Uyghur Nationalism

La migration ouïghoure contemporaine commence à la fin de 19ème siècle lorsque l’Empire Chinois de la dynastie Qing envahit la province jusque-là autonome. Mais la migration vers l’occident commence dans les années 50 après la main mise de la Chine communiste sur le Turkestan. Aujourd’hui, il n’y a pas un chiffre officiel du nombre des Ouïghours à l’extérieur. Les pays turcophones de l’Asie centrale comprennent le plus grand nombre de migrants ouïghours par la proximité géographique, linguistique et culturelle. La Turquie, l’Australie, le Canada accueillent un nombre assez important de cette population grâce à la politique migratoire de ces pays. Un autre pôle américano-nippon comprend essentiellement les intellectuels et scientifiques ouïghours qui y sont installés souvent pour des raisons professionnelles. Un dernier pôle migratoire est les pays d’Europe occidental et scandinaves, dont la particularité se trouve sur la migration politique.

Depuis ces quelques dernières années, si certains, que ce soit les médias ou les chercheurs, n’hésitent pas à dénommer la communauté ouïghoure dispersée comme diaspora, d’autres chercheurs de la diaspora restent sceptiques sur la pertinence de cette nomination en raison de la montée récente des réseaux ouïghours. Depuis les années 90, les Ouïghours à l’étranger ont non seulement réussi à se regrouper en institution internationale en créant dans chaque pays d’installation des organisations interconnectées, mais ont également retrouvé la connexion avec leur pays d’origine. Le rôle des nouvelles technologies dans ce développement est primordial, notamment l’arrivée de l’Internet qui a très largement contribué à la mondialisation des réseaux ouïghours.

This article tracks the evolution of contemporary violent resistance to the Chinese state in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR). It does so by reviewing and analyzing the nature of the main episodes of violence reported in the region since the  beginning of the Chinese 'reform and opening up'  period  (1978-2012). It finds that violent resistance, not necessarily resulting from ideological or separatist agendas, has been present in Xinjiang in the form of low-scale insurgency, ethnic riots, and terrorism. The article forecasts that violence will remain a regional issue in the future considering the long-standing frictions with the Uyghur ethnic minority and the crackdown 'strike, hard' (yanda) campaigns of the Chinese government.

Kashgar's seventeenth-century ruler-saint, Afaq Khoja, is remarkable for the amount of historical writing he has inspired, both outside and within Chinese Turkestan. His reputation among Uyghur historians is one of the few aspects of local Uyghur historical knowledge production that has attracted the attention of foreign scholars. In this essay the author uses the now-familiar example of Afaq Khoja's reputation to show that much of what is distinctive about local Uyghur approaches to history has been so little understood as to be missed even in this often-discussed case. This article describes how the local historical appropriation of Afaq's reputation, particularly the recording of narratives about Afaq in writing, began as a typical product of the Naqshbandi maqāmāt tradition, was reshaped into Kashgarian local history in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and then reshaped again as an ethno-national history beginning in the 1930s, culminating in the publication of the popular historical novel, Apaq Khoja, and its subsequent burning by officials of the People's Republic of China. While the reputation of Afaq in the present certainly reflects the current political context, it also bears significant marks of these earlier traditions through which it has passed. Thus this article argues for an understanding of ‘local history’ as a form of knowledge production that embraces a host of historical approaches, including transnational devotional literature, popular local oasis history and nationalist historical fiction. The author also suggests that these transformations of local history have reflected shifting senses of what is ‘local’ over the last 300 years. The argument is advanced through philological investigation of the manuscript sources, ethnographic fieldwork and literary analysis of the recent novel Apaq Khoja.

Surveillance and Repression of Muslim Minorities: Xinjiang and Beyond. The Chinese government said this was done in order to modernize us, but their true aim was to destroy Uyghur ethnic, cultural and religious identities. I felt as if my father’s body had been brutally torn out of its resting place in our ancestors’ land. Under the policies being pursued by Chinese President Xi Jinping since 2016, millions of Uyghurs are suffering inhuman treatment in the internment camps within the Uyghur region. Uyghurs in exile are also suffering because China has cut off all communication between Uyghurs at home and abroad. I want to use this opportunity to tell you my own story, as an example of how Uyghurs in exile have become desperate in response to China’s ethnic cleansing policies.

