Vetting

Vetting refers to “processes for assessing an individual’s integrity as a means of determining his or her suitability for public employment.” Vetting may be applied to people who already hold public service positions, typically in post-conflict, post-authoritarian, or otherwise transitional contexts with the objective of removing individuals responsible for war crimes, human rights abuses, corruption, or other malpractice. Lustration is a related term applied in Eastern Europe, referring to removing public officials with links to the former Communist-era security services. Both vetting and lustration involve examination of individuals’ personal histories, while the more indiscriminate approach of purging refers to removing people from office on more general grounds of membership of a group without considering personal culpability. Vetting also refers to screening job applicants before they take up a post, most often where access to confidential information is required or national security is involved, but also in situations where post-holders would be working with children or vulnerable groups or might otherwise pose specific risks.

Vetting processes always have multiple levels linked to the degree of risk or sensitivity involved in a position. Basic vetting usually involves checking official records (such as criminal or intelligence service records). Positions with greater responsibility and risk often require credit and financial checks, interviews with the person being vetted, interviews with people familiar with the person, and background checks on people living in the same household.

Criminal records are not normally an absolute bar to employment in the public sector, except in certain sensitive positions. Applicants with criminal records are generally considered eligible for positions if their offenses are unrelated to the post in question, if they occurred a long time ago, or if they otherwise appear to present a low risk of re-offending in the context of the job.

Cyber security in the maritime industry has been emphasised due to both academic researches and incidents. There are academic studies that show vulnerabilities in various navigation equipments such as GPS, ECDIS, AIS and ARPA-Radar. Additionally, there are different cyber incidents around the world.

Developments in technology, autonomous ship projects, academic studies and cyber incidents in the sector have triggered IMO. As per ISM Code, all shipping companies are mandatory to add “Guidelines on Maritime Cyber Risk Management” manual to their SMS manuals until 01st January 2021.

Both OCIMF and CDI failed to be indifferent to developments that are important for tanker operators as well as IMO. While OCIMF added cybersecurity-related questions to vetting programs called TMSA 3 and VIQ 7, CDI also added cybersecurity-related items in SIR 9.8.1 edition.

On the other hand, Rightship provides significant vetting service for dry cargo ships. “Inspection and Assessment Report” is issued by Rigthship for dry cargo ships. Questions related with cybersecurity was added with Revision No: 11 dated on 11th May 2017 in “Inspection and Assessment Report”.

In this study, cyber security related questions which are asked during TMSA, SIRE and CDI vettings which play a critical role for commercial life of tanker firms, were analyzed. Moreover, questions and efficiency of Rightship that offers vetting service for dry cargo ships, were assessed to maritime cyber security.

Also, cybersecurity-related questions in vetting questionnaires were interpreted by the author. These comments rely on benchmarking meetings among tanker operators where the author personally attended, and interview with key persons.

Noted observations during vettings may negatively impact both commercial life and reputation of the tanker operators. That’s why the firm names and interviewee names were kept confidential.

In this study, it was seen that although IMO demanded verification of cyber security-related implementations for the ship operators until 01st January 2021, this process started earlier for tanker operators.

Measurement issues, such as the creation of generalizable, transitional justice variables, are a first order priority if transitional justice questions are to be more integrally embedded in larger democratization and peace-building research tracks. This paper examines current efforts to conceptualize and operationalize one set of related, personnel reforms: vetting, purges and lustration measures. Drawing on the transitional justice literature, I develop a rubric to map the areas of conceptual similarity and difference across the measures, and argue that these conceptual distinctions should be reflected in measurement distinctions. I illustrate why measurement choices matter, by comparing the coding decisions in two of the most comprehensive transitional justice datasets to date, namely the Transitional Justice Database (TJD) project and the Post-Conflict Justice (PCJ) Database Project.  The TJD compresses all personnel reform measures into a lustration category and the PCJ compresses all such measures into a purge category.  I illustrate how these umbrella coding categories affect both case selection and the coding of individual transitional justice mechanisms, with significant empirical implications.  In other words, these coding choices affect what we come to think we know about the relationships between transitional justice mechanisms, like purges and lustration, and transition goals, like democracy and respect for human rights. This paper then proposes an alternate, differentiated operationalization of vetting/purges/and lustration, reflecting conceptual distinctions between the measures. I demonstrate systematic variation in the relationships between vetting, purges and lustration measures and democratization and human rights. By conflating the measures, important and policy relevant differences between the mechanisms are masked. Ignoring these distinctions can result in potentially misleading conclusions about the relative efficacy of the measures to advance democracy and peace-building goals.

