Introduction

Media hold significant influence in shaping individuals’ daily lives. In communication studies, the term “media” refers to the channels through which information is provided to broad, diverse, and usually unspecified audiences (Pearce 2009a). Media studies examine two key areas: the impact of media on its audience, known as media effects, and the portrayal of different cultural groups, referred to as media representations. A central concept in social construction theory is the rejection of an objective, universal reality (Pearce 1995). Scholars within this tradition argue that knowledge is always formed within specific cultural and historical settings (Kurylo 2013). As a dominant force in society, media plays a crucial role in shaping individuals’ perceptions of the world (Gao et al. 2024). Even individuals who actively reflect on their media use can still be affected by it. The relationship between media and culture is both complex and dynamic, with each impacting the other in significant ways. Media works across numerous formats, from traditional newspapers to digital platforms, and constantly interacts with cultural values and norms. In turn, culture, comprising diverse traditions, beliefs, and customs, influences how media content is created, presented, and interpreted. As the media landscape continues to evolve, it gives rise to more diverse content and a more pluralistic culture, which further influences how media is distributed and consumed (Hodkinson 2024). Both content and culture play a crucial role in shaping users’ identities, beliefs, and actions, thereby influencing both media practices and broader societal dynamics. If media platforms fail to adapt to cultural trends and content preferences, they risk losing their core audiences and eventually becoming irrelevant (Bryant and Finklea 2022a). One widely questioned role of the media is its cultural transmission to the masses, which involves several dominant social, political, cultural, and financial institutions that shape media messages, thereby affecting audience perceptions.

As noted by Adila et al. (2022), mass media messages are typically influenced by the cultural values and interests of those who create them. Media producers may design content to support specific social agendas, either promoting or challenging certain perspectives. Different entities, including governments, businesses, nonprofits, and educational institutions, actively shape media narratives to reflect and spread their ideals and objectives. One example can be cited from the Saudi context, which h is also the core focus of the current study. As Bajaber (2020) argued, cultural values have played a significant role in shaping how media content is developed and received in Saudi Arabia, as they strongly influence audience perception and engagement. (Sahin 2014) emphasized the importance of aligning media messages with core cultural elements, such as religion, language, and societal norms, to effectively bond with the audience. This emphasis reflects the broader efforts of Arab nations to preserve a conservative social framework over time. According to Assas (2020), Saudi Arabia has a deeply rooted cultural identity shaped by both Arab and Islamic traditions. Over the years, the society has adopted significant aspects of modern life while remaining committed to its traditional values and heritage. Rather than abandoning the past, the country has reinterpreted its cultural legacy in ways that align with contemporary realities. Despite these changes, many still hold outdated perceptions of life in Saudi Arabia as being static or traditional. In reality, both online and traditional media spaces in the country serve as distinct yet interconnected arenas where local religious and traditional culture is represented (Hamidaddin 2019). Today, Saudi Arabian media are undergoing a shift toward more digitized arenas, but this transformation presents both opportunities and challenges. A key hurdle is reforming its cultural framework and media regulations, moving away from traditional systems that have long imposed social and economic limitations. This study also highlights the cultural and religious factors that affect Saudi media content and regulations in various ways (Beckett 2019). However, these factors also focus on the modernization of media content to enlighten audiences and introduce them to contemporary cultural practices (Alsanea 2023).

Study background

Saudi Arabia is an Arab country located in the Middle East region. This country is located on the borders of south-western Asia. It occupies an area of 830,000 square kilometres in the Arabian Peninsula (Wynbrandt 2010). Currently, Saudi Arabia’s population is approximately 33 million, of which only 59% are Saudi nationals (Bowen 2024). Saudi Arabia has three dimensions of statehood. In 1744, the first Saudi Arabian state was established. In 1824, the second Saudi state was established. The current Saudi state still exists, and the third was established in 1926 (Bowen 2024). Saudi Arabia’s primary economic resource is crude oil. In 1933, well number 7 in Saudi Arabia’s eastern region began producing crude oil. Since the discovery of its oil reserves, Saudi Arabia has become one of the richest nations in the world. The outcome makes it abundantly evident that Saudis are Arabs first and Muslims second, and as such, their behaviour in society is shaped by Islamic rules and values.

