented. On the contrary the Poona pact
which made the Dalits to lead a life dependent on Hindus
was signed.
While signing on that document, Ambedkar stated that
he was betraying the cause of eight crore Dalits.
We must first understand that Ambedkar did not want
double constituency system. He wanted for Dalits special
constituencies as are given to other minorities. During the
Round Table Conference he had stressed that only the un-
touchables were the real minorities in India.
That is why the British Government came forward to
consider untouchables as minorities and was prepared to
given them separate constituencies. But when Gandhi said
that if such a policy were implemented Hinduism would be
destroyed and that no one should follow a discriminating
policy of untoucables from Hindus, the system of voting
where they would be placed along the Hindus was offered
by the British. As a result the untouchables could vote and
contest in the general constituencies. This was not given to
other minorities. They will be elected from their own sepa-
rate constituencies where only their voters were there. But
the system of joint constituency would integrate untouch-
ables and Hindus.
The British Government said that there was no need
for Gandhi to have any such fears. But Gandhi objected to
separate voters’ list and joint constituency system. He also
began to fast against it. What Ambedkar expected was that
78
the untouchables should be distinct from the Hindus politi-
cally. His contention was that those who were elected from
special constituencies would serve the cause of untouch-
ables effectively was the second reason.
The circumstances for the second reason is no longer
obtained in this land. The untouchables have been inte-
grated with the Hindus. Besides election means money
power. For the sake of money it has become a routine to
abide by the wishes of the Hindu leaders during the election
time. Without anticipating this development, Ambedkar had
asked for double voting system seventy years back. But
that demand was rejected. Today we have to insist and get
it. It is false to state that caste will disappear and equality
would prevail if dual vote were accepted. The second vote
system was devised to integrate the untouchables with the
Hindus. We should not forget it.
This has merely enslaved the Dalits further. Only those
who agree to all kinds of slavishness could succeed in res-
ervation of seats. Only those who agree to do degrading
jobs and accept the divisions of Pariah or Pallan and the
like could become Panchayat Presidents. If this is the po-
sition obtained where they were in a minority, what about
those places where they are in a majority?
In Chidambaram parliamentary special constituency,
Dalits are in majority. The Dalits constitute more than 40
per cent of the population. No other caste has such a per-
centage. Still during 1999 parliamentary elections, Thiru-
mavalavan who contested from there gave a complaint to
the Election Commissioner that in 137 villages Dalits are
not in a position to cast their votes.
When elections took place in the following month as
leader Tirumavalvan had stated information came that in
more than hundred villages Dalits were prevented from
casting their votes, were beaten up, Dalit booth agents
were severely beaten up and nearly a lakh Dalit votes could
not be cast. This was stated by a fact finding group which
had gone there. On the election day problems cropped up
from 7 am in the morning itself and Dalits were threatened
that they should not venture out to vote unless they were

79
prepared to vote for the candidate of Dr.Ramadoss party.
Leader Thirumavalavan stated that Dalits were intimidate
not to go anywhere near the voting booths.
Thus the situation of Dalits not able to independently
exercise their voting power is widely prevalent. When a
Dalit, or belonging to a Dalit movement, unless one subor-
dinates one’s interest to somebody, it is impossible to gain
entry into state legislate assembly or parliament. Has any-
body tried to unite Dalits in Free India in the last fifty years?
Has anybody taught them to lead a life with self respect?
Has anyone told them not be slaves of others, try to stand
on your own legs which is what Ambedkar had taught? Has
anybody stressed them the need to get educated and make
progress in life?
Helpless Dalit people are obliged to be dependent on
others. If somebody compels him to eat excreta, he does
so. If someone forces him to drink urine, he does so. To
such an extent Dalits have been subjected to cruelties.
Regarding separate constituency Kanshi Ram says: I
don’t want to waste even a minute for demanding sepa-
rate constituency. When it was not possible for Babasa-
heb Ambedkar to achieve it during British rule, how can I
achieve it when caste fanatics are ruling the country?
This brief sum-up of the problem by Kanshiram as great
significance. The present rulers do not have qualification,
capacity or power to go beyond what is prescribed in the
Indian Constitution. And these were the people who had
opposed double voting system.
To go and beg them for it would be childish. Besides
to state that we can achieve what even the most powerful
Babasaheb could do, is also childish.
The Indian Parliament and the Constitution have been
so designed by the then administrators that the voice of
the suppressed and oppressed is not heard in legislatures.
When innocent Sikhs who had done no wrong were bru-
tally murdered their voice was not heard in the Parliament.
When innocent Muslims are killed in thousands in Gujarat
and other places, their voice is not heard in parliament. Ev-
ery day, why every minute atrocities are perpetrated against
80
the Dalits. They are not heard in parliament. Above all in
our country Muslims citizens form almost on fifth in popu-
lation. But when a five hundred year old shrine of theirs,
Babri Mosque, was demolished to the ground, their voice
could not be heard in Parliament.
Nothing was done to apprehend the culprits who had in-
dulged in that crime. If this is what happens to citizens of a
country, no voice is raised in Parliament to protest against
that. The purpose for which Parliamentary system came
into vogue is not served.
As Kanshiram indicated it could be only the rule of caste
fanatics.
Now all reformers say that in all religions there are
flaws. According them there seems to be need for abolition
of castes or untouchability.
Now you have only one method to destroy the caste
system. That is inter-caste marriage. What methods do the
social reformers have to promote inter-caste marriages?
Will they bring legislation to the effect that there should no
marriages within a caste? Or will they fight for such a law?
What plans do they have? Manu Dharma is not in vogue
now.
There is no law which now stipulates that marriages
must be performed within the castes. Yet including reform-
ers, revolutionaries, upper castes, lower castes, rich and
the poor only go in for marriages within one’s caste. What
are they going to break that system?
They should not come out with imaginary stories that
these would change in course of time. They should not try
to escape by saying that the affected people themselves
are clinging on to their castes either. Untouchability is In-
dia’s common disease. Everyone should come forward to
take up responsibility for abolishing it. Reformists have
a greater role in that. To say that in course of time caste
would disappear is nothing but a fraud. Why should anyone
wait till time is ripe? Why should they talk of reforms and
still practise Manu dharma? My grandfather faced the cru-
elties of untouchability. My father too had to face them.

81
 I am also being insulted. Why should it continue for my
children? How can I trust anybody what I have not been
able to accomplish? Such questions get stagnated. When
the reformers say that there are flaws in all the religions,
then the desire to get converted into some other faith gets
blocked. Society does not approve that inter-caste marriag-
es would lead to abolition of castes either. Inter-caste mar-
riages and conversions are allowed by Indian laws. They
why not implement what is provided for in the law? Who is
to implement the same? The Dalits are there as the most
suitable ones for implementing the same.
Even though there are inequalities among other castes
leading to lower status in the society on that account, they
look at the castes which are below them and are satis-
fied with their position, thinking that they are superior to
those who below them. Therefore they do not consider that
casteism need to be abolished. Nor do they have to go in
for inter-caste marriage to escape from casteism.
If by chance there are occasional marriages of inter-
caste people, they are integrated with the lower caste of
the couple. For example if a Chettiar boy and Vanniar girl
come together, the marriage is not formalised as other mar-
riages of the same caste. It is conducted according to the
lower caste of Vanniar’s rituals. Chettiars do not have mar-
riage relations with Vanniars. They just tolerate such mar-
riages.
But the condition of Dalits is not like that. They are con-
sidered not only inferior caste but untouchables as well.
Any marriage with them is considered by Hindus as a great
shameful event. If Dalit women are married to other caste
men, they are not accepted or tolerated. Their position is
just like a ‘kept woman’. Other caste people do not have
marital relations with them. Those women and their chil-
dren are subjected to untouchability. If Dalit men marry
women of some other caste, other castes do not treat them
on par either.
Most the persons involved are murdered. This usually
does not become common knowledge. Either the man or
the woman or if possible both would be put to death. To that

82
extent this inter-caste marriage is viewed by the Hindus.
In case the bridge and groom shift to other place and are
not traceable, the Dalit male’s family and the people in the
street are put to untold hardship. The family itself is driven
out of the village. Only after many generations, the people
who had gone elsewhere could come back to the village.
So for Dalit leaders or Dalit movements to say that through
the system of inter-caste marriage caste will be abolished
is absurd.
The reformers say that they would put an end to mar-
riages within a caste and therefore create a new social
order. This utterance of Tamil nationalists is nothing but
despicable lie. So long as castes are there such compul-
sory inter-caste marriages are unthinkable. And unless
inter-caste marriages become the order of the day, castes
cannot be abolished. So Indian reformists are caught in
this vicious circle. At no time abolition of caste or untouch-
ability had been the first priority of the reformers. As caste
inequalities and untouchability come in handy for their pro-
paganda purposes, they just use it only as such.
To become free from British domination, castes and
untouchability were hindrances. So there was a propa-
ganda that these were sins. To free the society from Brah-
min domination, the Britishers had the tactic of saying that
there should be no castes or untouchability. But to save
itself from the onslaught of other religions, Hindus required
the talk of abolition of caste and untouchability. For fight-
ing against capitalist system also caste and untouchabil-
ity were obstacles. Therefore these were just projected for
form’s sake.
Even though the Englishmen were Christians the higher
castes among the Hindus inter married with them. As a re-
sult one more caste was created and not the abolition of
caste system. It is crystal clear that in this land you cannot
create a casteless society by having resort to inter-caste
marriage. Crores of Dalits have been through the ages sub-
jected to humiliations, indignities and cruelties, women folk
raped and such atrocities had taken place and have shed
their blood and even lost their lives for gaining rights. Yet
even now their position has not improved and they lead a
83
life of degradation and disgrace.
Their feelings, hard work and sacrifice have all been
wasted. Iringjur Gopalakrishnan who burnt the Dalits was
cut to pieces.
But even today who are the people working in Go-
palakrishnan’s farm? Only Dalits. Who are the people who
remove night soil, burn the dead and do all slavish work?
Only Dalits. Like this, countless incidents can be narrated.
But the basic factor in all these remains as the untouchabil-
ity. It is not prevalent in some corner some where.
This gross injustice is taking place throughout the land.
Why should people who accepted the slogan, “Workers of
all the countries, Unite”, accept this discrimination against
the Dalits? How can they accept a situation where the op-
pressed Dalits face uniformly uncivilised treatment from the
rest of the society ? What yardstick could justify that? How
can the Dalits accept any deed which isolates even our Fa-
ther of the Nation Ambedkar who had worked hard for the
emancipation of them? Should those who came up in life
due to him isolate him? Should they turn Dalits away from
the path chalked out by him? Dalits should deeply about
this. This is the time to decided who should be the guide.
Movements which gave prime importance to Dalit Lib-
eration turning towards Tamil Nationalism is nothing but a
change in the direction and setback in the struggles of Dal-
its. One thing also must be noted. The sudden love for Tam-
il of these who want Tamil Nationalism attach themselves
with people who were in the opposite poll and had inflicted
countless losses to us and the scars of those wounds still
haunt us; but unable to give any suitable explanation for
this, they drag the idea of Tamil Nationalism to justify their
stand.
The liberation of Dalits could no where be seen in their
idea of Tamil Nationalism. It is an incontrovertible fact.
“The whole world is mine, all are my brethren”
“Only one people, Only one God.”
“There are only two castes.”