Paraprakisht më duhet të pohoj se, kjo analizë ka për qëllim të vetëm, të dëftejë « problemet strukturore » që ka procesi i rivlerësimit kalimtar në raport me KEDNJ-në, në mënyrë të tillë, që këto të meta të ndreqen në kohë, dhe të kenë sa më pak pasoja negative, si (a) për reputacionin e subjekteve të rivlerësimit, (b) për kostot ndaj Buxhetit të Shtetit, ashtu edhe (c) për mbarëvajtjen, si dhe reputacionin, e të tërë procesit të rivlerësimit kalimtar, alias, Vetting. Në këtë analizë kam pasur për qëllim të vetëm të paraqes një " gërvishtje " të « problemeve strukturore ».

A technical report intended for publication is considered more credible if it has been subjected to peer review. peer review is considered and intended results are compared to actual results. An alternative approach known as vetting is discussed and a recommendation is made for how vetting might be used.

Six years after the Revolution, the demands for purification of the first months of post-Ben Ali Tunisia are now only a distant memory. Now present in the same government resulting from the 2014 elections, Ennahda and Nidaa Tounes do not seem in a hurry to see the provisions of the Transitional Justice Law applied, particularly those relating to the lustration mentioned in Article 43 of the Transitional Justice Law.
The Truth and Dignity Commission (IVD), modelled on South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Commission, has indeed been set up, but the current government is much more concerned with hindering it than facilitating its work: Nidaa Tounes is systematically and vehemently critical of the action of the president of the IVD, while the executive affirms its desire to reduce the prerogatives of the Commission, whose action would be a threat to the stability of the country and a brake on the return on investment.
At the opposite end of the spectrum from the demands for purification at the start of the revolution, the official political scene is dominated by the story of the need for reconciliation. President Béji Caïd Essebsi and the leader of Ennahdha, Rached Ghannouchi, have reached an agreement in the name of a necessary consensus between the political forces to bury any desire for lustration.
The first proposed, upon his election at the end of 2014, to reduce the scope of the IVD by passing a draft law "economic and financial reconciliation" repealing the provisions related to corruption and embezzlement of public funds contained in the organic law on transitional justice.
The second has gone one step further: taking over the presidential project, President Ennahda proposed in 2016 a "comprehensive national reconciliation between all Tunisians" in order to "turn the page of the past" on the grounds that consensus means "the rejection of exclusion".

The paper describes the main features of the reform of Albanian justice system, basically articulated in a constitutional law, approved by the Parliament on 22 July 2016, and seven laws entered into force between August and November of the same year-changing 45 articles of the Constitution. It will be highlighted how the process of elaboration, adoption and implementation of the reform is integrated in the process of accession of Albania to the European Union. After having described the new institutions created with the reform and the modifications to already existing ones, and having highlighted some aspects of the process of re-evaluation of judges and prosecutors (the so-called vetting), impact and future perspectives of the justice reform on Albanian society will be assessed. SOMMARIO: 1. Introduzione.-2. La riforma della giustizia.-3. Le istituzioni nuove e rinnovate.-4. La procedura di vetting.-5. Gli effetti del vetting.-6. Gli effetti della riforma sul processo di adesione all'Unione europea.-7. L'impatto della riforma sulla società albanese.-8. Conclusioni.  Lavoro sottoposto a referaggio secondo le linee guida della Rivista