Media outlets in Saudi Arabia began operating at the time the country was formed. In 1902, King Abdulaziz bin Saud embarked on a journey to reclaim his kingdom after departing from Kuwait, where he had been residing with his family (Kiffer 2022). He accompanied a group of 60 fighters who were loyal to him. Some of Ibn Saud’s fighters rode camels, while others walked on foot. King Abdulaziz and his warriors had only guns and swords, and they lacked any communication or technical devices (Sritharan et al. 2024). After a brief night battle, King Abdulaziz secured control of the city of Riyadh, which would later become the capital of his kingdom. He then embarked on a journey to unify and build modern Saudi Arabia (Al-Gahtani 2024).

Study gaps and aims

Based on the rich cultural and religious history, this study aims to explore the impact of key cultural and religious factors on media content within the kingdom. It aims to analyze how different historical periods and different media platforms have been shaped by specific cultural and religious policies. Although numerous studies have examined the cultural and religious impact on Saudi media, most have primarily focused on the role of digitalization (Alhamad et al. 2025; Almakky et al. 2015). This reveals a significant gap in the literature, particularly the lack of a comprehensive analysis of how traditional media have been influenced by these factors, which further contributes to shaping Saudi cultural policies. The significance of this study lies in its attempt to provide foundational context, highlighting the role of cultural and religious elements as reflected in social media use across different age groups and genders in Saudi Arabia. Additionally, this research highlights gaps by examining how various influences continue to shape media content and how audiences perceive these representations.

Methodological Framework

This study uses a qualitative, interpretive approach suggested by Imbeau et al. (2021). Rather than relying solely on primary and secondary empirical data, it draws on a range of existing literature and policy documents to critically analyze the influence of cultural and religious values on the media in Saudi Arabia. The methodology is based on analytical reasoning, contextual exploration, and thematic interpretation of relevant academic debates. Key sources include peer-reviewed journal articles, books, policy reports, and official statements, which provide insights into how the media have evolved in response to cultural and religious contexts. This essay examines historical transitions and shifts in media platforms, ranging from traditional print to broadcast media, within the sociopolitical context of Saudi Arabia. A conceptual lens grounded in cultural studies is used to frame the discussion. This includes concepts such as cultural hegemony (Mulinge 2022), social constructionism (Dolata and Schwabe 2023a), and media effects (Bryant, Finklea (2022b)), which further help interpret how cultural and religious values are embedded in media narratives and how these narratives influence cultural policy. This research aims to add to the existing literature by critically engaging with existing knowledge and interpreting media evolution in light of historical and cultural shifts without relying on direct data gathering.

Notably, a conceptual framework grounded in cultural studies guides the analysis, incorporating concepts such as cultural hegemony (Mulinge 2022), social constructionism (Dolata Schwabe (2023b)), and media effects theory (Bryant, Finklea (2022b)). Cultural hegemony helps explain how dominant religious and cultural norms shape media narratives and influence which voices and perspectives are prioritized or marginalized. Social constructionism provides insight into how these media narratives are not merely reflections of reality but actively construct social meaning, including perceptions of cultural identity, morality, and societal roles. Media effects theory provides a perspective to understand the broader impact of these narratives on audiences and cultural policy decisions. This study shows how Saudi media has managed a strong balance between embracing modernization and preserving Islamic cultural identity by explicitly linking historical developments in media to this theoretical lens, highlighting the ongoing negotiation between technological innovation, state policy, and traditional cultural values.

Analysis and Results

Before discussing and analyzing the various eras of media development and the influence of certain factors, it is essential to highlight the current state of mass media in Saudi Arabia. A report by Tyler et al. (2020) reveals that Saudi Arabia holds a leading position in the media landscape of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, accounting for nearly 30% of the market, with a sector valued at SAR 17.4 billion. This prominence is consistent with the country’s broader national strategy, Saudi Vision 2030, which places a substantial focus on changing and extending the media and entertainment industry. The sector is currently experiencing considerable growth and change, supported by government-led reforms and initiatives strived to improve its contribution to the national economy (Hammond 2007).

