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It's interesting to me that the Fifth Circuit only considered "control" at the smart contract level, and does not seem to consider the role of validators in their opinion. A substantial portion of ETH blocks are built with relays that censor transactions with OFAC-sanctioned contracts, and it seems to me there is now an open question as to whether validators that use non-censoring relays could be sanctioned directly.

The software codes here—the twenty Tornado Cash addresses for immutable smart contracts—are tools used in providing a service of pooling and mixing the deposited Ether prior to withdrawal. Indeed, the immutable smart contract provides a “service” only when an individual cryptocurrency owner makes the relevant input and withdrawal from the smart contract; at that point, and only at that point, the immutable smart contract mixes deposits, provides the depositor a withdrawal key, and, when provided with that key, sends the specified amount to the designated withdrawal account. In short, the immutable smart contract begins working only when prompted to do so by a deposit or entry of a key for withdrawal. More importantly, Tornado Cash, as defined by OFAC, does not own the services provided by the immutable smart contracts. A homeowner may own the right to trash-removal services and a client may own the right to legal services performed by a lawyer, but neither the homeowner nor the client owns the person performing the trash-removal services or the lawyer—for good reason. Similarly, Tornado Cash as an “entity” does not own the immutable smart contracts, separate and apart from any rights or benefits of the services performed by the immutable smart contracts.76 

(Not saying they should, just remarking on the fact that it seems to have gone completely unaddressed.)

Of course this was a concern already, but what with the Treasury focused on the Tornado Cash contracts, it was less central than I suspect it might be soon. This strategy would be somewhat in keeping with legal theories around other "malicious" code, where it's broadly speaking legal to write a devastating computer virus, but a whole lot less legal to run one.

social media platform users are going to link offsite. the only question is how obnoxious the platform will make it for them and everyone else.

Screenshot of an Instagram comments section where every comment just says "Pie"

(For context: Instagram prohibits links in post text. This, plus the incentive to inflate comments, has led to the proliferation of tools where creators instruct their followers to comment with a specific word to receive a link in their DMs — in this case, to a pie crust recipe)

people talk about “the media” and “journalists” and they picture the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, or cable news.

and sure, “the media” is the Big Five. but it’s also non-profit newsrooms, independent journalists, international and/or non-US publications, worker-owned media collectives, bloggers, local newsrooms, citizen journalists, podcasters, critics, community radio stations, documentary filmmakers, trade publications, freelancers, fact checkers...

if you applaud attacks and legal intimidation against “the media” and “journalists” because you are picturing the former, remember that it is ultimately the smaller fish who will suffer the most from it.

don’t let the failures of some (major) news outlets disillusion you with media as a whole. and especially don’t let those failures desensitize you to attacks on free expression.

we can criticize media failures while also fiercely defending media freedom.

it is scary to see people responding to trump’s baseless lawsuits against the NYT and others with a shrug because of their complaints about those outlets’ coverage of him.

we can oppose lawfare against media institutions and also hold those institutions properly to account for poor coverage.

allowing authoritarians to target media institutions you don’t like only works until they decide to start targeting the ones you do — often ones with far fewer resources than the NYT and its ilk.