84
 “All lives are equal by birth.”
Like the above, we find many platitudes in Tamil litera-
ture. But all these appear as unsubstantiated phoney state-
ments. They were not uttered with any vigour to put an end
to caste system. Before the literature of revolutionary man
of letters Bharatidasan, that is, before Periyar’s time, all lit-
erary authorities carry with them the inequalities of the caste
system. Scholars are of the opinion that even Tholkappiam,
which is considered a complete classic work, stresses Var-
na Dharma. Works that succeeded it also stress women’s
subordination, the higher and lower orders in the society,
etc. which are part of Varna Dharma, according to scholars.
Tamil Scholar Maraimalai Adigal takes them as authority
and we can take his words as authority. He is accepted by
the Tamil society for his erudition. He explains very clearly
the nature of the Tamil society , Tamil literature and Tamil
Kings. If we go through his writings, we can definitely learn
whether Tamil society had taught the principles of equality
and fraternity.
As from time immemorial Saiva Velalars had given up
killing of life and eating flesh, and perform Siva Worship,
they do not partake food or move on equal terms with peo-
ple who kill life and eat flesh. Almost people of all castes
would take food in Saiva Vellala homes. But they will not
partake food in the households of any other caste. The
Aryan Brahmins in ancient times were flesh eater but after
seeing the Velalars had given up flesh eating; still Saiva
Velalars will not take food in their houses. Those Velalars
who have taken Siva Deeksha (initiation), even today will
not take food in Brahmins’ houses.
From Maraimalai Adigal’s words, it can be seen that
Saiva Velalars consider themselves as very superior to all
other castes and that is due to their refusal to eat meat
and as a consequence non-killing of animals and their wor-
ship of Siva. Therefore, he says that Velalars lived a very
high life. In order to substantiate that only that dharma is
superior which does not harm any living beings, he quotes
Tirukkural as the authority:
“ªè£™ô£¡ ¹ô£¬ô ñÁˆî£¬ù ¬è ÊH

85
 â™ô£ àJ¼‰ªî£¿‹“
(Those who abjure killing of animals, refuse meat-eat-
ing will be
Worshipped by all other beings.)
He also adds:
“M¼‰¶ ¹øˆî£ˆ  à‡ì™ ê£õ£

ñ¼‰ªîQ‹ «õ‡ìŸð£Ÿø¡Á”
(When the guest is waiting, one should never take food
alone
Even if it is nectar which confers immortal life.)
As stated above in the incomparable Tamil veda, Vella-
lars were not the ones who would make guests wait outside
and they and their kin would take food, closing the doors on
the visitors. In case the guests do not follow Saiva way of
life, Velalars would make them eat first and then only they
would eat. Or they will make them sit by their side, feed
them and then simultaneously they too would eat. Even if
they do not belong to their clan, in case they have avoided
killing lives and refuse meat, Velalars would not hesitate to
eat along with them. But now-a-days seeing how the Brah-
mins behave, some Velalars want to imitate them and keep
the guests outside and eat alone. What is left out is served
to them; similarly all the left over are not given to pariahs
because they think that it would pollute them and there-
fore they just bury the left over food. These things do take
place.
Still, Velalars who have the traits of love, sympathy and
grace naturally from the very early times should realise that
such pitiless, cruel acts are improper and should correct
themselves and even if those who do not follow Saivism
come, should accord them respect due to their status and
behave accordingly without hurting anyone’s feelings. Adi-
galar who gives such advice to the people of his caste cites
the authority of Tolkappiam.

86
 “«ñ«ô£˜ Íõ˜‚°‹ ¹í˜ˆî è£óíƒW«ö£˜‚° ÝAò è£ôº‹
à‡«ì”
This is clear from Tholkappiam. The meaning of this is
as follows: What is applicable to the higher three catego-
ries, that is Sacrificial rituals for Anthanar, Arasar, Velalars
is equally applicable to the lower eighteen categories.
This is how Adigalar gives his interpretation of the life
led by the Velars. He also gives an account of people living
in Kurunji, Mullai, Marudam, Neidal (Classification of land
in Tamil literature) as follows:
There are four types of lands classified: based on that
the occupation of the people differ and they are under dif-
ferent categories. At the higher level, there are “Melor”,
people who do not kill animals nor eat meat and perform
teaching, rule over others, perform the functions of mer-
chant, doing agricultural work. There are others who obey
their orders, kill animals, eat meat, doing manual work who
would be referred to as “Kilor”: This is how two divisions
are there. Each one must adhere to one’s intellectual ca-
pabilities, moral rectitude and occupations, understand the
differences between the high and low: Kilors must subject
themselves to the authority of Melors: Melors must care-
fully protect Kilors under them. In this way the life of the
ancient Tamil people’s life was peaceful and orderly.”
Then he himself explains how Velalars created castes:
“They created a section, Antanars for praying and wor-
shipping God: carved out another section from among
themselves who were having the capacity to fight and pro-
tect the people and made them rulers. In the olden times
there was a king by name Velvevvi who was ruling Mizh-
alai and who was renowned for his charitable disposition;
he was a velalar. Similarly Pari Vel was a Velalar King: he
has been acclaimed as one of the last seven great philan-
thropists, ruled over Parambu kingdom which consisted of
three hundred townships, was praised by Sundaramurthy
Nayanar, one of the Saivite Nayanmars as, “Even if you call
a miser as a Pari, still he does not give at all”—such was
Pari’s greatness.”

87
 King Irungovan, a philanthropist, who ruled over Thu-
varai was also a King originating from Velalars. Karikal
Cholan, who had once ruled from Kanyakumari to the Hi-
malayas under the sovereignty of Tamil, had matrimonial
relation with Nangoor Velalar; his father Uruvapprer Ilanch-
etchenni had relations with Velar chief Alundur Vel thus
making it clear that the great Chola kings belonged to Ve-
lalar lineage. If we have to list out all the Velalar r kings it
would be a big one and we are just stopping with the above
illustration.
The Velalars gave the agricultural produce to the righ-
teous people, sustained Antanars, gave munificently to the
saints, entertained guests. And then in order to sell the
products justly they carved out a section from themselves
who had inherently possessed sweet temperament, estab-
lished them as Vanigars. Such established vanigars from
time immemorial have avoided killing, eating meat and
leading a life of great rectitude are called Velan Chettiars.
Then they gathered people who are about them with
deep righteousness and piety but not averse to killing or
meat eating into divisions to help them in various works.
That was how 18 categories of professions were identified
and created. They were: Vaikkolar, Thachar, Kollar, Kam-
malar, Thattar, Kannar, Sekkar, Maruthuvar, Kuvayar, Van-
nar, Thunnar, Oviar, Panar, Kuthar, Navithar, Sangaruppar,
Pagar, Pariar. All these people of eighteen divisions en-
gaged in their respective duties and professions under the
control of Velalars; helped in agriculture. This can be seen
even now in the Velalar villages in Tamil Nadu.
It could be thus seen that the first people in Tamil Nadu
to have the perspective to do agriculture, avoid killing and
meat eating, to have righteousness and a culture based on
that were Velalars. These Tamil Velalars created two class-
es of people who excelled in many virtues among them and
raised them to the status of Antanars and Arasars: they oc-
cupied a higher status and position. Others who had flawed
from righteousness slightly were asked to be in one of the
eighteen divisions. This is how Velalars established Tamil
civilization and culture from the very ancient times accord-
ing to Tamil scholar Maraimalai Adigal.
88
 Maraimalai Adigal has written the above ideas about
the culture and civilisation of Tamils in his book ‘Velalars’
civilisation’. The reasons averred by Adigalar to classify as
higher caste and lower caste will not be accepted by any
rational person. Still those who pride themselves as Tamils
have not refuted the above arguments. Not only that, they
have whole heartedly accepted them. Now Dalit leaders
should ponder over whether Tamil Society would be useful
in getting equality for Dalits in social set-up: whether Tamil
society would uplift the Dalits with love and care.
The caste discrimination among the Tamils today is the
manifestation of Brahminism. Still the truth is that Brah-
minism absorbed ideas only from Tamil literature to justify
caste system. Any talk of reform without abolition of caste
is worse than the utterances of a drunken person. Even
addiction could be cured some day. But caste has become
indestructible, cannot be destroyed. It has not been able
to build a casteless Tamil society so far. It cannot be done
hereafter either. Maintaining a phony distinction of Saivam
and Asaivam (Vegetarianism and Non-vegetarianism), Ve-
lalars, Chettiars and Mudaliars consider themselves supe-
riors. But Velalars, Chettiars and Mudaliars who eat meat
also identify themselves with the same castes.
Man’s food habits are determined by living conditions,
circumstances, geographical factors and the like. There
are much such factors which influence food habits. A per-
son who has to eat out of left over leaf or beg for food
does not do so after volition. A person depending on sea
for livelihood naturally takes to fish, one living in mountain
consumes more honey, those living in severe cold regions
eat processed meat; these are decided by one’s surround-
ings.
Great Saints, who preached non-violence like Buddha
and Jesus were meat eaters. Velalars who loudly proclaim
that Saivism is great and only Saivites are superior are
only like Brahmins without the sacred thread. These are
the people who stand by Tamil Nationalism. At the same
time they carry out the orders of Brahmins. There is no
Saivite who ignores a Brahmin or does not have a Brahmin
preceptor.
89
 Those who hold sway over Hindu religion like the
Sankaracharyas, Saivite Mutt chiefs or Hindutva Political
Sangh groups do not assure a society where castes would
be abolished. In this context, why not preach to people
the ideas, suggestions and advice of Annal Ambedkar and
Periyar who had fought against untouchability and abolition
of castes throughout their lives?
Rather than calling oneself a Hindu among the Hindus
who treat the Dalits as beasts and in a land where casteism
has its evil grip, why not advise Dalits to accept a religion
which would treat them on terms of absolute equality?
Ambedkar had stated that you must accept the religion that
gives you equality and fraternity. Why not that advice be
stressed to people in Pappapatti and Keeripatti. Even if it
is not propagated throughout the land should not be told to
these people?
Rather than live in a disgraceful manner among the Hin-
dus who treat them as worse than dogs attributing ‘pollu-
tion’, Dalits can be given advice to follow Islam which gives
equality and fraternity and assures them a life with self-
respect and dignity.
There is nothing wrong in the suggestion that today Dal-
its who are in a minority in the villages can ingrate them-
selves with Islam and reach a majority status. Instead of
helping out people suffering untold hardships, to suggest a
way out of misery is only proper: to preach him philosophy
is not sensible. If they join Islam now, they will be com-
forted and protected by Muslim friends. Even now they are
giving all out assistance and care to Dalits.
Ambedkar stated, “Islam appears to be capable of
meeting all the political, social and economic needs of the
untouchables.” He never said that by casting vote in the
elections everything would be had. Moreover he had said
that political power would not be a panacea to remove all
the ills of the Dalits.
“Depressed people can never change their degraded
position so long as they continue to be in Hindu religion.”,
asserted Ambedkar.
“Why do you want to get concessions like reservation
90
for Harijans and continue to lead a degrading life? Will the
Brahmins accept such reservations and face unsociability
as a price?” queried Ambedkar.
In Sivaganga district there is a place called Kantadevi
where there is annual temple-festival in the Siva (Swar-
namoorthy) temple. The Dalits are not allowed to partici-
pate in it. At the end of the festival, Swarnamoorthy and
his consort would be placed on a temple car and taken out
in procession. (It will be pulled with the help of large, stout
ropes.) The Dalits ask for permission to pull the ropes of
the cart. Hindus do not allow that. This is just one incident.
Dalits after all do not demand equality.
Allow us inside the temple. We must be permitted to do
Archanas (offer of worship). They do not want the vestment
of deity to be tied around their heads (Parivattam) as mark
of honour or other special treatment. We are also Hindus.
We are also human beings. They do not ask for such things.
Had they probably asked like that neither the government
nor the courts would have permitted that. The Hindus do
not permit Dalits access to all the places in the temple. You
can find people of all castes, men and women, assembled
during their festivals. But you cannot see Dalits there. This
can be verified in village festivals. However in all places
Dalits are permitted to pull the temple-car ropes.
The reason is pulling the car is a difficult task. Whether
sunshine or rain, the heavy-weight car has to be pulled. In
course of time it became convenient for Hindus to permit
Dalits to pull the ropes. Therefore in all places they are per-
mitted to do so. Dalits in Kantadevi and neighbouring areas
ask the caste Hindus why they are not permitted to pull the
car in the local festival.
The government and the courts also approach the prob-
lem with this viewpoint. On behalf of Dalits a case was filed
in the High Court to permit them to draw the ropes during
the Swarnamoorthy annual festival in Kantadevi.
On 17.2.2005 the High courts gives a judgement. It was
stated that the constitution of the land permits equality and
that the Court would not permit that to be violated. It direct-
ed the district administration and the police to ensure se-
91
curity and conducive atmosphere during Kantadevi festival
for the Dalits to participate without any obstruction in the
pulling of the temple-car. There should not just be a token
permission for a few Dalits. That would be unacceptable.
And there should be no invoking of Section 144.
The High Court also directed that people of all castes
should without any discrimination permitted to pull the
temple-car ropes. (Newspaper reports) In this judgement,
‘conducive atmosphere’ is an important phrase. ‘Proper or
conducive atmosphere’ implies that old customs would not
be broken. That is to say, whatever duties were performed
by different castes so far, the same must be observed; only
then there would be smooth order in villages. If according
to the High Court judgements, Dalits are permitted without
any restrictions, there would be bloodshed. Hindus would
never tolerate that. Only by enforcing what has been tradi-
tionally observed, could there be ‘proper atmosphere’.
Newspaper reports indicate that in more than four thou-
sand villages two-tumbler system is in vogue. If this is ob-
jected to in any village, there will not be smooth relations
thereafter in that place. What our constitution states regard-
ing equal rights for all remains unimplemented and prob-
ably would remain so. One can assertively say that there is
no village where untouchability is not practised. We already
made a reference that the government awarding prize to a
village as without untouchability is a sham. It is possible
if such a village is having only Muslims and Dalits. Even
those non-conformist Muslims do not observe untouchabil-
ity. But we can clearly see that even in the learned Hindu
families untouchability is freely practised. When this is the
practical life, if the Judgement based on the constitutional
rights were to be implemented, there would be disruption
of law and order.
To implement this complex judgement, the efforts taken
by the authorities are very curious indeed. Arrangements
were made just to permit the Dalits to touch the ropes and
then leaving the pull the ropes to caste Hindus. Thousands
of policemen were brought in and Dalits were cordoned off
so that they could just see the festival; people who had
come in large numbers were confined to marriage halls in
92
Karaikkudi. And as far as possible the Dalits did not leave
their dwellings at all.
Some Dalits were picked up and permitted to touch the
pulling ropes; thereafter without hurting the sentiments of
Hindus, the ropes pulling went on. In truth Kantadevi temple
festival is an insult and shame to the Dalits. In the festivals
of all places, Dalits are put to shame. But nothing gets so
much publicity as this one.
What have the Dalit leaders and supporters got to say
on the shame inflicted on Dalits at Kantadevi car festival?
Let us recall an incident that took place in 1930 here.
There is a famous temple known as Kalaram temple in
Nasik. Untouchables are not permitted inside here. Ambed-
kar devises a plan whereby Dalits could enter the temple.
Many meetings to consult the depressed classes were con-
ducted. In a meeting where thousands of men and women
had assembled, Ambedkar explains:
Whenever Ambedkar addressed a meeting thousands
of Dalits would gather. One such meeting took place on
March 2, 1930. Nearly 15,000 people had assembled. More
than 500 women had also gathered. Nasik city was simply
throbbing. The authorities had closed the main doors of the
temple and had posted heavy security. In those days it was
legally a crime for the untouchables to enter a temple. So,
the government itself tried to prevent the Dalits entering the
temple. In the presence of the officials themselves caste
Hindu fanatics attacked the Dalits. Stones and Chappals
were thrown at them. But the people gathered were deter-
mined to enter the temple and did not disperse.
The authorities were not prepared to open the temple.
All the doors of different entrances had been closed. God
Rama was imprisoned for nearly one month. The people of
the movement were also not prepared to give up. Not so
much their devotion for God Rama. For restoring their self
respect and to break the shackles Hindus had imposed, for
over a month they took turns and waited in full strength.
The police also stood there armed to prevent the Dalits
forcibly entering the temple by breaking the locks of the
gates. On 9th of April 1930 the Car Festival had to take
93
place, as happens in Kantadevi Swarnamoorthy temple.
Idols of God Rama and his consort Sita had to be placed
on the cart and procession to take place. Just like Kanta-
devi people want somehow to carry on with the procession,
Nasik people also found a tactic.
There was an agreement that both the parties would
peacefully pull the ropes. That was the tactic. It was agreed
that one year Dalits and the next year Hindus would pull the
ropes. As strong Dalits were behind him, Annal Ambedkar
who was considered the leader of one fourth of the peo-
ple of the land waited to pull the ropes. The pipes and the
drums were in full swing. Fireworks were also there. What
the Hindus at that juncture did was shocking. They showed
their low cunning mentality. Suddenly they attacked Dalits
creating great confusion.
The fearless and heroic Kadirekar was killed in the very
presence of Ambedkar. Ambedkar, a great man of historic
proportions, who was adored as father of the nation by
25 crores of people was also attacked. He was wounded.
Dalits who came to his rescue were also attacked and lay
amidst a pool of blood. This incident took place 80 years
back. Till now have the Hindus felt ashamed about this?
Did they regret that they had attacked and turned away one
of the great intellectuals of the land away from the temple?
Untouchability was not illegal then. Those who entered the
temple were punished by the courts.
But today if any one practises untouchability it is legally
a crime. If law is to prevail, what should have happened
in Kantadevi? Whoever prevented people from entering
Swarnamoorthy temple to offer their prayers should have
been arrested under Untouchability Act. Dalits should have
been permitted unrestricted access to offer worship and
fulfil their vows with proper protection and with proper pro-
tection. The court judgement also enabled that no Hindu
sentiment was hurt.
Many people have misunderstood the equality given
to all under the Indian constitution. That each caste would
have its rights equally protected for its members, that ap-
pears to the substance of the equality in the constitution.