However, the media in Saudi Arabia remains under close surveillance, with regulatory frameworks still shaped by state-led control over information dissemination. Although there have been incremental efforts to relax some media restrictions, the government’s role in controlling narratives continues to attract scrutiny at the international level (General Authority of Media Regulation 2022). At the same time, the country is witnessing a significant shift driven by the rapid expansion of its entertainment and media (E&M) sector (Saudi Exchange 2024). This transformation plays a crucial role in the broader strategy for cultural renewal and economic diversification outlined in Saudi Vision 2030. Notably, television remains a dominant force in content consumption, even as the over-the-top (OTT) and streaming video markets continue to grow rapidly, driven by widespread smartphone usage, high internet penetration, and strong engagement on social media platforms (Saudi Exchange 2024).

Saudi audiences exhibit high levels of digital interaction, with streaming, video sharing, and gaming being especially prominent. These evolving habits require media producers to understand viewer preferences better in order to tailor content that appeals to both domestic and international audiences. The integration of data analytics, digital advertising, and on-demand streaming is becoming increasingly essential as content providers strive to stay competitive and remain relevant (MBC Media Solutions 2022).

To meet these demands, media organizations are encouraged to invest in digital transformation, innovate in content delivery, and forge stronger partnerships with telecommunications providers, technology firms, and creative professionals (General Authority of Media Regulation 2022). This collaborative approach not only enhances content diversity but also strengthens the sector’s capacity to thrive in a digitally driven, globally connected media environment. As a result, Saudi Arabia is increasingly positioned as an influential player in the global media and entertainment industry. One of the primary indicators of this transformation is the increasing focus on digital platforms and streaming services, with global names like Netflix, Amazon Prime Video, and STARZPLAY attaining widespread popularity. At the same time, the government is promoting the development of local media content through investments in film production, cultural festivals, and collaborations, i.e., the NEOM-TELFAZ11 partnership, which is set to deliver multiple film and TV projects (Mohd 2025). The reintroduction of cinemas has also marked a turning point, with international and domestic films now being regularly screened across different cinema chains (Al-Ghamdi et al. 2024).

Similarly, there has been a significant rise in entertainment options, including live music performances by global artists and high-profile sporting events like Formula E races, the Saudi Arabian Grand Prix, and international boxing matches (Liu 2024). These developments reflect the country’s growing commitment to enhancing its entertainment landscape while promoting homegrown talent and cultural expression across diverse media formats (Mellor 2021).

Historical context-rise of media in Saudi Arabia

The rise of media in Saudi Arabia is closely linked to King Abdulaziz’s more comprehensive efforts to unify and contemporize the Arabian Peninsula in the early 20th century. His vision to establish a modern state mandated the adoption of new technologies and communication systems, which flared tensions with conservative religious groups. While Islam was prominent in the formation of the Saudi state, attempts to introduce innovations like wireless communication were seen by some as threats to religious celibacy and national identity (Rugh 1980). However, King Abdulaziz persisted in showing that technological progress could coexist with Islamic values (Al-Ahmed 1987).

Following the annexation of the Hejaz region in 1925, a culturally and commercially resonant area with cities like Mecca, Medina, and Jeddah, the foundations of Saudi print media began to take shape (Kraidy 2018). Hejaz had a pre-existing media tradition dating back to Ottoman rule, with newspapers dispersing in Arabic and Turkish. This legacy provided a productive ground for the emergence of the local press under Saudi governance.

The establishment of Om Al-Qora in 1924 marked the beginning of the Saudi press in Mecca, serving as the official mouthpiece of the state and promoting national policies and religious unity. Later newspapers, such as The Voice of Al-Hijaz, contributed to the diversification of media content and provided platforms for emerging Saudi writers and editors (Hammond 2008). Now referred to as the “individual press age,” this era was characterized by limited resources, high illiteracy rates, and paper shortages, which constrained the growth of the sector. However, it laid the groundwork for the development of a more structured and state-influenced media system in the decades that followed. Table 1 summarizes the details of the historical evolution of Saudi media.

Table 1 Historical Evolution of Saudi Media.
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Media development under key eras

The formal regulation of the Saudi press began in 1929 with the introduction of the first Press and Publications Law. This legislation mandated individuals expecting to publish newspapers or magazines to obtain government permits, with eligibility limited to Saudi nationals holding at least a college degree. It also inflicted strict editorial limitations, banning the publication of material deemed dissident to Islam, decency, or Arab cultural ethics. Personal criticism, private correspondence, and unauthorized use of official documents were strictly prohibited. Violators could face fines or imprisonment ranging from one week to one year (III and Gause 2011).

