Traditional Values

This article examines the rise of a "right-wing international" around contemporary Russia through the lens of the concept of "bad ecumenism," explored in conjunction with the author's philosophical views and personal experience of Orthodox-Protestant interaction. In contrast to "good ecumenism," which, broadly defined, seeks interconfessional dialogue and cooperation toward the common good in our pluralist world, bad ecumenism seeks interconfessional dialogue and collaborative efforts with the goal of dominating and coercing individuals and social groups that do not conform to so-called "traditional values." Hence Patriarch Kirill of the Russian Orthodox Church, Moscow Patriarchate,  dubs hardline American Evangelical Franklin Graham and other Western Christians who oppose LGBTQ rights "confessors of the faith," and Graham is happy to receive his blessing. This works in part because the history of the US Christian Right is bound up with anti-Communism and an equation of secularism with Communism. Russian actors are now playing into this narrative, insisting that because they survived Communism, they can help US and European Christians resist the "new totalitarianism" of so-called "political correctness."

An upsurge in Orthodox anti-ecumenical criticism in 2016 has raised the question of the current state of ecumenism. Examining this topic , the author describes a new form of ecumenical activity associated with the emergence of conservative Christian alliances in defense of traditional values. This " conservative ecumenism, " or " Ecumen-ism 2.0, " differs from the " classical ecumenism " that arose in the early twentieth century and that continues to be represented today by the World Council of Churches and other ecumenical institutions. The author considers the phenomenon of " ecumenical consciousness " and demonstrates that it can be found in both types of ecumenism. Some of the Orthodox anti-ecumenists who attack classical ecumen-ism, however, may eagerly opt for this new, conservative " Ecumen-ism 2.0. " This article discusses the possible competition between the two types of ecumenisms.

An outburst of Orthodox anti-ecumenical criticism in 2016 raised the question of the current state of ecumenism. Examining this topic, the author describes a new form of ecumenical activity associated with the emergence of conservative Christian alliances in defense of traditional values. This “conservative ecumenism,” or “Ecumenism 2.0,” differs from the “classical ecumenism” that arose in the early 20th century and is presented today by the World Council of Churches and other ecumenical structures. The author considers the phenomenon of “ecumenical consciousness” and shows that it can be found in both types of ecumenism; however, some of the Orthodox anti-ecumenists who attack classical ecumenism may eagerly opt for this new, conservative “Ecumenism 2.0“. The article discusses the possible competition between the two types of ecumenism.

In this article I will focus on the group of apolitical skinheads. Although apolitical skinhead scene does not associate itself with politics, elements such as nationalism, traditional values and anti-communism are presented relatively strongly. This article focuses on the penetration of politics into the apolitical skinhead scene, particularly those sections that have the ability to create a scope for the extreme right-wing components. In this context, apoliticism refers to any verbal rejection of both right and left wing politics. These groups refer to themselves as apolitical, despite being politicized.

По мнению автора, с точки зрения неоинституционализма процессы модернизации можно рассматривать как инкрементальное замещение традиционных социальных практик новыми институтами с целью повышения ресурсной эффективности. Модернизация сопровождается постепенным замещением неэффективных социальных практик и ценностей. Автор приходит к выводу, что без интернализации норм и ценностей модернизация невозможна.

This paper focuses on investigating the threats affecting Grébouo 1 forest grove (GFG) and their socio-anthropological drivers. Sociological surveys consist of semi-structured interviews and individual discussions among communities' elders and households in four nearest villages surrounding GFG. The taboos implied a ban on damaging or disrespecting the area. Disrespecting the area included burning, hunting, cutting, and polluting the area through defecating, urinating, or sexual activities. Natives are the community that mostly (88%) collect plant resources inside GFG compared to Ivorian and West African migrants (5 and 11% respectively). For all the respondents, GFG is a place of supply (92% of the respondents) and secondly is a holy place (5% of the respondents). The rarefaction of forest resources in GFG region poses threats to the grove since the traditional beliefs ruling its management is no longer respected. The preservation of this grove

Russian ‘anti-gay law’ is commonly perceived by western media as a ‘new, dark chapter in the history of gay rights in Russia’, a law that ‘demonizes and discriminates against Russian citizens who are lesbian, gay, bisexual or ttransgender’. Although its eventual ‘chilling effect’ on both legal status of sexual minorities (or persons with nontraditional sexual orientation) in Russia and the country’s international reputation as the least protective country in Europe for LGBT citizens is undisputed, little is known about
the law’s original purpose, and even less – about its basis in Russia’s international human rights obligations.
In this paper I will indicate in what way is Russian ‘anti-gay law’ originally based on international treaties signed and ratified by Russia. However, before I move on to developing the main ideas of this paper, I will provide a brief description of the law and the legal, political and factual meaning of the key term ‘propaganda’ around which the law is constructed.

