Scipio Aemilianus

Daha önce Cicero’dan Devlet Üzerine çevirisini yayımladığımız C. Cengiz Çevik, bu çalışmada Roma’nın cumhuriyet döneminde (İÖ 509-İÖ 27) siyaset ve felsefe ilişkisinin şekillenişini inceliyor. Alanında Türkçede bir ilk olan ve birincil kaynaklara dayanan bu inceleme Pythagorasçı öğretinin Roma’daki etkilerine dair rivayetler ile felsefeye karşı siyasi nitelikli ilk olumsuz tepkilerden başlayıp, özellikle de Scipio Çevresi’nde felsefenin siyasî açıdan kabulüne ve Cicero bağlamında siyaset ile felsefenin uzlaştırılmasına dek uzanmaktadır. Bu çerçevede cumhuriyet döneminde ilkin yabancı ve tehlikeli bir unsur olarak görülen felsefenin zamanla Roma’nın siyasi şartlarıyla nasıl uyumlu hale geldiği, siyasî ideallerle birlikte nasıl dönüştüğü, siyasi figürleri nasıl dönüştürdüğü ve en azından bu tür dönüşümlerin nasıl yorumlandığı üzerinde durulmaktadır. Tarihin en güçlü ve en uzun ömürlü devlet yapılarından birinin felsefi gelenekle ilişkisini değerlendiren Roma’da Siyaset ve Felsefe’nin geniş bir okur kitlesine hitap edeceğini düşünüyoruz.

Dr. C. Cengiz Çevik (1983) İstanbul Üniversitesi, Eskiçağ Dilleri ve Kültürleri Bölümü, Latin Dili ve Edebiyatı Anabilim Dalı’ndan 2007 yılında mezun oldu. 2011 yılında aynı bölümden “Seneca’nın Naturales Quaestiones Adlı Eserinde Doğa ve Ahlak Anlayışı” başlıklı yüksek lisans tezini tamamlayarak mezun oldu. 2018 yılında “Roma’nın Cumhuriyet Döneminde Siyaset ve Felsefe İlişkisi” başlıklı teziyle doktora derecesi kazandı. Temel çalışma alanı Roma düşünce tarihidir. Aynı zamanda antik düşünce ve felsefe geleneğini temel alarak farklı çağlarda siyaset, felsefe ve ikisi arasındaki ilişkiler üzerine yazılan metinlerle ilgili çalışmalarını sürdürmektedir. Cicero’nun Devleti: De Re Publica Yazıları başlıklı kitabın yazarıdır (YKY, 2017) ve Latinceden Türkçeye çeviriler yapmaktadır.

Protected by Rome, Carthage regained much prosperity under a relatively open political system, while the grasping Masinissa of Numidia was thwarted repeatedly from annexing Punic territory. But Rome's attitude changed after 167, to his advantage.

Book is divided in two parts. First part is about events during tiranny in Athens 404/403 BC, a second part is about life of Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus and his tribunate at 133 BC.
Knjiga „Revolucije stare Helade i Rimske Republike“ je znanstveno – popularno djelo čija je sadržina posvećena revolucionarnim pokretima u antičkom grčko – rimskom svijetu. Cilj knjige nije da bude znanstveno djelo „klasičnog“ tipa, nego da jedan aspekt antičke historije predstavi u zanimljivom, popularnom stilu koji bi bio pristupaćan i široj javnosti. Zato je skoro kompletna sadržina knjige zasnovana samo na izvornoj građi i autorovim zaključcima, jer bi u suprotnom odvijanje „radnje“ otišlo u pravcu, za širu javnost, nerazumljivih znanstvenih premišljanja, opovrgavanja i postavljanja novih teza. Knjiga „Revolucije stare Helade i Rimske Republike“ je samim tim oblikovana na načelima antičke historiografije kako bi čitaoca učila, poučila i zabavila o neizbježnoj pojavi historijskog procesa →revoluciji, u kontekstu antičke historije. Tako se taj glavni međaš historijskog progresa, svojstven svim epohama, predstavlja kroz dvije vrlo ilustrativne epizode iz antičke historije. Osnovne radnje obje priče zauzimaju razdoblje kraće od godine dana, ali sa posljedicama proizašlim iz njih u stoljetnom trajanju. Prva priča se bavi vremenom vladavine 30 tirana u Ateni, kada je ovaj grčki polis utonuo u ponor masovnog zločina i dezavuiranja čovjeka. Atenska priča nastoji pokazati da se i polisu koji se smatrao i tada, a i danas, najkulturnijim i najrazvijenijim dijelom helenskog antičkog svijeta, mogao javiti sustav ubijanja, pljačke i destrukcije. Jednostavno niko nije po defaultu pošteđen toga da postane žrtva ili zločinac, i da je potrebna stalna budnost odbrambenih mehanizama ličnosti i zajednice kako se ne bi potonulo u baruštinu zla. Druga priča je posvećena pokušaju reformne djelatnosti jednog rimskog plebejskog tribuna, koji je uočio uzroke i liniju geneze zla koja je polako rastakala nekada uravnoteženo i harmonizirano biće Rimske Republike. Drugom pričom se nastoji prikazati konfrontacija dva koncepta, jednog koji preferira opći, javni interes, i drugog koji preferira osobni, nekada čisto profani interes.