94
This does not give everybody the right to everything. Par-
ticularly people of all castes cannot become temple priests
(archakas). Nor can they all enter into the sanctum sancto-
rum. People of all castes cannot become heads of religious
mutts. Or for that matter become Sankaracharyas. What-
ever role each caste has that will be given. This seems to
the equality. This is what has been accepted by all as con-
stitution. It is under this agreement Dalits or others can live
here. Slogans like “We will have equality.”, “We will have
fraternity”, “We will refuse to be oppressed. Will defy” are
all only stages in the public meeting. Nasik Kalaram tem-
ple festival struggle was one of the important struggles of
Ambedkar. The humiliation and loss incurred by him made
him think deeply.
On October 13,1935 at the Loyola Conference where
lakhs had assembled, he expressed his anguish. “We are
deprived of many things in social, political, economic and
educational fields. These are all necessary for human de-
velopment. There is no end to the sufferings of our people
in getting due things from society. Though we are members
of the Hindu Society, even to get small rights we have too
undergo countless sufferings. Particularly in Nasik during
our temple entry struggle the Hindus did not even permit
our people to fulfil the vows they had made.
“They behaved pitilessly, barbarously. Our brother Ka-
direkar was murdered before my very eyes. They have
wounded our hearts deeply. I was also attacked. All our
struggles and sacrifices to get even elementary human
rights in this society have not borne any fruit. The time,
money, efforts and sacrifices we have made so far to get
equal rights and equality have gone down the drain. The
time has come for us to put an end to all these indigni-
ties. You must understand that we are bearing all these
cruelties, humiliations and indignities because we remain
Hindus.”
While addressing the gathering with a bleeding heart,
Akbedkar pointed out that it was better to leave the Hindu
society which treats us worse than animals, oppressing and
degrading us and the only better way was to seek a religion
which offers us equality and fraternity. He exhorted the fol-
95
lowers to leave all Hindu religious traditions and practices.
Join some other religion which gives you hope. Does that
religion offer you equality and fraternity? Will it integrate
you with its mainstream and give you additional strength?
Think deeply on these lines and come to firm decision.
“All the efforts made by us so far to better our prospects
in politics, society and economy like Hindus are spurned
by them; they oppose these efforts brutally. They have not
conformed to standard of justice. There is no need for us to
wait that they would change.” Then he also affirmed that he
would get converted to some other faith. He asked his fol-
lowers not to continue the Kalaram temple entry struggle.
Now let us dwell on the implications of Kantadevi Swar-
namoorthy temple struggle for a while.
There is the protection of law available. There is the
Court order as well. Thousands of Policemen are also
there. What is the use of all these? Justice was not had by
Dalits in Kantadevi.
And Kantadevi incident is shows as something of a rarity
in the whole of India. If the Dalits pull the temple-car ropes,
does that mean equality has been obtained in all spheres?
Does that mean all their problems have been ended?
When the Temple entry act first came into effect,
Ambedkar said that it would not confer any benefit to the
depressed classes. He stressed that Temple entry should
be under legal compulsions. In that case he said Hindus
would directly or indirectly defy that. “The Temple entry law
is just like ‘sugar’ written on a paper and asking the Dalits
to taste it.” was his observation.
A religion could give a man capacity for doing things.
Ambedkar who believed in that asked those who praised
Hindu doctrines so sky-high the following questions:
 Does Hindu religion recognise untouchables as hu-
man beings and treat them as such?
 Does it stress equality of untouchables with oth-
ers?
 Does Hindu religion extend the benefits of freedom
to them?
96
  At least does it promote a sense of fraternity be-
tween Hindus and untouchables?
 Does Hinduism preach the Hindus that it is a sin o
treat the depressed castes as neither human beings nor
animals?
 Does Hinduism say that they must be treated with
dignity and respect?
 Does it infuse among the Hindus that there must be
friendliness between them and the Dalits?
 Does it teach Hindus to love Dalits and should never
harm them?
 Finally will Hindu doctrines emphasise that the dig-
nity of life for all should observed?
No Hindu could give proper and just answers for the
above. But all the indignities inflicted on Dalits are permit-
ted by the Hindu religion. When this is the true picture,
Ambedkar said Temple entry act would not be beneficial in
any way.
Time was it was legally a crime for depressed caste
people to enter the Hindu temples. One Murugan who had
entered a Murugan temple in Chennai was once sentenced
to one month’s imprisonment by a Court.
Only in 1935 a law was enacted to permit the depressed
classes entry into the temples, that only in select temples.
The reason was the announcement made by Ambedkar
that he would change his faith. In Truth the Hindus did not
undergo a change towards humanism. Their intention was
to throw open some temples and satisfy the depressed
classes and prevent them from getting converted into other
faiths on the advice of Ambedkar.
As Hindu religious Varna Dharma operates, the three
divisions of Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas enjoy im-
mense benefits. They exploit the majority of people who are
Sudras and Chandalas. The Brahmins alone do not benefit
from this Varna Dharma. The intermediate castes like Vella-
lars, Chettiars and Mudaliars all benefit from that. So these
intermediate castes do not like to abolish the castes.
97
 There has been this talk of abolition of castes for a very
long time. Excepting the Brahmins, if 97% of Hindus had
really decided to abolish caste system, the system would
have disappeared long back. It is in the intermediate castes
which benefited from the caste system that some reformers
and revolutionaries also came. Instead of wiping out the
caste system they have merely made Hindu religion grow
without let or hindrance. What has been really achieved by
the reformers in India so far?
For one undergoing indignities inflicted by the practice
of untouchability, would there be any benefit by talking
about other reforms? Stories were spread about God gob-
bling up Nandan and Lord Vishnu sending a palanquin to
receive Tiruppanalwar with great affection. Why did God
ask Nandan to walk through a fire? Because he was an
untouchable and if he came to temple the place will be
polluted. That was why. Therefore a fire was raised and
Nandan was pushed into that.
Why was Tiruppanalwar taken in a palanquin inside
the temple? Was it not just to murder him? Nandan and
Tiruppanalwar had belonged to the untouchable caste.
They wanted to get inside the Hindu temple to worship
God. Therefore, they were put to death. If according to the
claims of Hindus God had accepted them, they should have
been allowed to live like the rest of Alwars and Nayanmars.
Why Gods must destroy these two only? They did not get
back after getting into the temple. This was the truth. They
thought the temple would be polluted if an untouchable had
entered it and did that.
These incidents took place a thousand years back. At
least this truth could have been told to the people. Don’t go
there, there would be danger to your life there. They will
disgrace you. You are so downtrodden in your life because
you worship Him. Has any reformer told like that? On the
contrary they said there was no Brahmin even who was
like Nandan in devotion to God. They praised the devotion
of Nandan and instigated other untouchables to have faith
like Nandan.
People who showed the path leading to destruction only