This Encyclopedia is a brief reference book on the Uyghur social customs and traditions. The Uyghurs are a Turkic ethnic group living in Eastern and Central Asia. Unlike their nomadic neighbours, the Uyghur have had a settled civilization for more than thousand years.  The modern Uyghur homeland situated at the cross roads of Eurasian Continent, benefited from the civilizations of the old world that passed through the terrain via the ancient trade routs, giving the resultant culture a diverse hue and rich expression. Building on the existing pre-historic local and non-local cultures, the Uyghur of today cultivated a distinctive cultural heritage. This book is dedicated to the detailed recording of some of the important cultural inheritance of the Uyghur people.
Uyghur customs and their stories are the  original memorial to a culture that has evolved overtime and acquired its present identity. The social customs and traditions or behavioural standards recorded here has long historical roots and contemporary relevance. Just like in any human society, the way Uyghur society is organised reflects the communal preference of a collective group and the empirical need of each age. Many aspects of those inherited traditions and costumes are now lending a helping hand in defining a modern ethnic identity.  this synchronic collection of living traditions and their stories is a tool for making sense of many rituals and rites now form the core of the modern Uyghur identity.

Kirish söz

Tirishchan tilshunas ziyaliy memet tursun zunun ependimning nechche on yilliq japaliq eqli emgikining méwisi bolghan bu gholluq eserge kirish söz yézish sheripining péqirgha chüshüshi hem pexirlinerlik we shundaqla mes’uliyiti éghir eqlane wezipidur. Mezkur kitabni qoligha alghan her qandaq bir uqurmen uning weznini dengsep körginide salmaqliq bu eserning royapqa chiqishi üchün mu’ellipning qanchilik ejir we méhnet singdürgenlikini hés qilalaydu. Démekchimenki mezkur eser özini özi tunushturup turuptu, emeliyette péqirning oshuqche zuwandarazliq qilishining lazimi yoq bolsimu, emma zimmemge artilghan bu dostluq burchidin bash tartishni tughra tapmidim. Shunglashqa bu yerde ikki kelime söz qilp özümning toluq shekillinip bolalmighan qismen shexsi qarashlirimni oqurmenler bilen ortaqlishishning zexmiti bolmisa deymen.
Aldi bilen bu kitabqa edebiy zhanir nuqtisidin qaraydighan bolsaq, qimmetlik medeniyet we örp - adet miraslirimizning mezmunini tughra chüshinip, usulliridin yolida paydilinish we ularni qelem sheklide saqlap qilish meqsitide pütülgen bu eserni énsiklopédiye bilen lughetchilik ilmining jewhiri singdürülgen bir yéngi edebiy shekil dep qarisaq xata bolmaydu. Yeni qismen söz atalghular we milli oyun-chaqchaqlargha tebir bérish we namlirining kélish menbesi qatarliq tepsilatlarni kéngeytip chüshendürüp eserning énisklopidik tüsini namayan qilghan bolsa, élipbe tertipide tüzülgen söz qurulmisi kitabning lughetchilikke xas tereplirini mu’eyyenleshtürgen. Bu yerde yene shuni tekitlesh kérekki, kitabtiki mezmunlarning keng we chungqur bolushidin bashqa, mu’ellipning mezkur eserning tüzülme we qurulmisini mentiqiwi we ilmi yusunda orunlashturush üchünmu nurghun ejir singdürgenliki melum. Kitabqa ilmi qimmet nuqtisidin qaraydighan bolsaq mezkur eser xelq arisida tarqilip kelgen, emma toluq retlep basma sheklige keltürelmigen uchurlar bilen qismen örp - adet bilen munasiwetlik yazmilarning tunji qétim bir toplam sheklide qéliplashturulup we tehrirlep neshir qilinishi bolup, buning özila bir qimmetlik eqli bayliq hésablinidu. Bu yerde mushundaq bir köp emgek telep qilidighan eserning birla aptorning qolidin chiqishigha apirin oqumay turalmaymiz.
Antropologiye ilmining medeniyet uqumigha bergen éniqlimisigha qaraydighan bolsaq medeniyet démek melum bir qowm xelqige ortaq bolghan bilim we xisletlerning birikmisidur, yeni medeniyet démek tili, dini étiqadi, yémek ichmek aditi, ijtima’iy qilmish adetliri, naxsha -usul, muzika we sen’et, ölum yitim, toy-tökün adetliridiki özlgichiliktin ibaret nurghun mezmunlarning birikmisidur. Yighip éytqanda bu insaniyet jemiyitining ortaq herket qilmishi we qimmet qarishining bir toplam ichidiki özgiche ipadilinish bolup, u bir qowm kimlikining éniqlimisigha mezmun qatidighan tepsilatlardur. Yeni shexslerning tewelik éngi, kolléktipning birlik héssiyati we bir ijtima’iy jem’iyetning özini tonutushi üchün kem bolsa bolmaydighan kündilik tepsilatlarning mejmu’esi medeniyet katégoriyesige kiridu. Buningdin körüwélishqa boliduki, örp- adet millet yaki qowmning igilikining mewjutluqi üchün kem bolsa bolmaydighan eng muhim amildur. Milli medeniyet mirasi bolmighan qowmning millet mewjutluqidin éghiz ichish xuddi su yüzidin ayni tutushqa urun’ghandek bihude xiyalidur. Mushu nuqtidin élip éytqandimu mezkur kitabni bash-panahsiz qalghan millitimiz üchün ata mirasini bilish we dawamlashturush üchün kem bolsa bolmaydighan bir rahname déyishke bolidu.