During King Abdulaziz’s reign, the press remained largely limited to the Hejaz region. World War II severely restricted the availability of printing equipment and paper. However, by the late 1940s and early 1950s, different periodicals covering religion, history, and literature began to reappear. One significant development was Al-Yamamah, the first newspaper produced outside the Hejaz, which later evolved into Al-Riyadh Daily in 1957. These developments reflected the gradual expansion of media beyond traditional urban centres.

Under King Saud (1953–1964), the media witnessed significant institutional restructuring. A royal decree in 1955 established the General Directorate of Press and Publication to oversee and regulate media content across the Kingdom (Almakaty 2025). By 1958, the government mandated the confederation of newspapers within each region to ensure financial sustainability and centralized control (Ghareeb 2000). This aimed to create stronger media institutions capable of attracting skilled journalists while curbing media proliferation. In 1963, independent media ownership was replaced with civic institutions, effectively nationalizing much of the press. While some editors and proprietors resisted this move, many had little choice but to comply. Others attempted to continue publishing from abroad, thereby contributing to the establishment of Saudi-run media operations in cities such as London and Beirut (Al-Garni 2000).

King Faisal’s reign (1964–1975) further highlighted media as a tool for national cohesion and ideological clarity. A critical milestone was the development of Saudi Arabia’s first radio station, launched from Makkah during the pilgrimage season, to ensure consistency with religious sensitivities. The radio broadcasts initially focused on religious programming and news, avoiding music and female voices to win support from religious authorities. The rise of Nasserism and Arab nationalist media, such as Egypt’s Voice of the Arabs, prompted King Faisal to counter regional propaganda through Saudi-controlled outlets. Media played a key role in his efforts to position Saudi Arabia as a leader of the Islamic world while resisting foreign ideological influence (M. M. Kraidy 2013).

The era of King Khalid (1975–1982) marked a phase of expansion and diversification. The number of publications rose significantly, and Saudi media began to operate in multiple languages. Arab News, the first English-language daily, was launched in Jeddah. Radio broadcasting in foreign languages extended to non-Arabic-speaking audiences, supporting Saudi Arabia’s international religious diplomacy. The television sector also advanced with the launch of a second English-language station in 1980. The government promoted pan-Arab cooperation through media institutions such as the Gulf Joint Production Program (1976) and Gulf Television (1977) (Al-Saggaf and Simmons 2015). These initiatives focused on educational and cultural programming, supporting media relations within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and expanding Saudi influence in the region.

Furthermore, the use of images in the Saudi press during the reign of King Abdulaziz was rare due to strict religious laws, which prohibited the depiction of human beings at that time. The newspaper published some official pictures of King Abdulaziz and later of King Saud. The press laws prohibited photography in cemeteries and mosques. The law prohibited the use of indecent pictures on postage stamps (Aalijah 2025). The reason for prohibiting the imaging system was that imaging is a distortion of God’s creation and abuses his position. In that period, religious men believed that God would force everyone who was picturing people to create a soul for any picture, which is impossible, or that God would punish those who took images in the fire strongly (Al-Garni 2000). Notably, King Faisal founded the Saudi News Agency (SPA) in 1970. The primary goal of this agency was to serve as a centralized body for collecting and distributing local and international news. SPA only distributes news that is issued by official bodies without modification. This agency does not publish any news that is critical of the government or contains negative information about Saudi Arabia or Islamic nations and culture. Dependent on the Saudi government, SPA is the only reliable source of official and royal family news. Therefore, any news regarding Saudi government decisions that are not presented on the SPA official website is incorrect (Al-Garni 2000).

The development and regulation of Saudi televisions and media technologies

King Faisal formally established the Ministry of Information in Saudi Arabia in 1962. The relevant ministry aimed to monitor and develop Saudi media to meet both growths in Saudi Arabia and cement the kingdom’s position as a leading nation within the Islamic world (Miliany 2014). One of the key obligations of the Saudi Ministry of Information was to monitor Saudi media and regulate its content by official regulations (Awad 2010). Saudi Arabia TV was established by the Saudi government in 1956 (Boyd 1982). Additionally, Saudi TV was not the country’s first television network. In 1955, the U.S. Air Force’s AJL-TV began broadcasting in Dhahran, becoming the first television station in the Middle East (Awad 2010). ARAMCO established its second station in 1957, specifically for the American employees stationed in Dhahran City, Saudi Arabia, in the Eastern Province. It operated in English and covered a very small area within the oil fields (Merdad 1993).