98
have been depicted as reformers and revolutionaries.
“The world that runs after meaningless castes and reli-
gion”; Having condemned the castes so roundly, how come
the reformers who had so condemned casteism asked peo-
ple to adorn their forehead with ash?
What is the significance of sacred ash? That is a symbol
of Saivism. What is Saivism? Not taking meat, and say-
ing that those who eat meat are inferior castes, is Saiv-
ism. Each human being consumes a portion of blood as
mother’s milk. No life can be sustained without killing other
lives.
Even plants have life. “When I see a crop withering with-
out water, I feel a pang in my heart”. We will admire their
love for the plants. But without killing them, could these
people live?
Those who had the yardstick of food to preach inequali-
ties were considered reformers. Only non-killing and non
meat-eating were considered life’s great achievements.
Many false ideas like these were propagated to perpetuate
caste system and inequalities.
They gave a new gild to Hindu religion’s Varna Dharma.
To put it in proper perspective can say cultivated a new Hin-
du faith. Nandan and Tiruppanalwar were revolutionaries.
Their sacrifices and struggles should have shown as defy-
ing gestures. They should not have been shown as intense
devotion. That was a fraud. By adopting such fraudulent
means, they suppressed the Dalits who had come in the
lineage of Nandan. They strengthened Hinduism.
If they had conducted a struggle to enter the sanctum
sanctorum it was not to show devotion. It was a movement
to defy tradition. They killed the protestors who wanted to
enter the sanctum sanctorum. Only that have happened to
Nandan in Chidambaram and Thriruppanalwar in Srirangam.
Even recently when Dravida Kazhagam members wanted
to enter sanctum sanctorum they were attacked and arrest-
ed. That could happen because administration and power
were in their hands. Could the Brahmins who are just 3% of
the population have done this? Who protected the wicked
people who had murdered people like Nandan and Tirup-
99
panalwar? Without a political backing, could the Brahmins
have done this? Could they have retained their domination
and sovereignty over others? If it were so, which govern-
ment protected them? Whether before Sang am period or
after that, only Cheri, Chula and Panda kings were ruling.
Were not these people Tamils? Only under such wicked
administrators, these incidents had taken place.
It is said that between 3rd and 6th centuries A.D. Cala-
bash ruled the country. Who were they? What language did
they speak? From which place did they come? There are
no definite answers to them. Still all the remaining periods
were ruled by Cheraw, Cholas and Pandas. And we are told
that they were great administrations.
We were compelled to accept an educational system
which preached inequalities, fate or destiny determin-
ing our lives and karma, that is, that we are reaping the
consequences of the sins committed by us in the previous
births. The books that extol the virtues of fate or destiny
like Thirukkural and Silappadikaram are glorified. “Tamil
Nadu attained great fame by giving forth to the world Tiru-
valluvar!.”, “Tamilnadu which wears a priceless jewel called
Silappadikaram which takes our breath away!” Whether
Tirukkural or Silappadikaram or any other classic, are they
against Hindu Varna Dharma? Can you identify a single
passage in these works which run counter to Hindu phi-
losophy? When we speak of our literature, our guidelines
and life’s norms, these all have been created by Brahmins,
Kshatriyas and Vaisyas. These three varnas benefited by
Varna dharma. By getting the status of Chettiars, Mudaliars
and Pillais they were able to exploit the labour of others
and live happily.
Ambedkar said that he did not have any faith in such
reformers. Hindu reformers grow in the atmosphere of their
caste background, marry their own caste spouses and die
in that surroundings only. A Hindu has no right to say that
he has no caste or change his caste. He can even treat
his life as dirt and to many things. But he cannot give up
his caste. He has no right to do so. No Hindu has to sign
any document or register anywhere for calling himself as
belonging to a particular caste. By virtue of having born in
100
a caste, he naturally belongs to that caste. God determines
what should be the caste of a Hindu based on the good and
bad deeds done by an individual in his previous birth: this is
what is stated by Bhagawan Krishna in Gita. Therefore not
only before one is born, even before one is conceived an
individual’s fate and caste are determined by Gods. There-
fore a Hindu cannot escape from the caste system. Annal
Ambedkar says about caste system the following:
“Caste is a very thorough organisation.
It has no inherent weakness.
Nobody can voluntarily join a caste.
All Hindus remain in the caste in which they are born.
The Hindus do not have the right to change their caste.
There is no such thing as casteless Hindu.
A Hindu can never escape from the system of castes.
In some form or other he is bound to obey the caste
rules.
From birth to death a Hindu is obliged to live according
to the dictates of the caste.
Like the above Annal Ambedkar lists how caste system
is strongly organised and has been retained. Think about
the depth in the above sentences. There won’t be an iota
of deviation from truth. But the reformers and those who
speak of revolution in our country utter lies when they say
they do not belong to any caste. This degrading system has
been allowed to flourish and sustain till now. Nobody can
say only Manu and Brahmins only are responsible for this.
There are people who say that they are Tamilians, Dra-
vidians, sons of the soil etc. But they cannot deny that are
not Chettiars or Mudaliars or Pillais. That is people of all
these castes are responsible for perpetuating caste-sys-
tem. If you look at the list of those who contributed a great
deal(!) towards our civilisation, culture, history, education
etc. you can easily understand this:
Vedanayagam Pillai
Meenatchisundaram Pillai
101
 Kasi Chettiar
Kesavaraya Mudaliar
Krishnan Pillai
Raghava Iyengar
Poornalingam Pillai
Srinivasa Iyer
Neelakanta Sastri
K.K. Pillai
Chengalvaraya Pillai
Krishnaswamy Iyer
Vaidyanatha Iyer
Doraisamy Pillai
You can go on be writing this. The list of these caste
adherents will be lengthening. People take delight in add-
ing the caste names Pillai, Mudaliar, Chettiar, Sastri to their
personal names. I did not have to search very hard to find
out what were the castes of these distinguished people
who had contributed to Tamil culture. They themselves had
stamped their caste seal as a sign of pride and honour af-
ter their names. Supposing Tamil scholars or geniuses who
were equal to them had belonged to different castes like
barbers, washermen, pallars or pariahs would they have
glorified themselves as
Tamil Scholar Sethu Navithar (Barber)
Pulavar Duraisamy Vannar (Washerman)
Tamil Scholar Thiagaraja Pariah
Tamil Tattha (grandfather) Ramasamy Pallar
Moodarignar (Senior scholar) Srinivasa Sakkilar (Cob-
bler) ?
Could they have put like that? Or could they have writ-
ten Vannan (Washerman’s) Tamil Notes, Pariah’s lectures,
Pallar’s grammar exposition?
Why people belonging to lower castes and scholars like
102
Pulavars or Arignars do not add caste names to their names
in their books published by them? Are there no scholars in
the list of castes mentioned by me. They do not put the
caste names after their personal names because they think
that they belong to inferior castes and their books would be
simply set aside.
Today’s Tamil literature is the product of people who
prided in calling themselves Chettiar or Mudaliar or Iyer
or Iyengar: this is true of literary works, lectures and oth-
er works depicting civilization and culture. In brief, Tamil
society rests on the support given by the rulers to these
caste-conscious vestiges for hundreds of years. And caste-
system has been ingrained in the blood of every Hindu.
For thousands of years people have been putting up with
this system which has perpetrated inhuman inequalities.
People are accustomed to the idea of superior and lower
castes. And the literature created by all these caste orient-
ed people in arts, literature and culture is based on Manu
dharma.
Annal Ambedkar observes on Manu: “The intention of
Manu was not only to lay down the norms for Varna Dhar-
ma. That has been clearly stated in Gita. Manu’s impor-
tant work lay in clearly defining who were the people within
the Varna Dharma and who were outside.” Whether one
belonged to a higher caste or lower caste, according to
Manu’s norms he must adhere to what has been stipulat-
ed; that is the social compulsion. What plan do we have to
destroy this caste system. What educational tools are to
be used to give proper guidance to people in the bottom
strata? What administration has to implementation? With-
out finding answers to these questions, there will never be
social equality in this country. That is what was stressed by
Annal Ambedkar.
People dependent on others can never claim or have
equality. But Dalits are told that it is possible. Let us see
under what legal protection Dalit live here:
1. Dalits should not be compelled to eat inedible food.
2. Nothing that harms health in the form of waste or
other materials must be dumped in the area where Dalits
103
live.
3. Dalits should not be paraded nakedly or in any way
disgraced and taken in procession.
4. Nobody should be permitted to appropriate lands as-
signed to the Dalits.
5. Nobody should stop Dalits using water resources.
6. Dalits should not be compelled to become bonded
labourers.
7. No one should compel Dalits that they should vote for
a particular person.
8. Dalits should not be humiliated in public.
9. Nobody should contaminate the water resources
used by the Dalits.
10. None should prevent them from using public roads.
11. Dalits should not be compelled to leave their homes
or villages.
This is the substance of Untouchability and Violence
Abolition Act, If Dalits are treated in any way listed above
one would face imprisonment for many months and also
pay several thousands of rupees as fine. It is under such
legal protection Dalits live here.
Is there any part of the world where a section of the
citizens have to love under such protective laws? If a law
like is required, it means such things are taking place. Who
gives them such treatment? Christians or Muslims or Sikhs
do not inflict such cruelties Only Brahmin culture and Brah-
minism are responsible for these indignities but they do
not directly perpetrate them. People who call themselves
Tamilians or Tamils perpetrate these acts of indignities.
Is it not a disgrace to live with those who perpetrate
these inhuman acts? That is why Annal Ambedkar said that
such a shameful life is not necessary and suggested a way
out for liberation. He preached that only getting out of the
clutches Hindus could Dalits have equality. As far as he
was concerned he had dismantled the depressed classes
movement.
104
 Because people fear that they would lose their livelihood
if this system is destroyed, Dalits are still obliged to put up
with this caste system. Ambedkar instructed his followers
to preach Dalits that must aspire for liberation. But none of
his lieutenants came forward to carry that out. The politics
which he swept aside is now being taught to the Dalits.
It is falsely taught that mere voting in the elections would
lead to a higher status. For the last years they have been
casting the votes. Thousands of M.P.s and M.L.A.s have
appeared in the scene and then disappeared. The degrad-
ing aspect of society has not disappeared.
London B.B.C. sent an investigating committee to anal-
yse the position of Dalits on 5.2.06. We also went along
with that group to some villages in Thanjavur district. Aralur,
Kolathur, Kodialam, Kattuveli were some of the villages we
visited in Thanjavoor district. Dwellings with thatched roofs,
slushy roads, dark roads without electricity, men and wom-
en with unkempt hair, shrunken cheeks surrounded us.
One of us asked those people who had surrounded,
“We have come here to learn whether you face any prob-
lems.” They all remained silent. Then one said calmly, “No,
We do not have any. We all live so intimately as a mother
and the child.”
There was some hesitation and fear in his reply. Look-
ing at their appearance and fear, the correspondent repeat-
edly questioned them and then learnt the truth. There is a
Siva temple there. Dalits are not permitted inside. There
is a tea shop nearby. Dalits are given tea only in separate
containers. If the higher caste people enter, the Dalits must
respectfully give them precedence and passage.
Whatever the higher caste people command, Dalits
must unconditionally carry them out. If there is any remiss,
their fields would not be permitted to be irrigated. For graz-
ing the animals, or cutting the grass or gather logs of wood
Dalits would not be permitted. Burning the dead bodies, re-
moval of dead cattle, cleaning up during special occasions
are the works assigned to them and the list goes on.
As these works of slavish nature have been attended
to by the Dalits they are fully accustomed to the routine.
105
When the correspondent asked whether they experienced
any difficulties doing these, they replied negatively.
When we left the place, in Aralur and Kattuveli, they
represented that their streets are not getting electricity con-
nection and the roads are not metalled or tarred and that
the big landlords obstruct such conveniences. The reason
was landlords claim their dwelling land belonged to theirs.
There are cases pending in courts of law. The landlords
were threatening to dismantle the houses and they asked
these committee members to help them. The poor condi-
tion of these people is not known to Dalit leaders or those
from among the community have come in life after getting
education. They live so far away from these downtrodden.
The oppression faced by the Dalits are so severe: no
other castes are subjected to such oppression. They are
not permitted to enter the temples. But they compel that
Dalits must worship only those gods. They have been led
to believe that those gods are their gods. Is not this a form
of mental violence?
If is against these frauds that Annal Ambedkar and
Thanthai Periyar fought. They told Dalits to boldly tell the
caste Hindus that what they tell as truths are nothing but
lies and that what they tell as lies are truths. But this great
truth has not reached the Dalits. There is nobody to teach
them. That is why these slum dwellers continue to be slum
dwellers. They go about silently carrying on their shoulders
the unjust tag of ‘untouchables’. The Dalits have to beg and
get acts of sympathy and concessions from the high caste
people. Some times they fight and get too. To receive some
political concessions thrown out as charity, Dalits have to
beg with both the hands. They want to capitalise on the
tag of untouchability. They never even dream that ideas
like equality, liberty and fraternity preached by Ambedkar
belong to them. All these, when world advancement in sci-
ence, technology and civilisation have reached India.
Dalits living in Aralur, Kattuveli had requested BBC cor-
respondents to help them out. But there are thousands of
Dalit dwellings in similar plight. What solution Dalit leaders
and Dalit intellectuals have for these people?