The paper focuses on the individual case of Scipio Aemilianus to demonstrate how a Roman aristocrat internalized Roman norms through socialization and education. It discusses, secondly, how an individual reproduced and strengthened the normative system by his actions and bearing, and, thirdly, in the special case of Aemilianus, how he was turned into an exemplum himself.

Historija ne bi trebalo da bude samo puko podsjećanje na prošle događaje ili samo ispisivanje informacija minulih vremena. Historija u svome znanstvenom obličju prevashodno može i mora da služi sadašnjim i budućim generacijama kao jedna vrlo praktična disciplina koja nudi čitavo jedno obilje povijesnih primjera, iskustava i nadahnuća. Povijesni procesi, dešavanja i događaji nipošto se ne mogu niti smiju zanemariti u donošenju odluka, ali i ponašanju i pojedinaca i institucija. Posebno se to ogleda u tome da kroz neke povijesne fenomene koje je historiografija prepoznala, opisala i prezentirala sadašnji i budući svijet pokuša izbjeći i postupke i procese koji bi mogli imati dugotrajne
štetne posljedice. Jedan od takvih procesa sa iznimno štetnim posljedicama, koje su u konačnici dovele do sloma republikanskog poretka i njegovih institucija, bila je i ekonomska kriza sa kraja Srednje Republike, poznata u historiografiji kao “agrarna kriza”. U bukvalnom smislu, samo razvijanje ove krize predstavljalo je genezu zla, tipičnu za sve ekonomske i socijalne dekadense koji su se odvijali kroz prošlost čovječanstva. Finansijska kriza iz 2007/2008. god. koja je zapečatila
sudbinu propalog i kratkotrajnog neoliberalnog eksperimenta dobar je primjer kako je neuvažavanje historije i onoga što ona nudi dovelo do velike katastrofe. Ova neoliberalna kriza je u velikoj mjeri i po načelima svoga nastanka, te modalitetima i načinima svoga razvitka slična “agrarnoj krizi” od prije 2150 godina. Ukratko rečeno, onda kada princip sticanja što većega profita, i to na štetu većine stanovništva, štetu općekulturnog progresa i nemjerljivo socijalno raslojavanje, dobije oreol “božanskog”, tada se otvaraju kapije “geneze zla”. Djelo je podijeljeno na dva osnovna vida. Prvi dio (Fontes) je zbirka podataka iz dostupne izvorne građe, dok drugi (Rekonstrukcija) predstavlja sintetički
prikaz nastanka, razvoja i posljedica agrarne krize. U Fontesu su dati podaci iz djela Aristotela, Katona Starijeg, Polibija, Nona Marcela, Cicerona, Salustija Krispa, Varona, Diodora, Dionizija iz Halikarnasa, Strabona, Livija, Veleja Paterkula, Valerija Maksima, Seneke, Plinija Starijeg, Kolumele, Plutarha, Apijana, Aula Gelija, Seksta Aurelija Viktora.
U “Rekonstrukciji” se nalaze poglavlja: Ager publicus, Zakoni Licinija i
Sekstija i agrarno zakonodavstvo do perioda krize sa kraja Srednje Republike, Uzroci agrarne krize sa kraja Srednje Republike, Robovski rad, Oslobođenici, Posljedice krize sa potpoglavljem Demografska kriza, Političke posljedice krize, Korupcija, Kriza vojske, Pokušaji reformi.

In forma di 'Appunti per uno studio sulla politica romana nel II sec. a.C.', viene  presentata una ricognizione delle principali interpretazioni dell'imperialismo romano (da Mommsen a Nicolet), seguita da possibili riscontri nella politica estera dell'Emiliano attraverso fonti coeve (Lucilio) e successive (Cicerone, Valerio Massimo).