Following the introduction of television stations in the United States, the Saudi government established its television service. Particularly, King Saud planned to use television broadcasting for female education in the late 1950s and expand Aramco TV stations from Dhahran to Riyadh. However, all these plans were cancelled due to religious reasons (Mellor 2021). After defeating his brother, King Saud, King Faisal planned a development blueprint for Saudi Arabia. One strategy in this plan was to determine how to engage the Arabian people of Saudi Arabia, as the Saudi government cannot permit movies and nightclubs due to religious and social reasons (M. M. Kraidy 2007). King Faisal attempted to restrict Saudi citizens from listening to the Egyptian radio, which criticized Saudi Arabia and the royal family (Al-Sumait et al. 2020). Table 2 summarizes the details of Saudi media platforms and their objectives.

Table 2 Saudi media platforms and their objectives.
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After a year of scrutiny to decide on an official television channel, the government of KSA began two television broadcasts in Jeddah and Riyadh in 1965. They started instinctively out of consideration for an encounter with people of religion due to the sale of television. King Faisal selected the summer season to launch the service, as the environment was hot, and the pilgrim theatre was less likely to experience violence. He wanted to change their attention, but he faced a big problem. King Faisal declared his goal to unite the tribes and bring them schooling, entertainment, and new technology, demonstrating the progressive advancement of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (M. M. Kraidy 2007). Religious extremists started attacking television as they saw it as a danger to the country. Prince Khalid bin Musad led a group of armed militants who broke into the Riyadh television station. King Faisal gave the police orders to deal with them forcefully in an attempt to pressure them. Prince Khalid bin Musad attempted to enter the station to halt the transmission despite security warning him not to approach to record the signal. When Prince Khalid bin Musad was shot, the television dispute came to an end. This narrative was one of the reasons that led Prince Faisal bin Musad, a younger brother of Prince Khalid, to his uncle, King Faisal, in 1975 (Murphy 2006).

Between the 1960s and the 1990s, a new technology emerged: the Video Cassette Recorder (VCR). In Saudi Arabia, these tapes first appeared in the 1960s, primarily in more developed communities (Mellor 2021). The main content of these tapes consisted of movies and wrestling, which showed significant popularity. Most of these programs were not publicly broadcast and were regulated by religious and social principles. Initially, the Saudi government did not impose strict controls on the importation of these tapes (M. M. Kraidy 2002). However, as time went on, the government enforced censorship on these videocassettes, especially after the smuggling of pornographic films and the recording of religious and political programs that incited violence (Marghalani et al. 1998).

A significant sample of Saudi citizens confirms that household satellite dishes were first installed in Saudi Arabia during the Gulf War in 1990. The use of satellite dishes in Saudi Arabia dates back to the mid-1970s. These were mainly used in official settings and among the higher social classes. The major constraints that contributed to the limited development of satellite dishes in Saudi Arabia were the high cost and social attitudes, including the prohibition on receiving non-Muslim stations (Rugh 2004). The Saudi government’s main purpose was to inoculate its subjects from political content demonstrated in the Western media that may affect Saudis and cause dissent against the Saudi regime. In the 1990s, Saudi media could not report on all the operations that were going on during the Gulf War and the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The Saudi media complied with the government’s orders to bury events in the sand, or rather, to hide them from society. Both Saudi media and the press played a role in instigating the public against Iraq’s army and, at the same time, legitimizing the presence of international forces from several allied nations in Saudi Arabia. The Saudi media gave out no details of the anti-war’ fundamentalists’ or those who condemned the Saudi alliance with the infields against the Muslims (Ayish 2002). Concerning the war, Saudi media provided only a narrow and insufficient coverage of information. Thus, the Saudi people began installing satellite dishes. Saudi Arabian satellite dish consumption increased to access Western networks, which were familiar in the context of warfare, such as CNN and the BBC (Duffy 2004).