106
 The Tamil Nadu government has brought a law that
people of all castes could become temple priests. This is
just an idea of Ambedkar and Periyar. This is only kind of
religious reform.
There is a village called Kattur where Dalits are in a
majority. Next to their number there are Vellalars.
The Tamil Nadu Government declared this village as
one where was no practice of untouchability and awarded
a prize money of one lakh rupees. When we hear this we
may be tempted to believe that this village has equality,
liberty and fraternity. But burning the dead bodes, remov-
ing the carcass of animals and such degrading works are
done only by the Dalits here. They live only as slaves of the
landlords. All the provision shops, tea-shops, petty shops
and money lending shops all belong only to higher castes.
The burning grounds and temples are separate for Dal-
its and others. Even the place where depressed castes
live is a little away from the main village. There is one
K.P.Naganatha Kurukkal living here. He is a very poor man.
For his livelihood he is working as a priest in Mariamman
temple in the Dalit area. The people there give him monthly
salary. In the same village there is a Siva temple in the
place where high caste people live. Once Kumbabhishek-
am (a religious rite to purify the temple) took place there.
Vellalrs prevented the above Naganatha Iyer from partici-
pating in the rites.
“You perform poojas in a slum temple. Go away from
here.” They told him.
“You Brahmin, you are doing rites at the pariah temple.
You have no business here.” So saying they took away
the water container which was carried by Naganatha Iyer
and drove him away. Naganatha Kurukkal himself had said
that.
He sent petitions to many officials regarding this. But
there was no action. The result of sending a petition was
the religious endowment department took away even the
job he was holding. Naganatha Iyer says his family is starv-
ing and some help should come forth.

107
 On humanitarian grounds I sent the lawyer of our move-
ment to investigate the matter and has promised to help
him.
What I want to impress on the readers is that there is
no such village as free from the evil of untouchability. If
such a village is there, that must be a place where Dalits
and Muslims alone live. Laws or plans or empty talks can-
not abolish untouchability.
Dalits who live in villages are enslaved to the landlords
and lead their lives. Similarly Dalit leaders are obliged to
accept the leadership of higher caste leaders and conduct
their political activities. This is not only the fate of Dalit poli-
ticians but also the fate of officials as well.
Recently two Dalit I.A.S. officials were not assigned any
work. Both of them were very popular with the Dalits of
Tamil Nadu. Brahmin dailies like Dinamalar want to wreak
vengeance on these two officials. Under such circumstanc-
es they are not assigned any work. What was their crime?
One translated into Tamil the Untouchability Abolition
Act and arranged all Dalits access to the law. Also called
a meeting of fellow Dalit officials and stressed the need to
implement reservation quota in full. This is in conformity
with the stand of the government. The purpose of law is to
abolish untouchability.
From Gandhi’s days till the present leaders, everybody
speaks and writes on this topic. There is also an “Aboli-
tion of Untouchability Week” observed by the Government.
Then why should Brahmin dailies like Dinamalar get an-
gry? There is a reason behind this. They consider that it
is dangerous for Dalits to say that untouchability must be
abolished. What Gandhi said on untouchability and what
Ambedkar said on untouchability were different things. In
fact contradictory to each other. Gandhi’s view encouraged
the growth of Hinduism. Ambedkar’s view would weaken
and destroy Hinduism. There is another I.A.S. official was
in charge of recovering Panchami lands. Panchami lands
are those that were assigned by the British to the Dalits two
hundred years back; they can be used only by the Dalits.
Caste Hindus should not use them. Only to those who get
108
patta (assignment for that land) could enjoy fruits from that
and then pass it on to their successors. Others cannot buy
or sell the same. This law is still in force.
When this law came Hindus fought hard against that.
Because according to them the untouchables cannot own
land on the basis of Manu Dharma, which was in vogue
those days.
That is why they opposed it. According to historians Mu-
daliars in Kanchipuram were particularly against the law.
Still the Britishers brought the law into force Even though
the government had assigned the land, Hindus prevented
Dalits from using it. Therefore these lands lay follow. After
the Hindus came to power (after independence), land doc-
uments were suppressed and one can see even big houses
of Hindus in these Panchami lands. These are the lands
which were sought to be recovered by that I.A.S. official.
Many educated Dalit government servants throughout
the land have taken cue from him and are planning to re-
cover Panchami lands. Sometime back in Karanai area,
in the process of recovery of Panchami lands, two Dalits
were killed. This recovery of Panchami lands is not against
Hinduism at all. To support this view it may be cited that
on 18.3.2006 Viswa Hindu Parishad conference it was
stressed that Panchami lands must be recovered and as-
signed to the Dalits. This resolution alone is enough to un-
derstand that recovery will not confer any benefits on the
Dalits.
Man commits crime primarily for two reasons. One is
need or greed and the other is anger. Stealing, indulging
in prostitution, raping, drinking liquor, all these crimes take
place due to greed. Murder, setting fire to a place (arson)
and destructive activities are due to anger. But the Hindus
who commit the crime of untouchability do not come un-
der either category. According to him it is no crime at all.
For him practising untouchability has been laid down by
his religious precepts. Give milk to snake; give a rice ball
to crow; give milk to cats and dogs. Be kind to the animals.
That is what his religion teaches him. Therefore, on Friday
he fasts and pours milk in the anthill of the snakes. He calls

109
out for crows and feeds them. On Thursdays waits some-
times for hours to have the glimpse of white-headed kite
(Garuda). Like a Hindu who shows love for all beings, why
should he condemn a fellow human being to ‘untouchabil-
ity’? He ignores Dalits, rejects them. A person who believes
that cow is holy, its dung and urine are sacred; why should
he consider a Dalit as untouchable and that his presence
‘pollutes’ the place. We must understand the basic reason
for this.
His religion preaches that there is holiness and sanc-
tity even among animals and birds. Even a dog and pig
are conceived by him as having divinity and he carry such
idols over his shoulders. Takes out a procession of such
idols. Other Hindus also worship such icons. Bathe those
idols, performs poojas for them. A Hindu does not do these
things of his own will. His religion preaches him to do these
things. Having a faith in his religion he does these things.
But the same religion teaches him that a Dalit is untouch-
able and unholy.
The reformers argue that in Hindu religion there is no
authority or sanction for untouchability. They say that true
Hindu spiritualism does not accept untouchability. This
is something like trying to hide a pumpkin in a morsel of
food.
A saint said that he wanted to perform a Yaga (Sacrifi-
cial rite) and prays to Lord Siva that he should come and
accept the holy food offered at the rite. God Siva agrees
to it but stipulates that He should be welcomed and given
the holy food in what form He comes. The saint agrees to
it. The Yaga was conducted grandly. But an incident takes
place which was about the destroy the Yaga itself. This was
not tsunami or gale or rains or earthquake, something that
would destroy things. This ‘atrocity’ was nothing by a pari-
ah going by that path. The ascetics and priests shivered at
the sight. The reason was it was considered that his sight
could pollute the entire place and the entire yaga would
be ruined by his look. Everyone gathers the material used
for yaga and hide them so that he could not see them. The
saint who performs the yaga prays to God Siva to save the
yaga. Siva appears, protects the yaga and then accepts the
110
prayers of the saint. Also gets ‘haviz’ the holy food offered
to Him. What is sought to be conveyed by this story?
An untouchable’s presence and his looks are enough
to ruin the sanctity and holiness of any place. This is what
they want to say. (When Ponnambala Adigalar says that in
Hindu spiritualism, there is no authority for untouchability,
what is this? Has this nothing to do with spiritualism? Is not
this a stress of untouchability?
Harishchandra was respected by Hindus and even
Gods as one who had ruled the land justly and without tell-
ing any lie. Rishi Kausika gives him many obstacles but he
overcomes them all and emerges victorious. Gods appear
and shower encomiums and blessings on him. Siva himself
asks him to rule the kingdom again.
But the King Harishchandra refuses to take back his
kingdom again. He gives the reason that as he had been
a slave to a puliah (pariah), he had become unfit to rule
again. Even when God presses him to be the King again,
he refuses.
He considers the authority of religion as sacred. God
also accepts his argument but proves that Harishchandra
did not do any puliah work nor did he serve under a puliah,
because all these were only hallucinations. Then alone
Harishchandra assumes Kingship again.
There are plenty of such stories which preach untouch-
ability in the Hindu religion. These can be seen in book
forms or sculptures. This is what Hinduism has to its fol-
lowers. One need not go to school to learn one’s moth-
er-tongue. He learns it through mother and father . “For a
Hindu, untouchability and caste discrimination are like a
mother-tongue.”
If someone were to be told that he should not speak
his mother-tongue, else would face punishment, he might
not speak mother-tongue for sometime. But would he ever
forget his mother-tongue?
The Tamil Nadu Government has enacted a law which
states people of all castes could become Archakars (priests)
in the temples. Hindutva states that in all the coming births
111
also Vashistar alone should continue to be the preceptor.
But Rama who is considered as holy and God by the Hin-
dus says, “Not only in this birth, but in all the coming births
too, you who are a Brahmin, must be my preceptor.” It is
said that even the marriage of Rama was celebrated under
the direction of Vashista. So, if you are a Hindu, you must
accept a Brahmin as a Guru, preceptor.
People who say that they are not Hindus but Tamil or
Dravidian, also for a long time accepted a Brahmin as Guru.
In Silappadikaram, a Tamil literary work, it is stated that the
marriage ceremonies of Kovalan and Kannagi were per-
formed only by Brahmins.
It is averred therein that as the Brahmins conducted ve-
dic proceedings, the couple went round the fire and the
marriage become complete. Silappadikaram relates a story
that took place two thousand years back. So for thousands
of years Brahmins have been accepted here as Gurus and
people have lived accordingly. No higher caste Hindu would
bring a priest of a lower caste person and accept him as
his Guru.
The manner in which the Kshatriyas had maintained
over political authority had been broken and all castes take
part in politics these days. Similarly the authority of Vaisyas
over trade and commerce was broken and everybody is
doing business now. The Sudras are participating both in
politics, business and agriculture. But the Brahmin’s con-
trol over the hierarchy has remained unchanged over 4,000
years.
This domination is being attacked under the new law
enacted by the Tamil Nadu government’s order. Though
the Kshatriya, Vaisya and Sudra professional monopoly
had been broken, their caste system did not break away.
Each caste had protected its order. Similarly even if Brah-
min’s professional priestly authority has been eroded, their
caste system remains intact. Nothing will disturb the order
of caste system. But the Brahmins who went unto Supreme
Court to claim exclusive privilege to enter the sanctum
sanctorum of the temples are now humbled in that.
This is a historic act. The manner in which Sankara-
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charyas who claimed they were world preceptors were put
in prison and the change that the Brahmins were no lon-
ger the repositories of Agama brought about by Jayalalitha
in giving that right to all castes, and the monopoly right
to priestly taken away from the Brahmins by Karunanidhi
must be thanked in profusion. We should be happy that
these changes came about in our own time. For sowing
the seeds of such a revolutionary change Periyar must be
remembered with gratitude. But we should not even dream
that as a result of these, caste system would collapse. An-
nal Ambedkar says about priestly functions:
“We must put an end to the priestly right enjoyed by the
Brahmins as a monopoly and have that function democra-
tised. An examination must be conducted and any Hindu
who passes that must be permitted to do purohitam (priest-
ly function). Along with that the number of priests also must
be reduced. By doing that Brahminism must be killed and
Hinduism saved.”
When Ambedkar said that all castes when qualify to per-
form Archanas must be enabled to do so was just an idea
for the Hindus to save their religion. That was something
like giving medicine to one who is seriously ill. The sugges-
tion did not mean that if the priestly functions were made
accessible to all Hinduism would become very great.
Father Periyar also spoke along these lines. Just be-
cause anyone could perform priestly functions, that does
not mean casteism would end. The basic structure of Hindu
religion itself rests on inequality. Those factors are perma-
nent. They would perpetuate non-unity and encourage only
conflicts. Brothers killing each other, cousins murdering
each other, a devotee attempting to kill God, God killing a
devotee all these are depicted as Hindu Dharma. Even if
people of all castes become priests they must preach such
dharmas.
Ambedkar pointed out in Narada Smirti it is stated that
if lower caste person attempts to sit on equal terms with a
high caste person his waist must be scarred with hot iron
and then he must be sent out of the land. Today it is not
permitted to such branding or turn him away from the coun-