Bu yerde yene shuni tekitlep ötüshke tughra kéliduki biz qoghdaymiz démekchi bolghan örp - adet we milli medeniyet hergizmu bir turghun uqum yaki özgermes hadise emes, belki özgirishchanliq ichide méngiwatqan emma mukemmel qurulmisi shekillinip bolghan bir kolléktip miras közde tutilidu. Medeniyetning özi özgirishchanliqi küchlük tarixi ré’alliq bolup, insaniyet medeniyitining tarixi seperlirige nezer salidighan bolsaq medeniyetning shekillinish basquchliridiki birdin bir özgermey kéliwatqan xaraktéri uning dawamliq özgirip méngishidur. Biz qoghdimaqchi bolghinimizmu del özimiz sahip bolup, özimizning tarixi kechmishlirimiz, eqiliy qudritimiz we ijtima’iy éhtiyajimizning turtkisi asasida qélipliship, omumliship we ammibabliship, özgichilikimizni namayande qilip kéliwatqan medeniyet simwolliri bilen shularning tereqqiyat teqdirge igidarchiliq qilalaydighan hoquqimizdur. Bashqiche qilip éytqanda saqlap qélishqa tirishiwatqinimiz örp - adet we medeniy miraslirimizning subyéktip ipadilinish usullirila emes belki ashu örp -adetlerning yönilishi, özgirishi we kelgüsi teqdirige ige bolalaydighan igidarchiliq hoquqidur.
Millitimizning medeniyet we kimliki misli körülmigen hujumgha uchrawatqan halqiliq bir peytte pütülgen bu eserni del waqtida yaqqan shipaliq yamghurgha oxshatsaq mubalighe bolmas. Ejdadlirimiz nechche esirlerdin biri nurghun medeniyetler bilen uchriship, siyasi we ijtima’iy özgirishlerni béshidin kechürüsh bedilige mukemmelleshtürüp chiqqan ata miras bolghan milli medeniyetning mewjutluqi xirsqa duchar boluwatqanliqi hemmimizge melum. Milletning kelgüsi istiqbali éniqisiz bir kölenggüde turmaqta. Wetendiki siyasiy muhitqa nezer salsaq nöwette milli medeniyitimiz omumyüzlük hujumgha uchrap, özi peyda bolup, qélipliship we takamullashqan ashu ana tupraqta yoqulush girdabigha bérip qalmaqta. Weten ichide milletning örp - adetlirining ipadilinishliri cheklimige uchrap, xelqimizning kündilik turmushidin qistilip chiqirilipla qalmay, milli medeniyetlerni tarqitidighan, tonushturidighan we analiz qilidighan qanallarmu tosalghugha uchrimaqta. Meslen milli ziyaliylirimiz türmilerge tashlinip, öz tilimizda yézilghan eserler yoq qilinip, milli metbu’atlar taqilip, tilimiz aldi bilen tepekkur tilidin terjime tiligha aylinip emdilikte bolsa asta asta kéreksiz bir yükke aylinip qélish girdabigha kélip qaldi. Démek, mezkur kitabta xatirlen’gen mezmunlar bilen tunush bolghan mushu ewlad xelqtin kiyin milli medeniyitimizning istiqbalining qandaq bolushi téxi éniqsiz. Mushundaq kétiwerse eger bir küni dewr özgirip milli örp - adetlirimizni qaytidin térildurush pursiti yaritilghan teqdirdimu wetinimizde paydilan’ghudek yazma menbelermu tépilmay qélishi mumkin. Eger qolimizda mushundaq bir yazma xatire bolmisa tamamen yat bir medeniyetning tesiride yétilgen kiyinki ewladlarning öz medeniyitini bilishi asan’gha toxtimaydu. Til yoqaldi démek, ashu tilgha mezmun bergen we mewjutluqini saqlap qalghan medeniyet tupriqi yoqaldi démektur. U chaghda ghuwa eslime we subyéktip perezdin milli medeniyetni qayta tizildurush asan emes.
Yighip éytqanda mezkur kitabning bügünkidek bir syasiy muhitta otturigha chiqishi xelqimizning zide qiliwétilgen könglige melhem bolghusi. Roshenki milletning teqdiri üchün bash qaturushning shekilliri her xil bolup, her kim özining qudriti, qimmiti we qabiliyitige mas wasitiler bilen milletning mewjutluqini saqlap qélish üchün küresh qiliwatidu. Tarixta ming leshker bilen yéngelmigen jengni bir qelem bilen ghalibiyetke chiqarghanlarning misalimu az emes. Bizmu milli mewjutluq kürishimizning frontlirini siyasi, iqtsadiy we eqiliy sehnilerde teng élip barghénimizdila ümidsizlik ichidin ümid, qarangghuluq ichidin yuruqluq köreleymiz. Her bir uyghur a’ilisining bu kitabni sétiwélip saqlap quyushi xelqimizning eqli frontida jeng qiliwatqan ziyaliylirige béreleydighan eng ali mukapatidur.