The Saudi government allowed public Internet access in 1997. Still, it remained formally restricted in 1999 due to steps taken to maintain control over the service and prevent it from being used against Saudi values and the government’s best interests. The Saudi government permitted King Abdulaziz City for Science and Technology to issue licenses for the provision of public internet services. Initially, the Internet services provided included database access, email, chat, and perusing newspapers and publications (Khalaf 2006).

Since King Abdullah came to power in 2006, Saudi women obtained a little more media exposure in the state media. Traditionally, Saudi women were permitted to present only children and family programs on TV or work as reporters in the women’s section of Saudi newspapers. At present, they have established periodicals and television networks, such as the Ajyal Channel and the Saudi Gazette newspaper (Ayish 2002).

In 2012, the Saudi government established a new special organization for Radio and Television. This organisation aims to regulate the television industry by providing the right environment for private sector investment in the media sector through various means, including traditional and innovative approaches. It will seek authority to encourage the industry’s production of high-quality audio-visual content and serve to address local issues in Saudi Arabia, in addition to rehabilitating Saudi cadres to work in the field of radio and television and promoting the localization of the industry in the Kingdom (Rice 2004). This organisation also has the power to control private channels that broadcast on Saudi soil and break Saudi media laws, even if the Ministry of Information does not directly control these channels. While the Saudis sought greater media freedom, the General Organization for Visual Media banned many TV programs on certain channels because they didn’t comply with decisions made by the organization in 2013 and 2014 (Duffy 2004).

Saudi media content, channels, and religious standards

There are guidelines for the prevention of programs or articles in Saudi media, which include displaying “scenes which arouse sexual excitement, women who appear indecently dressed, in dance scenes, or in scenes which show overt acts of love, women who appear in athletic games or sports, alcoholic drinks or anything connected with drinking, derogatory references to any of the ‘heavenly religions,’ treatment of other countries with praise, satire, or contempt, references to Zionism or Communism, material means to expose or depose the monarchy, all immoral scenes, references to betting or gambling, and excessive violence (M. Kraidy 2009). All materials to be broadcast on television must be previewed and edited before airing to ensure they conform to Saudi social norms and standards. However, the problem that remained with this new perspective on media policy was the lack of tangible guidelines that everyone within the system could understand and apply.

The first Saudi channel, KSA1, began broadcasting in 1965, offering all its programs in Arabic. The target audience consisted of Saudis and Arabs residing within the borders of Saudi Arabia (Al-Sumait et al. 2020). While Channel 1 is diversified, women appear only in limited programs relating to children and family, and Saudi TV does not allow them to read the news. Because the government of Saudi Arabia owns Saudi TV, it does not air any meetings with citizens or non-citizens who wish to criticize the country’s internal affairs (Alrowaili 2022).

Saudi Arabia established a second channel in 1985 during the reign of King Khalid. This channel is planned to broadcast in other languages. The primary language used for broadcasting programs was English. KSA2 offered news, movies, and sports in English, and it had one news program in French. The target audience for this channel was not specifically Saudis. It was residents of various nationalities who came to work in Saudi Arabia (Schleifer 2010). The channel broadcasts all of its programs in languages other than Arabic but with similar values and content to Channel 1. Since its establishment, KSA2 has succeeded in transferring the Saudi government’s thoughts and activities to the Western world by clarifying the true image of Muslims and Arabs. Channel 2 has also contributed to providing Saudi culture through news, drama, sports, documentaries, and health programs (Baazeem 202C.E.). While Channel 1 broadcasts the five daily and Friday prayers in Islam from the Grand Mosque in Mecca, Channel 2 broadcasts the same ritual of prayers but from the Prophet’s Mosque in Medina. Broadcasting each prayer takes about half an hour. Both channels cut off all programs during prayer time, including live programs such as soccer games (Moaddel 2006).