113
try. But people of lower castes do not attempt to sit with
higher caste people on equal terms.
Even in buses such a situation prevails. As for hun-
dreds of years people had practised what is stated in scrip-
tures and vedas, they are accustomed to such living. Even
among Brahmins and Vellalars frictions would come on this
account. Once when Sankaracharya came to the Saiva
Mutt in our place, the seats of both were of equal height.
The Brahmin youngsters were enraged at this and with-
out participating in the function, walked out. Mahadevan
who is concerned with the Mutt case now belongs to our
place. He told me about this incident. According to tradi-
tion if Sankaracharya and Mutt head were to participate in
a function, the seat for Sankarcharyas must be placed at a
raised level. But on that day in the Mutt incident, the seats
were of the same height. He said they questioned the Saiv-
ite youngsters and there were exchange of words and that
22of them had left the place. He said we should help them
in case of any attack from Vellalars.
As the Saivite youngsters were in a majority and were
friendly with other caste Hindu youth, Mahadevan said that
it was possible that they could be attacked. I told him if
there were any violence we would help them. A member
of the Dravidar Kazhagam, Rajappa confirmed the incident
mentioned by Mahadevan and was very happy about it.
Though this took place twenty years back, Sankaracharya
did not visit the Mutt again.
True rationalism does away intermediaries between God
and men. If any set of people had practised a life where
there has been no intermediary between them and God, it
is these Dalits only. That is they are having some faith in
God but without intervention of a priestly God. They have
been doing it for a very long time.
Now only after Periyar’s teaching a rationalist group has
come into being which ignores priestly class. But for hun-
dreds of years the class which ignored priests and led a
life of rationalism, that is depressed people, how did they
become polluted? Untouchables? There is no answer to
this question. No researcher has written about this. No his-

114
torian has written a lesson on this. No reformer talks about
this.
Even Dalits who are well read and are in good official
position are without this rational approach. Simply because
they have not bothered to read Ambedkar’s rational les-
sons. Had they read them, they would not tolerate these
inequalities. Referring to such people Annal Ambedkar de-
scribed them as third-rate Brahmins.
Ambedkar and Periyar uttered similar ideas. But those
who accepted Ambedkar did not accept Periyar. Those who
accepted Periyar did not accept Ambedkar.This is the power
of caste system. Caste cannot be wiped out. It is ingrained
in the blood of the Hindus. It strength is still growing. Even
those who sacrificed for others and revolutionaries have
not been spared by that. The reason is it constitutes blood
bond among people. Thanthai Periyar who wanted to abol-
ish caste system was supported by all Naickers: Annal
Ambedkar wanted to abolish Brahminism but the Dalits
in RSS Hindu front give whole hearted to support to him:
these are all due to the pernicious effect of caste system.
Two great leaders who wanted to abolish caste system but
they are divided by caste affiliation!
There is a village called Tuhili in Thanjavur district. A re-
spectable member of Dravidar Kazhagam was living there.
Though born in a Chettiar family, he was a great rationalist.
I have great respect for him. He told me that was planning
to have the statues of Thanthai Periyar and Annal Ambed-
kar in his place. He asked that I should cooperate with the
members of my movement. He also showed a handbill re-
garding that. I told him that we would come whenever he
called us. Usually no statutes of these people are placed
side by side even though they preached identical ideas.
It so happens that one set of people give precedence
to Periyar and push Ambedkar into the background while
others give prominence to Ambedkar and push Periyar into
background. If this is not a caste indignity, what else could
be said about this? In the recent times some Dalit lead-
ers spoke about Periyar unfavourably. Those who called
themselves Periyarists retorted by degrading Ambedkar.

115
This had come in news papers. Leader K.Veeramani very
aptly called both the groups as “half-baked people”. In fact
they are half baked groups only. Both these great leaders
stood firmly together in their principles till the end of their
lives in unswerving way. Because I thought that statues for
both would be a fitting tribute, I agreed to Tuhili gentleman
to cooperate fully in his task. After a few days when I met
him he said that only Periyar’s statute would be opened. He
was very much put out when he talked to me.
He said that for the opening of the statue of Periyar even
some mutt heads and big shots were prepared to come for-
ward and bear important expenses. But if it is opened along
with Ambedkar’s statue they had said they would not coop-
erate. I asked why Ambedkar was marginalised like that. I
asked what reason they give for such an attitude?
He said that according to them Ambedkar was an en-
emy of Hindu religion and got converted into different faith
and therefore he was not a Hindu.
I asked him whether Periyar was also not an enemy of
Hindu religion. He said though he did not accept their con-
tention, the function which had to be got ready by spending
several lakhs had to be carried out only with the cooperation
of such people. He said that accordingly he had decided to
open the statue of Periyar first and somehow afterwards
to open the statue of Ambedkar nearby later on. That was
what was done. What he had stated could be true.
The Sudras also faced some discrimination but they
were within the varna dharma of Hinduism. But the un-
touchables were not like that because they did not come
under Hindu fold.
In the four varna system the Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vai-
syas and Sudras were there with different status but all
are recognised under the Hindu system according to Manu
dharma. Those within the varna dharma enjoy according to
their status some rights.
But those outside the Hindu fold do not have such rights
and even for minor offences severe punishments are inflict-
ed on them. It is specifically laid down that if an untouchable
person deliberately pollutes the upper castes within the fold
116
of varna dharma he could be given death sentence.
Now according to Hindus Periyar seems to be within the
fold of Hindu religion and Ambedkar outside its fold.
Even though Periyar had called Tamils as Fools, Dis-
honest people, Thieves, Barbarians, etc. people love him.
But Annal Ambedkar never used such harsh words. Though
Ambedkar did not stress the idea of “There is no God” as
much as Periyar did, still the Hindus and Tamils who ac-
cept Periyar do not accept Ambedkar. That is why Hindus
or Tamils or Dravidians who were prepared to cooperate for
opening up the statue of Periyar did not give such coopera-
tion for unveiling Ambedkar’s statue.
By saying this I don’t want the readers to think unveiling
statues would solve all the problems. I have never shown
much interest in the installation of statues.
Both the leaders had same doctrines, were friends
throughout their lives, were unruffled even when those
whom they raised to great heights ignored them, till the last
stood steadfastly adhering to their principles. Periyar says
about this aspect:
“We were not have identical ideals in the abolition of
castes alone. We had similar views on Hindu religion, Hin-
du sastras, what the Hindu epics said on Hindu gods, de-
vas etc. Not only that. Just as I was very firm and steadfast
in upholding my opinions and principles, so also Ambedkar
was very firm in maintaining his convictions.” So Thanthai
Periyar himself had known about how steadfast both of
them were in holding on to principles. Can anybody deny
this?
I mention this that inspire of their devotion and convic-
tion to noble cues, caste differences had their impact on
them as well. A few days after Tuhili gentleman met me,
i.e., on 15.6.1990 under the chairmanship of Venerable
Natarajan, Thanthai Perrier’s statue was opened by leader
Veeramani and speeches made. But Dalits in the villages
were not represented in the meeting. In the same Tuhili
village a statue of Ambedkar was opened. Venerable Nat-
arajan did not participate in that function.

117
 Do you see how powerful caste feelings are? Even the
mighty ones are not spared from its impact. It is true that all
men are pursued by death eventually. But caste pursues a
person even after his death. When such is the position in
the land, how can there be reforms or revolutions or mod-
ernism?
The government is very firm that there is no need for any
change in the present caste structure. Apart from countless
castes like Brahmins, Vellalars, Chettiars, Mudaliars, Van-
niar, Kallar, Thevar, Nadar, the government also desires
that there must be separate washermen, barber, vettian,
thotti castes as well.
In the villages caste groups like Vettian, washermen,
barbers, carpenters, smiths and the like who do the lowest
types of works have got lands assigned to them from time
immemorial. But government has kept it under its control.
The situation is that if they cooperate with the upper castes
and do the work assigned to them only, they would be per-
mitted to irrigate the land and get the fruits thereof. That is
the lower castes could irrigate their own lands only when
permitted by the higher castes.
There have been reformers who wanted to bring togeth-
er all people who have been oppressed together: but their
efforts have all been in vain. There are people who put forth
the argument that all religions have some flaws or other.
And these people carry on their shoulders the weight of a
religion which permits exploitation and looks with distain
the exploited ones!
They have not been able to bring about an iota of change
in the caste working. Still they say all religions have some
defects or the other. Even those reformers who advertise
for marriage alliance for their children stating that caste or
religion is no bar state that it would not apply to depressed
and tribal classes. The reformers must note this.
Even those families whose heads were eminent pub-
lic writers or speakers condemning caste system could
not come out of the circle of caste system. “There are no
castes, dear child” was sung by Bharati; “Still there are
people who say that there castes” poured forth in anger
118
Bharatidasan. Yet both their families are encircled only in
the caste system. Even Ambedkar who was a towering per-
sonality championing the cause of oppressed castes, who
raised the banner of revolt among the depressed people
and Thanthai Periyar too are pursued by the evil of caste
system. What to talk of the plight of other reformers?