Doktur amir seydula
2019- yili mart,

China has declared a war on terrorism in Xinjiang, identifying violence in the region as a top security threat. However, what nowadays is officially constructed as ‘terrorism’ was framed as ‘counter-revolution’ in the past. Informed by the concept of macrosecuritization and the agenda of critical terrorism studies, this article examines the changing nature of Chinese state framing of violence in Xinjiang. Through a comparative analysis of the discursive construction of the Baren (1990) and Bachu (2013) violent incidents, I find that the terror lexicon has replaced old narratives of counter-revolution to legitimize a sustained crackdown under a novel geopolitical context. The construction of violence in Xinjiang as terrorism, I argue, is contingent, limited and unstable. It marginalizes factors other than an extremist or separatist agency in the incubation of the violence, in particular the frictions created by the crackdown with which the Chinese government is trying to placate the unrest.

Este artículo analiza el período chino de reforma y apertura en la Región Autónoma Uigur de Xinjiang (RAUX) y explora las dinámicas que facilitaron la resurgencia del separatismo uigur pese a la relativa liberalización, especialmente en el ámbito religioso, con la que el gobierno chino acompañó el viraje económico. En primer lugar, se presentan las medidas ‘gradualistas’ de índole económica y social aplicadas por el Partido Comunista Chino (PCCh) en Xinjiang durante la década de los años 1980. Posteriormente, se evalúan sus resultados’, identificando las limitaciones que para las minorías étnicas tuvo este enfoque ‘gradualista’, sobre todo en lo referente a la autonomía política y prosperidad económica. Finalmente, el artículo examina el desarrollo de actividades disidentes y separatistas en la región como las manifestaciones estudiantiles de Urumqi en 1985 o la ‘rebelión contrarrevolucionaria’ de Baren en 1990, evento que catalizará una campaña represiva en la región. El artículo reflexiona sobre el complejo (des)equilibrio entre moderación y asimilacionismo al que los líderes chinos se enfrentan en Xinjiang y por el que, independientemente del enfoque adoptado, las políticas del régimen chino acaban contribuyendo de uno u otro modo al separatismo uigur.

This article analyses China’s reform and opening up period in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) and explores the dynamics that facilitated a revitalisation of Uyghur separatism in spite of the liberalization policies, particularly in the religious realm, that accompanied the economic change. To this aim, it first introduces the economic and social ‘gradualist’ policies applied by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Xinjiang during the 1980s decade, paying special attention to those that allowed a religious and cultural revival in the region. Next, it evaluates the ‘gradualist’ approach, identifying the limitations that these policies had for the ethnic minorities with respect to political autonomy and economic prosperity. Finally, the article examines the emergence of dissident and separatists activities in the region, from the student demonstrations in Urumqi (1985) to the Baren ‘counterrevolutionary rebellion’ (1990), which would eventually trigger a repressive campaign in the region. The article reflects on the conundrum faced by Chinese leaders in Xinjiang, by which moderate policies originally aimed at appeasing the ethnic minorities may well result in the emergence of separatism, thus triggering a further repressive approach also conducive to dissidence.

China has declared a war on terrorism in Xinjiang, identifying violence in the region as a top security threat. However, what nowadays is officially constructed as ‘terrorism’ was framed as ‘counter-revolution’ in the past. Informed by the concept of macrosecuritization and the agenda of critical terrorism studies, this article examines the changing nature of Chinese state framing of violence in Xinjiang. Through a comparative analysis of the discursive construction of the Baren (1990) and Bachu (2013) violent incidents, I find that the terror lexicon has replaced old narratives of counter-revolution to legitimize a sustained crackdown under a novel geopolitical context. The construction of violence in Xinjiang as terrorism, I argue, is contingent, limited and unstable. It marginalizes factors other than an extremist or separatist agency in the incubation of the violence, in particular the frictions created by the crackdown with which the Chinese government is trying to placate the unrest.