The Ministry of Culture and Information in Saudi Arabia had only two television channels, despite the proliferation of private Arabic and non-Arabic satellite channels in the early nineties. The Ministry of Information launched its third channel, which was Saudi Sports, in 2002. The reason for this channel was to present Saudi achievements in world sports, such as the Saudi national soccer team that participated in the World Cup Championship in 1994, 1998, 2002, and 2006, and for the interest of people in other popular sports like horse and camel races, motor racing and international sports (Golan and Kiousis 2010). KS3 does not broadcast or cover women’s sports because there are no official women’s sports activities in Saudi Arabia. Before KS3, Saudi Channel 1 did not broadcast any events for women’s sports activities because Saudi society refuses to show women in sportswear that shows parts of their bodies (Shobaili 1971). Rather than broadcasting women’s sports in Saudi Arabia, KS3 gave some Saudi women the chance to work as broadcasters, including Fawz Alkhma’le, Fatima Sufiani, and Rasha Mohamed (Fadaak and Roberts 2018).

On January 11, 2004, the Saudi news-only channel Al-Ikhbariya was launched. Al-Ikhbariya planned to show “a new image of the Gulf Arab state” to the wider region and the world (Sakr 2004). KS4 brought several Saudi women to broadcast its programs, and a woman read the first report. The Saudi news channel Al-Ikhbariya has contracted with a large number of writers, reporters, and presenters from around the world to provide competitive coverage of events alongside other channels, such as Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya. The preceding objective of this channel is to serve as the primary source of information and news about political, economic, and security events that occur on Saudi soil. The birth of KS4 was intended to relieve pressure on the Saudi government, as reported by Al-Jazeera, which was in a state of hostility towards Saudi Arabia’s regulations (Golan and Kiousis 2010). Sakr states, “Al-Ikhbariya was created to improve the flow of favourable information about Saudi Arabia’s part in fighting armed attacks by religious militants at home and abroad. To this end, the channel was given priority in transmitting pictures of suicide and other bombings inside the kingdom. It also made a deliberate departure from precedent when its inaugural newscast was read by Saudi TV’s first female Saudi news presenter” (2004).

The majority of children’s programs were on Saudi television until 2009, broadcast on Saudi Channel 1. Saudi television devoted two programs to children. The first period was in the morning. This period included excerpts from U.S. cartoons and competition programs that featured children (Mellor 2020). The evening program offers cartoon films and some cultural and religious programs. All children’s programs on Saudi TV are recorded, and most of the broadcasters of these programs are women (Najai 1982). “During Ramadan, Saudi TV is augmented with children’s programs concerning religious subjects. Educational programs for children are continually experiencing improvements to make them more relevant to children’s interests and the environment in which they live. About 16.5% of the weekly transmission time is given to children’s programs” (Sakr 2010). Following the emergence of several international channels that broadcast daily programs for children, the number of child followers of Saudi TV decreased due to the lack of programs suitable for their age and needs. In 2009, the Ministry of Information established a new channel for children called Ajyal. This channel aims to attract children to follow programs that are consistent with the values of Islam and Arab culture (Tschirhart 2020). For the first time in its history, the Ministry of Information pointed to Sana Momenah as the first Saudi woman director for a Saudi government satellite channel (Ajyal) (Zayani 2012).

Islamic religious programs are the majority of programs on Saudi Arabian TV. These programs include live displays of prayers from the two holy Mosques in Mecca and Medina, talk shows, religious competitions, and the teaching of the Quran, the Hadith, and the issuance of fatwas. Recently, Saudi Arabia launched two religious channels. The first channel is the Koran Channel, and another channel features the Prophet Muhammad’s speeches. According to the sites of those channels, religious programs on television are to show people real Islam. Like other programs, most religious programs address cases that are recorded to avoid any ideas that may conflict with Islamic values and Saudi government policy (Saudi Ministry of Information et al. 2014).

Saudi television also has a Cultural and Economic Channel. Culture Channel aims to present Arabic and Islamic culture. It offers programs about the Arabic language, Saudi traditional culture, Arabic literature, and Saudi cultural events. The Economic Channel focuses on development in Saudi Arabia, domestic oil, stocks, and real estate markets. It also presents a positive economic relationship between Saudi Arabia and countries worldwide (Mellor 2020).

Advertisement

Advertising in Saudi Arabia is subject to the same cultural and religious constraints as other media content, such as television programs and articles, which are governed by Arabic and Islamic norms (Cader 2015). According to the Saudi Arabian Ministry of Information’s guidelines for television advertising, the primary objective is to promote and adhere to Islamic teachings and values that uphold ethical standards in personal and social conduct (Sakr 2010).