Nuk e di si ndodhi kjo. Si u prishën punët. Se i kishim terezitur aq mirë. Ndoshta ishte për shkak të insistimit të madh të Amerikanëve. Por sa para bën. Tani jam këtu. Dhe më duhet të zbraz barkun. Dhe do ta zbraz. Çfarë thuhet vazhdimisht për mua është e vërtetë. Nuk kam ndërmend të debatoj apo diskutoj faktet e thjeshta. Sepse nuk do mjaftonte për të mbuluar përmasën e zullumit tim. Nderi kërkon më shumë se thjesht ta pranoj atë, prandaj po ofroj rrëfimin e të gjithë të vërtetës. Për, më shumë kohë se ç'duhet nuk kam qenë në gjëndje të pranoj hipokrizinë time. Kam injoruar paburrërinë time, duke u fshehur volitshëm pas pozitës, e prezencës time, sa në qeverisje e aq në parlament, ne pozitë apo opozitë, apo diku midis, prezencë e cila herë ka qenë realisht, dhe herë e kam bërë të duket si kompromis politik, duke e shitur këte sikur ishte për të mirën tuaj. Dhe për çfarë? Për të grumbulluar pasuri dhe mbajtur pozitat pas të cilave shumica e njerëzve kapen me thonj. Në fakt, deri sot nuk më kishte shkuar mëndja të bëja ndonjë hap, le më dy a tre mbrapa. Vetëm përpara. Gjithmonë jam larë e shpëlarë në hallin e njerëzve. Me qetësi. Më shumë për të ruajtur paprekshmërinë personale dhe të pasurisë, dhe pse jo edhe për ta shtuar atë. Pra, sot qëndroj përpara jush i dënuar nga padrejtësitë e mija. Për çfarë po flas? Për kancerin e korrupsionit dhe padrejtësise, që vetëm rritet, shtrihet kudo. Ju të gjithë e dini për çfarë e kam fjalën. Çdonjëri prej jush i ka parasysh paratë nën dorë për kontrata shtetërore, ato 10 apo 20 përqindsha, që depozitohen në banka offshore. Do i tregoj të gjitha këto llogari. Bankë për bankë. Për ata që se dinë kontratat shtetërore për rrugë, ilaçe, apo ristrukturim godine dhe palma janë para që dalin nga xhepat e çdo shqiptari në formë taksash dhe borxhi publik. Po ato para që kanë blerë makinat luksoze që përdorim pafytyrësisht; me të cilat mbajmë fëmijet jashtë Shqipërisë dhe del ndonjë gjë dhe për dashnoret, ose anasjelltas; me të cilat kemi ndërtuar vila dhe shtëpi të dyta e të treta sa në Shqipëri aq dhe në Europë. Dhe këto do ua them. Adresë për adresë. Për ato para që si ministra, deputetë, gjykatës, prokurorë, kryetarë bashkish, drejtorë të mëdhenj e të vegjël i marrim kujtdo që na kërkon t'i zgjidhim një hall, që nga ndonjë tender e deri tek marrja në punë – edhe kur heqim ndonjë nga puna për t'i bërë vend militantit tonë; ku në tatime dhe dogana shikimet dhe gjuha e trupit mjaftojnë për ta thyer biznesin në dysh dhe devijuar paratë ku duam; kur japim konçesione majtas

Ustawy lustracyjne, które uchwalone zostały niemal we wszystkich krajach byłego bloku wschodniego, były pierwotnie postrzegane jako środek nadzwyczajny, konieczny w fazie konsolidacji systemu demokratycznego. Ponad dwadzieścia pięć lat po tranzycji zasadne wydaje się zadanie pytania, na ile podobne mechanizmy można uznać za uzasadnione w realiach stabilnej demokracji. Analiza krajowego ustawodawstwa, orzecznictwa polskiego i zagranicznych sądów konstytucyjnych oraz literatury sprawiedliwości tranzycyjnej prowadzi do wniosku, że polska lustracja, widziana jako narządzie klaryfikacji historycznej, nadal może promować istotne wartości, takie jak przejrzystość życia publicznego, prawdę o przeszłości czy wymagania etyczne konieczne dla pełnienia funkcji publicznych. Tym niemniej, upływ czasu powoduje, że konieczna jest okresowa ewaluacja konieczności dalszego stosowania mechanizmów lustracyjnych oraz rozważenie, czy możliwa jest ich taka modyfikacja, by proces ten w mniejszym stopniu ograniczał prawa osób weryfikowanych.