Anmerkungen zu einem Machtkampf zwischen Scipio Aemilianus und der gracchischen Ackerkommission. Abstract Da die lex Papiria de tribunis reficiendis bislang nur als Randepisode der Gracchen-Zeit wahrgenommen wurde, steht ihre historische Beurteilung noch aus. Ziel der vorliegenden Abhandlung ist neben der Einordnung dieser tribunizischen Rogation in ihren historischen Kontext die Verdeutlichung ihrer rechtlichen und realpolitischen Problemstellung. Die Handlungsmotive der beiden Akteure Scipio und Papirius Carbo bilden einen weiteren Schwerpunkt.
Being so far perceived as a minor event of the Gracchan period, the historical appraisal of the lex Papiria de tribunis reficiendis is still due. Beside the placement of this tribunician rogation in its historical context the purpose of this paper is to elucidate the constitutional and political problems linked with this legislative initiative. A further focus lies on the motives of both actors, Scipio and Papirius Carbo. Zur Publikation angenommen, erscheint in: TYCHE 33 (2018)

El conflicto que las fuentes romanas denominan bellum Numantinum, por el protagonismo de la ciudad arévaca, marca el cenit de la intervención militar romana en Hispania. Es la llamada convencionalmente Tercera Guerra Celtibérica (143-133 a.C.). En ella, la enconada resistencia de los numantinos al expansionismo de la República de Roma, el férreo cerco impuesto a su ciudad, la rendición de los supervivientes tras penosos meses de asedio… son hitos de un relato que, convertido pronto en epopeya, no ha hecho sino retroalimentar la leyenda en torno a Numancia. Una leyenda que el correr de los siglos ha urdido de simbología épica y apropiaciones identitarias hasta nuestros días.
Epopeyas aparte –y la de Numancia bien nutre el aprendizaje, como revela el libro Numancia, símbolo e historia de A. Jimeno y J.I. de la Torre–, lo cierto es que la guerra numantina brinda el rostro más cruento del imperialismo de Roma.

In 129 B.C. Scipio Aemilianus once again stood in the centre of the quarrels of domestic politics, which above all were shaped by the aftermaths of the Gracchan Agrarian Bill and the unrests linked with it. At that time Scipio distinguished himself as a stubborn adversary of the agrarian reform and thereby became most polarized. His sudden unexpected death furthermore gives a riddle and a political assassination therefore seems very likely. This article attends to the concrete political intentions and purposes, which Scipio proposed to translate into action just before he died: beside of depriving the Agrarian Commission of power and the at least partly annulment of the Gracchan Agrarian Bill he probably strived, after beeing elected consul, to tackle and solve the agrarian question by himself.

A provincial command was a determining chapter in the political career of a Roman citizen during the Republic: for a praetor or consul, it was the best opportunity to obtain notoriety and glory thanks to a military campaign or to improve his social and economic status at the expenses of provincials. However, a provincial command could also entail a public scandal in the case of misgovernment or continuous extortion upon provincials, as well as a result of a military disaster by the Roman authorities. The Roman governors could be consequently prosecuted and judged in a trial after coming to Rome. Both Greek and Latin sources quote cases in which the behaviour of a Roman commander provoked a noteworthy scandal on the Roman public opinion. Some instances are the massacre caused by Ser. Sulpicius Galba against the Lusitani during his praetorship in Hispania Ulterior (151-150 B.C.); the shameful treaty accorded between the consul G. Hostilius Mancinus (137) and the Numantines; the polemic triumph celebrated by T. Albucius at his own expenses during his command in Sardinia (105-104); or the well-known cases of G. Verres or A. Gabinius, whose commands in Sicily (73-71) and Syria (57-55) became both paradigms of provincial misgovernment in the last decades of the Republic. It is the aim of this paper to analyze the reasons because these cases caused so scandal on the public opinion, in order to determine, consequently, what behaviour by Roman governors provoked more indignation towards Roman society.

Los cambios en las representaciones de los Escipiones en las tragedias fundacionales La Sofonisba (1524) de Gian Giorgio Trissino y La Numancia (1582-98) de Miguel de Cervantes se relacionan con la evolución de los valores alegóricos de Escipión. Conviene explorar si las imágenes de Escipión que no siguen los contenidos habituales de El Africano literario, genealógico, iconológico, alegórico y monumental—en definitiva el Escipión imperial creado por Cicerón, Petrarca y otros—representan un comentario sobre proyectos políticos de superioridad de los Ausburgos; o si además existen otros factores culturales, proto-naciolistas, geográficos, etc. que puedan influir en el uso de los Escipiones en los siglos XVI y XVII.