This article offers a case study of the Russian-American pro-family organisation the World Congress of Families, explaining its emer- gence, strategies, and religious and political agenda from 1995 until 2019. The article adds to a growing body of research that sheds light on transnational networks of conservative and right-wing political and civil society actors. It zooms in on Russian pro-family activists as connected to such networks and thereby takes an innovative perspective on the Russian conservative turn as part of a global phenomenon. The article also makes the argument that a specific Russian Christian Right movement, comparable to and linked with the American Christian Right and conservative Christian groups in Europe, is taking shape in Russia.

The article highlights the discussion on the concept of “conservative ecumenism”, proposed by the author in 2017 to describe conservative Christian alliances in defense of traditional values. Main debates have revolved on the usage of the term “ecumenism” to conservative Christian alliances. The article proposes minimal criteria for belonging to ecumenism, which the author calls “ecumenical consciousness”. The question of whether striving for Christian unity is a necessary criterion of ecumenism is considered. Based on the work of George Lindbeck, the author shows that the normative image of ecumenism as a movement to achieve Christian unity appears in classical ecumenism not immediately and is not the only form of ecumenical interaction. The article also discusses the relationship between theology and ideology in connection with ecumenism.

Russian 'anti-gay law' is commonly perceived by western media as a 'new, dark chapter in the history of gay rights in Russia', a law that 'demonizes and discriminates against Russian citizens who are lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender'. Although its eventual 'chilling effect' on both legal status of sexual minorities (or persons with non-traditional sexual orientation) in Russia and the country's international reputation as the least protective country in Europe for LGBT citizens is undisputed, little is known about the law's original purpose, and even less about its basis in Russia's international human rights obligations.
The main purpose of this paper is to deconstruct this law, its creation and application as one of the most recent examples of Russia's involvement in transnational processes, an example of 'combined functioning of public international law and domestic legal systems, and of their mutually regulated interaction'8 in one specific field of governance.
I will argue that as a result of this interaction at judicial, social and political levels the dichotomy of LGBT rights v. 'traditional' (family) values has been artificially, albeit skilfully, constructed for political purposes and introduced into international human rights discourse. In this paper I will indicate in what way is Russian 'anti-gay law' originally based on international treaties signed and ratified by Russia.

Автор рассматривает различные подходы к традиционализму и модернизации. Анализируя социальные процессы трансформации повседневной жизни людей, автор приходит к выводу о взаимосвязи процессов трансформации поведения и культурных ценностей. Успешная культурная трансформация осуществляется на основе взаимного культурного обмена.

This research contributes to understanding the attitudes of Russian politicians towards sex education in schools and the kind of argumentation styles they use to oppose it. The paper is based on a framing analysis of the arguments of two important opponents to sex education: Pavel Astakhov, a Russian politician and former Children’s Rights Commissioner from 2009 to 2016; and Yelena Mizulina, Chairman of the State Duma Committee on Family Affairs, Women and Children since 2008, using online media sources in a ten-year period (2011-2021). The analysis finds that Astakhov’s most used frames are the disapproval of children’s exposure to new, different attitudes, the interference in Russian traditions by the West and the spread of a gender discourse in Russia. Mizulina focuses mainly on the unfitness of teachers since sex education should only be addressed by parents, and on the “right age” to start talking about it with young people. From the results, both politicians seem to strongly o...

Terlepas atau tidaknya dari pertentangan pandangan menyangkut pernyataan mengenai “foto” antara pandangan realisme dengan antirealisme (idealisme), ataupun objektivitas dan subjektivitas. Mungkin barangkali ini adalah seperti apa yang dimaksudkan oleh Seno Gumira bahwa “teknologi fotografi memang terlahirkan untuk memburu objektivitas, karena kemampuannya untuk menggambarkan kembali realitas visual dengan tingkat presisi yang tinggi (Gumira, 2007:1).