The objective of this practice is to establish a meaningful measure which can be used by readers to rate paranormalist community media. It gives people a way to tell future experiencers what to expect by assigning a rating on a five-star scale. The rating will also provide feedback to authors.

The Survival-Related Media Rating (SRM) Rating scale may be used by individuals who publish a review of an article, research report or audiovisual media. (For instance, SRM Rating: 2.8) Ideally, an organization will establish a publicly accessible website on which media reviews may be added with a cumulative rating. Draft This practice will be maintained at ethericstudies.org/category/practices/ with a draft status until a reasonable consensus can be arrived at with input from multiple subject matter specialists. The working title is Survival-Related Media (SRM) Rating.

Many of the world's conflicts today are self-sustaining and ongoing, making the application of transitional justice measures difficult. Particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, namely Georgia and Ukraine, both of which have experienced regime changes in the twenty-first century and implemented lustration and vetting measures-the question of whether or not transitional justice will be successfully utilized is very much still under debate. My research explores the relationship between lustration and vetting policies and corruption in Ukraine and Georgia. Past studies of corruption in these countries have focused the extent of state exploitation of the forms through which corruption is expressed such as political appointments, and protection from prosecution. This research, by contrast, aims to study the relationship that corruption has with the particular transitional justice measure of lustration and vetting.

Në këtë artikull unë do të analizoj në qoftë se KPA dhe KPK plotësojnë kushtet, e vendosura në jurisprudencën e GJEDNJ-së, për të qënë realisht “gjykata” sipas Artikullit 6§1 të KËDNJ-së, e prandaj do të përdor disa prej pjesëve të saj, pra jo të gjitha.

Progress and Challenges of the Vetting System
The democratic oversight and governance of the security sector represents one of the Kosovo’s criteria in its path to the European Union (EU). The EU annual progress report is one of the main measurement instruments of country’s progression and challenges in aligning with the EU conditionality. The security sector is examined through two sections/fields of the progress report: political criteria and the European standards criteria. In the political criteria, the section covers the general developments of the security sector. In the European standards section, the progress report examines some thematic areas such as: organised crime (money laundering, drugs), data protection and the performance of Police.

Assessment of the Integrated Border Management Implementation
Integrated Border Management (IBM) is an important component for the security sector governance in general. IBM is based on European principles for border management and as a result its proper implementation is one of the EU membership conditions for potential candidate and candidate countries. The implementation of IBM is important to Kosovo for two different processes in Kosovo – EU relations: (i) Visa Liberalization Process, and (ii) Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) through the Stabilization and Association Process (SAP). This is the reason why Kosovo in its National Strategy for the Integrated Border Management (NSIBM) considers IBM and border security as fundamental elements that take a special place in Kosovo’s Constitution, its legislation, overall political processes, and its national security.

Temporal assumptions associated with personnel reforms, such as lustration and public disclosure programs, both prescribe the optimal timing for the onset of measures and proscribe a long duration for such measures. In the context of the post-communist transitions, these assumptions suggested that lustration and public disclosures should be enacted as soon as possible after a regime transition, with the legitimacy, motives, and legal appropriateness of delayed measures questioned. In terms of duration, personnel reforms should have fixed time deadlines, often suggested as no more than a decade. This paper critically explores the evolution of these temporal assumptions through an examination of the legal rulings, intergovernmental policies, and recommendations of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, the European Court of Human Rights, and the Venice Commission. It illustrates the tension between the continued use of the measures by some post-communist states and international rulings signaling their expiration. Acknowledgement: The author is appreciative of the generous research support provided by NIOD