Television advertising in Saudi Arabia officially began in 1986, following the implementation of strict regulations (Alsmadi and Salam 2015). The law outlines several prohibitions, including:

  • Advertising must not refer to religious figures or the government in a derogatory or disrespectful manner.

  • It must avoid disrespect or sarcasm toward individuals based on their colour, gender, religion, or occupation.

  • References to marriage or family must not distort or undermine traditional values.

  • Mentally or physically disabled individuals should not be portrayed in a way that embarrasses or exploits them.

  • Crime should not be glamorised or portrayed in a manner that encourages imitation.

  • Frightening imagery, especially content that could disturb children, is prohibited.

  • Alcoholic beverages, including non-alcoholic beer and champagne, must not be mentioned.

  • Cigarette brands may not be advertised.

  • Comparative phrases like “better than” are disallowed in product comparisons.

  • Abusive language or slang must be avoided; wording should be respectful and non-offensive.

  • Content claiming to predict the future is not allowed.

  • No movie or play may be advertised without prior approval from the Ministry of Information and Culture.

  • Gambling and games of chance, such as lotteries, are strictly banned.

  • Endorsements of specific doctors or medications require approval from the Ministry of Health.

  • The advertising of hazardous chemicals or toys that pose injury risks to children is not permitted.

These regulations are strictly enforced. For instance, an advertisement for erectile dysfunction medicine once aired on Saudi TV drew backlash due to perceived sexual innuendo when a woman told her husband, “You should do your homework.” Following public concern, the advertisement was promptly and permanently removed from broadcast (Turnbull et al. 2016).

Recommendations

Several key steps are recommended to improve the media landscape in Saudi Arabia. First, modernizing media policies to align with global standards while respecting cultural values is essential. This involves clearer content regulation and increased autonomy for media organizations. Promoting digital literacy through targeted programs will empower citizens to engage critically with media and combat misinformation. Promoting female participation in media is vital for inclusivity and diverse perspectives. Encouraging private sector investment can diversify content and reduce reliance on state-controlled narratives. It is also crucial to prioritise regional collaboration in creating content that bridges cultural divides. Ultimately, leveraging technological advancements such as AI and digital media tools can enhance Saudi Arabia’s global storytelling while addressing common misconceptions. Together, these measures will strengthen the media sector and preserve the country’s unique cultural identity.

Similarly, it is recommended that training programs be developed for journalists, producers, and content creators, focusing on ethical journalism, investigative reporting, and digital media tools. This will improve the overall quality. Credibility and professionalism of Saudi media content. Launching funding schemes and creative grants to support independent producers, filmmakers, and writers in developing culturally relevant content that reflects Saudi society’s diversity, history, and aspirations is also suggested. Finally, establishing a semi-autonomous body that can set ethical standards, address public complaints, and monitor compliance with media regulations can be beneficial. This will improve accountability and public trust in the Saudi media sector.

Conclusion

The historical evolution of media in Saudi Arabia illustrates a complex interplay between modernization and the preservation of cultural and religious values. From the inception of the first Saudi press to the emergence of digital platforms, the media landscape has served as a vehicle for national development, cultural preservation, and the dissemination of religious beliefs. Despite encountering challenges, including resistance to technological advancements, regulatory constraints, and economic limitations, Saudi Arabia has increasingly leveraged media to enhance its global presence and foster domestic cohesion. Significant milestones in this progression include the enhanced participation of women in media roles and the strategic deployment of satellite and digital technologies. Nonetheless, the ongoing need for regulatory alignment and inclusivity highlights the tensions that exist between tradition and modernization.

Limitations and recommendations

Although this study is based on a comprehensive review of available literature regarding the evolution of Saudi media and the influence of cultural and religious factors, it has some limitations. First, this study is based on secondary data, which limits its scope. Future studies can acquire primary data, i.e., from media stakeholders, to analyze the extent to which these influences persist. The second limitation involves using a descriptive approach, while a slight critical analysis is also visible. However, future researchers can conduct critical analysis and compare the state of Saudi media with that of other Arab countries to highlight robust insights. Finally, the third limitation involves geographical generalizability, as this study only discussed the mass media in the Saudi context, which is another prominent limitation. Future researchers can conduct studies to highlight the evolution of mass media and the effects of specific factors, thereby broadening the scope of their work.