119
 AMBEDKAR
One can assert that none took as much efforts as
Ambedkar did for the abolition of caste system. But many
have not learnt deeply about him. It is said that he attempt-
ed to write autobiography but did not succeed. In his own
life time one Dhananjaikar, a Brahmin wrote the first biog-
raphy of Ambedkar. It must be noted that he was a follower
of R.S.S.
Ambedkar has integrated his personal desires and
opinions with history itself. Though Dhananjaikar faithfully
recorded the fire-like lashes at Hinduism of Ambedkar, he
has not forgotten to mention about other religions in his ac-
count. But he was the first one to write comprehensive, full
biography of Ambedkar. When we praise him for that, let it
not be forgotten that he also wrote a biography of Gandhi.
But we are not able grasp the full personality with the
help of Dhanajaikar’s biography. Nor has it been possible
to gauge the true personality from the historical accounts
published by Maharashtra government. We know how a
government publication would be any way.
There were only very few books published by him dur-
ing his lifetime. We have been able to form our estimate
of him based on those works. Now some works are be-
ing passed of as research papers dealing with Ambedkar’s
life. When we read some of them we are only reminded
of the story of blind people trying to describe an elephant
after they touched different parts of the elephant’s body.
There were times when he burst out like volcano. There
were times when had bursts of tears. I am not familiar with
the full details of crises he faced. But I have been following
the path chartered by him for the last fifty years.
On December 6, 1956 myself and my uncle were stand-
120
ing at the market street of Pandanallur, a neighbouring
town. In the radio it was announced that Dr.Ambedkar who
was a former Law Minister and Chairman of the drafting
committee of Indian Constitution had passed away.
When my uncle heard the news he lamented loudly and
cried beating his head and chest with his hands. I did not
know who Ambedkar was. My uncle was five or six years
older than myself. I was about 12. My uncle was studying
in Kumbakonam Government college.
Seeing my uncle crying, I also started to cry. Those who
were nearby surrounded us and curiously look on. Even af-
ter coming to our house my uncle was still crying. He called
youngsters of his age in the village and told them about
Ambedkar to the best of his knowledge. In the next few
days he visited a number of neighbouring villages, visited
Dalit dwellings and told about Ambedkar to the Dalit young-
sters there. Even when I was very young, I used to with my
uncle everywhere.
Some days passed by. The youngsters were keen to
know about the life and work of Ambedkar. We had heard
that one Jegadeesan of Chennai had written and published
a book by the title “Peak of Intelligence (Arivin Sikaram)” on
Ambedkar’s life. We wrote him a letter.
In 1957 on Dcember 6th we conducted the first anniver-
sary of Ambedkar’s death. Even though I was very young, I
contributed a lot to the conduct of meeting. Some followers
of Dravidian Movement cooperated with us. The writer Jag-
adeesan had been invited to this meeting. This took place
in the market street of Cholapuram. About thirty young-
sters and children were there in the meeting. Jagadeesan
spoke about the indignities suffered by Ambedkar and the
struggles he undertook to ameliorate the conditions of the
untouchables.
The youngsters who attended the meeting wept aloud
on hearing the hardships undergone by Ambedkar. After
the meeting was over we bought hundred books from the
author. Each book cost only Rs.2/-. Children of my age
hired bicycles and sold the books in many Dalit areas.
Often we would go without noon meals and used to
121
wander about. I can never forget how my friends used
to pick up mangoes and ate them: and how the owner or
watchman of the grove used to abuse us harshly dragging
the name of the caste. Myself and other youngsters used
to tell other youngsters and children many incidents from
Ambedkar’s life and also about his teaching. We stressed
that we must fight against untouchability and that we must
prepare ourselves for all the struggles. We decided that we
must remove many shortcomings we had. We also decided
that all of us must have education.
We understood that only if we work hard as Ambedkar
we could come up as good human beings. And progress
in life. We explained many ideas of Ambedkar. There was
good response to these. Youngsters welcomed such ideas.
But the elders literally shivered when they heard such
ideas. They had accepted the idea that were low caste peo-
ple. In temple, tanks, tea-shops, even where water is freely
distributed they would go to places separately marked for
us. Even if they go to outstation places, they will be much
afraid and find out the places earmarked for them. If they
did not do like that youngsters were attacked. Higher caste
youngsters indulged in such inflicting such atrocities.
The incidents I narrated just did not happen occasionally
here and there. In all the villages such cruelties occurred in
large number. Young girls, that if they are beautify, consid-
ered themselves always to be in danger. The Hindu elders
used to sexually harass and assault these hapless girls.
Dalits were in a pitiable condition of falling at the feet of
the close relatives of those who had misbehaved with their
daughters for getting justice. Many higher caste people had
an innate feeling that such gross misbehaviour of sexual
harassment to Dalit women was not a serious crime.
Reformers who spoke of class unity viewed the op-
pressor and oppressed on equal terms. When Dalits are
attacked or made subject to sexual assault, these people
tried to pacify and suggested peaceful co-existence. They
argued that within a class there was no untouchability. The
imagined that there was a poor class as such . To those
Dalits who shed tears of blood, these people preached

122
class unity. They refused to see that there should be retri-
bution for wrong deeds and falsely wanted peaceful rela-
tions at all costs.
Separate tumbles in tea-shops, separate place for bath-
ing in tanks and lakes, refusal of entry into temples, sepa-
rate burning grounds, separate roads – reformers asserted
that all these things would disappear in course of time. Ev-
erything must be peacefully discussed and resolved, they
insisted. What a fraudulent approach?
This approach is diametrically opposite to the golden
words of Ambedkar who said: “Create fear of life in the
minds of those people who practise untouchability on you.”
How it is justified to tell a person who has been oppressed,
dominated, exploited and enslaved that he should follow
love and non-violence?
Self-respect, liberty, equality and fraternity – are not
these important for a man? Ambedkar said instil these val-
ues among the Dalits.
Is there any philosophy in this land to lead a life of
equality? No. Such principles were emphasised by Annal
Ambedkar and Thanthai Periyar. Periyar stress that one
should deeply think about his position and remove his low
status has a deep purport. Same thing was said by Ambed-
kar. Stressed that there must be revolution in thinking.
Both of them preached that all changes must emanate
from the fundamental thinking process. A man who refuses
to think cannot achieve any thing. Therefore, we accepted
the principles of Ambedkar and Periyar as fundamental.
Even during the life time of Periyar we accepted his
thoughts and propagated them along with Ambedkar’s. If
the slogan, “Down with Brahmin” is justified because he
dominates over all other classes, it is equally justified to
raise the slogan, “Down with Vellalar”, “Down with Chettiar”,
“Down with Mudaliar” because these castes also dominate
over Dalits. Periyar’s principles have are not obstacles to
this.
Even though we accepted Periyar’s principles, we could
not join Dravidar Kazhagam. Even though we accepted Karl
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Marx, we could not join the communist party. Though we
accepted education through mother-tongue we could not
accept Tamil literature and Tamil Nationalism. The reason
for all things was there was casteism in all these things.
Ambedkar had said, “So long as the arrogance of caste
and its cruel clutches remain, no reform is possible in In-
dia.” Similarly Periyar’s thought, “Only the abolition of caste
system is the key to all reforms.” is a great pathway to Dalit
liberation.
We explained to the Dalits that Periyar’s thought that so
long as Hindu religion was there caste system cannot be
abolished, and Ambedkar’s idea that so long as one was a
Hindu, Caste will never go away are identical.
1. Dalits should not accept Hindu Sastra traditions.
2. They should not accept the Puranas and other scrip-
tures of the Hindus.
3. They should not accept the worship of Hindu religious
idols.
4. Camphor, frankincence, ash are all used,. Pongal is
only a Hindu festival. Therefore
Festivals like Deepavali, Pongal and Adipperukku
should not be observed.
5. Earlobe, Rites connected with death, Rites connect-
ed girls attaining puberty etc.
Are Hindu rites: should not be performed.
6. Fate, destiny, Rebirth are all superstitions. One should
not believe in such things.
7. Drinking, gambling and prostitution are crimes –
should not be resorted to.
8. Rational education is very important.
These ideas were placed as our movement’s funda-
mental ideas. They were presented to youngsters. There
was good response from them.
In nearly 200 villages our movement functioned very
well. Around this time in 1968, December 25, 44 Dalits in-
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cluding Pallars and Pariahs were burnt in a village called
Venmani in Thanjavur district by the higher caste people.
Such a cruel act was only reported in the dailies the follow-
ing day. There was not much reaction to it.
The criminals were supported by the government and
the ruling party. Dalits throughout the country were terribly
afraid. In all the places where we conducted our movement,
caste Hindus warned us citing the example of Venmani. We
were intimidated. They threatened whether we also wanted
a treatment as in Venmani.
The DMK government functioned as the backward class
government. They tried to prevent the spread of our move-
ment and gave many pressures. In each village we were
compelled to make Dalit youngsters armed for self pro-
tection. As a result in many places there were skirmishes
and disturbances. In many places backward caste people
joined together and attacked the Dalits. The Police merely
subordinated themselves to the ruling party.
So we decided to raise disturbances against the police
force. In many places demonstrations were held against
the police. Therefore we were depicted as Extremists or
terrorists by the police.
We concentrated on Dalit youngsters getting degrees.
The number of graduates increased manifold. Apart from
conducting the movement based on solving the problems
we also stressed the importance of the alternative culture
as stressed by Annal Ambedkar and Thanthai Periyar. At
this juncture I would like to remind the readers one impor-
tant thing.
In 1931 Gandhi said: “In all villages the depressed
people live at the mercy of the caste Hindus. If separate
constituencies were reserved for them, higher caste peo-
ple would become angry and will wreak vengeance on de-
pressed people. To prevent such atrocities only I am stating
that separate constituencies should not be there. I oppose
that. I am ashamed to say this. But this is the truth.”
In all villages the same conditions prevail even now.
That is why Annal Ambedkar said that Dalits must change
the place of living, for saving themselves. If Dalits were to
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be liberated from the evils of untouchability and other in-
dignities, change of religion was the only way, he stressed.
They must not continue to do any degrading work which
they have been doing for long under compulsions from Hin-
dus.
Change of religious belief, change of place of residence
and change in occupation were the three cardinal princi-
ples of Ambedkar.
About conversion to different faith, Ambedkar was very
clear. Changing religion is no joke. Nor a childish exercise.
The purpose of religious conversion is to make one’s life a
successful one. Without knowing how many people were
prepared to leave the Hindu faith, he said he could not plan
for large scale conversion.
He arranged for many meetings to spread the idea of
conversion to a different religion. A big conference was also
called so that he could hear the views of all people. He
said that it should function as a movement. He raised many
questions to thousands of Dalits who had assembled in the
conference.
“You should not have any relation with people who
preach that God is everywhere but treat the fellow human
beings worse than the animals. People who give sugar
to ants to show their devotion to God, prevent men from
drinking water: when they resort even to kill you, there is
no need for you to have any relation with them. A religion
which permits people to touch and worship animals, says
a section of mankind is untouchable and it will ‘pollute’ oth-
ers. Such a religion is not a religion at all.”
 A religion which prevents equal relation ship among
its adherents is no religion at all.
 When you are degraded at all stages, why do you
continue to be in that religion?
 Why should you remain in a religion when it refuses
entry to you in its temple?
 Why should you continue to be in a religion which
refuses to allow you to have good drinking water?