Përpara një javë në disa media të shkruara dhe vizive disa gazetarë (as të tillë nuk e kanë emrin por diletantë shpirtëzi) kanë raportuar emrat e disa gjyqtarëve të Shqipërisë të cilët epitetizohen në mënyra më ofenduese si " gjyqtarët që u pasuruan me dhurata nga gjyshja e babai " , " gjyqtarët dhe alibitë për të jusitifkuar pasuritë " , " gjyqtari pa shtëpi që u bë milioner me një rrogë " , " njihuni me bashkëjetusen e gjyqtarit që bën 7 punë brënda dhe jashtë Shqipërisë " etj. Jam në Shtetet e Bashkuara të Amerikës për arsye familjarë për disa javë (gazetarët si Bledi Mane, Adriatik Doçi etj. mund ta shkruajnë edhe këtë fakt në artikujt e tyre se mos nuk i kemi deklaruar përpara ILDKPI-së!!!) pasi jam mbajtëse e Green Cards. Sot, me datë 26 gusht 2017, në dilemë për të më vënë në dijeni , tëpër të sikletosur dashamirës më dërgojnë linqe të portaleve, mediave ku flitet për gjyqtarët që justifikojnë çuditshëm pasurinë. Aty ishte edhe emri im. Lexova artikujt dhe ndër to pashë emra kolegësh dhe pasuritë e tyre që vetëm të çuditshme nuk mund ti thuash. Ka gjyqtarë të Gjykatës së Lartë, Gjykatës së Apelit, gjyqtarë të Rretheve që kanë punuar në gjyqësor mbi njëzet vite, nuk u ka ardhur koha si çdo punonjësi tjetër në Shqipëri a në botë të vërë mënjanë njëfarë katandie. Sot çdo njëri shet e blen automjete, çdo njeri merr kredi a overdraft në bankë, çdo njeri ka familjarë që u dhurojnë dhe dhurojnë pasuri e çfarë është përtëj njerëzores. Druhem se vetëm emri gjyqtar është mallkim në Shqipëri. Gazetarët për të sërvirur skupe tek qytetarët që me të drejtë a pa tëdrejtë janë mbushur me vrer ndaj gjyqësorit paraqesin të dhëna që ne me vullnetin tonë dhe me dokumente justifikues ia kemi paraqitur Autoritetit Verifikues. Pra, ne nuk kemi asgjë për të fshehur. Gazetarët kanë shumë fakte që me dashje nuk i kanë paraqitur pasi do e bëntë artikullin tepër serioz. E kush do i blinte gazeta të tilla për relaks në këto ditë vape. Jo duhen thashetheme, duhen emra konkret, fut edhe një gënjeshtër " kriposi " me eipitete dhe sarkazëm dhe ja artikulli i preferuar i shqiptarëve (më ndjeni ju pjesa më e madhe e lexuesve, e bindur që jeni lexues racional e të ndershëm). Marrim rastin tim, ku përmëndet se gjyqtarja ka marrë dhuratë nga gjyshja e bashkëshortit 35,000 euro, kam marrë pagë unë dhe bashkëshorti im nga punët që bëjme dhe kam deklaruar edhe 200, 000 lekë, qokat që shqiptarët bëjnë për fëmijën kur lind. Nuk e di pse u vjen çudi gazetarëve ku gjyshja e bashkëshortit tim, ndjestë pastë nënë Hyqmetja si një nga dy fëmijët e vetëm të Haxhi Kazazit (familje tironce e vjetër) ka trashëguar nga babai tokë prapa Konvikteve të Mjeksisë, tek Medreseja në Tiranë dhe nga shitja e një parcele trualli atje përfitoi disa mijëra euro. Ne si familje e re, për të ndërtuar jetën me dy vazjat e mitura kishim marrë kredi në Bankë Societe Generale Albania sh.a (as kredi lehtësuese që mund të marrin shumë