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  Why should you continue to be in a religion which
does not treat you as a human being?
 If you want your family life to be blessed with happi-
ness, change your religion.
 If you want to be liberated, change your religion.
 If you want to acquire strength, change your religion.
If you want to be respected as a human being, convert to
some other faith.
 If you want to organise yourself under one structure,
convert to some other faith.
 Religion is only to help man: not man to help reli-
gion.
This was how he exhorted his followers firmly to convert
to some other faith.
There were people who doubted the wisdom of leaving
one’s old religion and joining a new religion. To them he
replies as follows:
“Simply because our ancients followed or we have been
long associated with this –saying such things and continue
to be in Hindu religion is appropriate only for the fools. No
sensible person would put forth such an argument. Prob-
ably such argument is applicable to animals, not to human
beings.
What is the difference between the animals and human
beings? Man progresses. Animals cannot. Without change,
there would be no progress. Changing one’s religion is also
a kind of a change. Without converting to other faith, you
will not have any progress.
For a man who wants to progress in life, his ancestor’s
religion is an obstacle.
Reformers who argue that instead of fighting against in-
justice to escape from it by changing one’s religion is cow-
ardice, Ambedkar retorts:
“These reformers live within the surroundings of their
own caste, marry within their castes and die in their own
caste: but merely make empty slogans to fool people.”
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 If we must have equality then we have to fight against
Hindu religion and uproot it. That is not possible. You can-
not succeed if you make any such effort. But there I an
easy path. That is get converted to some other religion.
Hindus treat Muslims on equal terms. They treat the
Christians also on equal terms. So if you become Muslims
or Christians, they will treat you on equal terms. There is no
need for you to struggle against them.
They do not permit Christians or Muslims into their tem-
ples just as they have excluded you. They do not intermarry
with them either. Still they have cordial relations with both
the religions. What is the reason for this difference? Be-
cause they had left the Hindu religion there was no need
for any struggle.
When that simple path is available, why should you
show hesitation to get equality? Religion conversion alone
is the proper path for attaining liberation. In the ultimate
analysis conversion of faith is not an escape route for the
Dalits. Nor a coward’s path. It is the path of an intelligent
person, says Ambedkar.

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 CONVERSION TO A
DIFFERENT RELIGION
Some people argued that conversion to a different reli-
gion would not bring much change, no great benefits would
come by that. Ambedkar dubs such people as lacking in
intelligence.
There are Sikhs, Muslims and Christians in India who
were all once Hindus. Majority of them were Sudras and
untouchables once.
They left Hindu religion and joined in those religions.
Can anybody say they have not progressed? The Sikhs,
Muslims and Christians lead a comfortable life than the
Dalits. You can never have economic progress unless you
get converted into other faith.
For those who are apprehensive that they would lose
many rights and concessions like reservation in jobs etc.,
Ambedkar advises as follows:
“I am not unaware of the political rights obtained by the
untouchables. Nobody had suffered as much as I did to get
those rights.
“Still it would not be proper just to rely on them. It is not
permanent. The Britishers gave us certain rights only for 20
years. In Poona Pact mention was not made about that. So
we can assume that they would be permanent. One has to
think what would happen if they are taken away.
“What will happen if political rights are taken away?
What will be our position? We have to rely on our social
strength. Where do we have this social strength? Only by
converting to other faith it can be retained.
“If you become Muslims, you will get those rights as-
129
sured to the Muslims. If you become Christians those rights
can be yours. Even if you become Sikhs that is the position.
Political rights are based on the composition of people.
“In any society that group which has a majority will have
more political rights. Don’t make the wrong calculation that
if we leave the Hindu religion, those seats will go back to
Hindus. Wherever we go these rights will follow there.
“If we become Muslims the percentage of seats allotted
to Muslims will be increased by 15%. Similar is the case if
we become Sikhs or Christians. But there is no guarantee
that if we remain Hindus these will be permanent conces-
sions for us.”
Anything is given an estimate based on its final com-
position. Intermediate transitions cannot be taken into ac-
count. A plant is not judged by its nascent growth or leaves
or by unripe fruits. Only when the final fruit comes and its
taste known, it is given an estimate. Same is the case with
Scholars, Saints, Geniuses and Scientists.
But people judge things by analysing Ambedkar’s life.
His life began with opposition to Hinduism. His final years
also ended with opposition to Hindu religion.
Right from the beginning he was advocating people to
leave Hindu religion.
He gave a number of ideas on the need to conversion.
“I want that religion which gives man norms for proper liv-
ing, proper duties and at the same time gives him liberty,
equality and fraternity: that religion which defines on these
bases the relationship between man and God.” That was
his firm conviction.
Ambedkar who lays great emphasis on conversion also
stresses the need to change one’s living place.
“There should be separate colonies for the depressed
castes, far away from the Hindu settlements.” was how he
put the things in a different perspective.
If it is asked why the Dalits have been living like slaves,
farm hands for the big landlords, having the status of un-
touchabe status, it was because the village life in India has
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that base.
There are nearly seven lakh Hindu villages throughout
India. In each village a portion is set aside for the untouch-
ables to live separately. Often their number is limited. There
has been no opportunity for economic improvement in their
lives.
They do not have any wherewithal to make progress
in life. Mostly they are without any lands. They cannot sell
anything. The high caste people will not buy anything from
the untouchables. As they are dependent on the Hindus
for their livelihood, they have to live like that only. Almost
live begging. For petty wages they barter away their hard
labour.
This is how you must understand why the untouchables
lead a degraded life for hundreds of years.
In Hindu villages Dalits cannot show any type of opposi-
tion to Hindus. This is how Indian village structure has its
base.
Under such circumstances, the Dalits have no scope of
improving their social and economic position. Because of
this they have imbibed an inferiority complex from which
they can never free themselves so long as they continue
to live there. Therefore, this village structure must be de-
molished.
They must break the shackles which bind them as slaves
to Hindu domination and get liberated. This is the only way
out for them. Having said that, Ambedkar also gives de-
tails of his plans. But today nobody speaks about religious
conversion or change in place of residence. Whether Dalit
movements or Reformers or Reformist movements, none
speak about Ambedkar’s ideas on these. What is the rea-
son for it?
When Ambedkar was preparing to get converted to
Buddhist faith in his closing years, he told his party fol-
lowers who came to discuss the plans for election. “I am
deeply thinking about conversion, you are clutching Poona
Pact” said Ambedkar angrily reports his biographer Danan-
jaykar.
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 Gandhi went on fast to press that seat reservation (con-
stituencies) should not be given to Untouchables as politi-
cal right. This brought great pressure on Ambedkar. As a
result he had to give up political rights. The Poona Pact
was such an accord between Ambedkar and the Hindus.
When he signed that document Ambedkar said that was
stabbing at the back of eight crore Dalits (At that time the
population of Dalits was eight crores.)
Thus Poona Pact was nothing but that destroyed the
rights of the Dalits. Today’s Dalit leaders and Dalit move-
ments refer to this as political rights.
When he had the opportunity to make all the provisions
of the Poona Pact as rules of Indian Constitution, he made
them all laws. Also he made it clear to his followers that
they could get liberated only by religious conversion and
change in the place of residence.
But leaving aside all these points, Dalit leaders mislead
or cheat Dalit people that they are political rights. When in
the reserved constituencies Dalits can never win without
the support of the Hindus, how can that be termed as politi-
cal rights?
For nearly forty years we have conducted our move-
ment under the guidelines shown by Ambedkar. Amidst so
many difficulties and tragedies, we had carried on with our
service for the Dalits. Tens of thousands of youngsters had
fought against untouchabilities and other indignities inflict-
ed on Dalits; there are many people who lost their educa-
tion, jobs, livelihood and even lives in this cause.
Tens of thousands of women had participated in these
struggles and had faced imprisonment. At no stage did we
think of entering the state legislature or national parliament
at the mercy of others. Our movement members had nev-
er wanted petty gains made out of these struggles. At the
same time we had given stress on religious conversion and
change of place of residence.
All the struggles that we had done in the past are in
reality struggle to abolish caste system only. What are the
struggles for taking water from common tanks, right to en-
ter the temples, free movement in public streets, redeem
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the lands that have been appropriated from us, demand for
wages consistent with our hard labour, facing imprisonment
and fight for changes in our degraded existence except
struggles for the abolition of caste? Still those reformers
and revolutionaries who have been talking so much about
the abolition of castes for so long, had never come to our
assistance.
Can any reformer or revolutionary or reformist move-
ments or revolutionary organisations reply to my above
question? Or can they say that all the above struggles
were mere caste clashes? When so many humiliations and
indignities were imposed on us and to root them out we
struggled against, shed tour blood, got imprisoned, lost
many lives – are all these mere caste clashes. But they
were viewed as such by many.
For protecting ourselves when sometimes we had to
fight against other castes, mostly backward castes, they
viewed those also as mere caste clashes. They insulted
us by stating that there were caste clashes. Leaving aside
this, it has to be mentioned that many Dalit members who
were with us when we waged our struggles, had also ig-
nored us when they got education, and then government
jobs. They cannot join us in the struggle against abolition
of caste system. If they do so, they will lose their jobs and
like us will have to struggle for existence.
Those who stand for elections in our reserved constitu-
encies and become members of state legislature or nation-
al parliament do not care to look into our needs. They do
not join us in our struggle for just causes. If they do like that
perchance, they would be routed in the next elections!
From the slave class, competent people must be found
out and integrated with the ruling class. Then only there
will be no revolution or change. This is the tactics of ruling
class. Poona Pact made us the sacrificial lambs for this tac-
tic. Those who benefited by Poona Pact have become part
of ruling class now. That is why Annal Ambedkar wanted
Poona Pact to be torn to shreds.
This Poona Pact is considered by ruling class and domi-
nant class as a very big weapon. But Ambedkar threw one
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last weapon: that is favoured religious conversion. That can
never be stopped by the ruling class.
There are nearly 25 crores of people in this country who
are caught in the cruel clutches of untouchability. But they
all want to hold on to the rope called Ambedkar to lift them-
selves from the mire. They all worship Ambedkar as god.
They worship the statue of Ambedkar as god. This is a rare
honour not had by any other leader in this country. If all
these people begin to follow the path shown by him, the
dominant castes will collapse.
It that time were to come, every untouchable should re-
lease himself from the bondage of Hindu religion. Should
practise the principles of Ambedkar. In the past due the
propaganda of our movement a large number of Dalit
friends got converted to Islam or Christianity. They could
not become Sikhs or Christians. Because there are facili-
ties available here to change to those religions.
If one becomes a Muslim, he could be integrated with
Muslim community. If one gets converted to Christianity,
he becomes integrated with Christian community. One can
have matrimonial relations with all there. But if they be-
come Sikhs or Buddhists they would be isolated here.
It is true that those got converted into Christianity still
face untouchability. But those who have accepted Islam
alone have merged totally into the casteless Muslim congre-
gation. The scars and memories of their past life have dis-
appeared. Just like water drops totally merging in Ocean.
Following those friends, I too have integrated myself
with the path of Islam. I have accepted the all powerful one
Allah. The caste system which had given untold miseries
and hardships and humiliations and indignities has been
destroyed. Assalamu Alaikkum.

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