Los conflictos en torno a la ciudad de Numancia produjeron una grave crisis en Roma y tuvieron múltiples consecuencias: rupturas políticas y sociales; manipulaciones literarias e incluso, según Hostilio Mancino, la ruptura de la Pax Deorum. Se analiza también en este artículo una profecía realizada en Clunia en tiempos de la caída de Numancia, que predecía que de Hispania iba a salir el Príncipe y Señor de Todo.
Conflicts around the town of Numantia caused a serious crisis in Rome and had many consequences: political and social disruptions; literary manipulations and even, according to Hostilius Mancinus, the breakdown of the Pax Deorum. In this article it is also analyzed a prophecy made in Clunia at the time of the fall of Numantia, which predicted that the Prince and Lord of All would arise of Hispania.

Die letzten Lebensjahre des Scipio Aemilianus seit seiner siegreichen Rückkehr aus Numantia 132 v.Chr. werden von der modernen Altertumsforschung klar negativ be­urteilt: Besonders durch seinen Widerstand gegen die gracchische Ackerkommission habe sich der jüngere Africanus ins politische Abseits manövriert. Wegen seiner mehrfach öffentlich kundgetanen Billigung der Ermordung seines Vetters und Schwagers Ti. Gracchus habe Scipio die Gunst des einfachen Volkes eingebüßt. So erscheinen seine politischen Aktivitäten bis zu seinem plötzlichen Tod 129 v.Chr. als Serie von Rückschlägen und Misserfolgen. Dieser Beitrag stellt sich diesem Narrativ vom Niedergang Scipios entgegen und zeigt auf, dass der jüngere Africanus kurz vor seinem Tod weder politisch und innerfamiliär isoliert noch in der römischen Innenpolitik gescheitert war – ganz im Gegenteil. Dabei stehen sein wechselhaftes Verhältnis zu den beiden Gracchen und Sempronia, das Plebiszit über das Ober­kommando für den Aristonikos-Kr...

Expensive jewelry was overtly considered in ancient Rome a symbol of female integration in society. Excluded from public offices, women never rebelled. The only time they protested was in 195 BCE when they supported the repeal of the lex Oppia passed in 215 BCE during the Second Punic War. The law forbade women from owning and wearing jewelry and colorful garments. Cato the Censor tried strenuously to defend the statute but Roman women occupied the streets and did not disperse until the law had been repealed unanimously. Aemilia, wife of Scipio Africanus, was a emblem of all Cato hated and he feared: a rich and independent matron who paraded through Rome with her expensive attire. Aemilia died a few years after the lex Voconia passed in 169 BC. This statute supported once again by Cato the Censor prevented citizens enrolled in the first class of citizens to establish as heirs women. According to Roman law scholars the law applied only to male citizens. But through Aemilia’s succession, one of the most ancient attested in literature, I attempt to demonstrate that it prevented not only men but also women from choosing a woman as heir. Thanks to the lex Voconia a rich woman could not prefer a daughter to a son. She could not escape by making a will to the ancient rules of intestate succession that always preferred the relatives in the male line. The law prevented a woman from being heres, heir, in the full meaning of the term of her father or mother’s estate, and especially of the forms of power associated with it. The symbolic value of this provision would cross the centuries to modernity. Aemilia had obtained her enormous estate from her husband by a will and she was forbidden from establishing as heirs in a will her two daughters Corneliae. Emilia was thus forced to establish as heir her adopted nephew: Scipio Aemilianus, her brother’s son. Nevertheless, she was able to bypass the law disposing that Scipio pay to her daughters, two dowries so huge as to appear as portions of the estate. Scipio paid the sums but gave Aemilia’s famous and expensive jewelry to his mother thus depriving the two daughters. This complex succession explains the famous exemplum on Cornelia who replied to a matron boasting her jewels as the most beautiful of the century: “These are my jewels” (Haec ornamenta sunt mea) by showing her sons, the Gracchi. The matron perhaps was provoking Cornelia given the Roman bewilderment for this intricate succession and the lost jewelry. However, Cornelia answered opposing a social integration based not on a subordinate role but on the awareness of her specific function of educator of children.

El bellum pium y la conservación de la pax deorum eran un asunto de vital importancia para la civitas romana. La guerra podía provocar fácilmente la ira de los dioses. Con el fin de evitarla, se desarrolló el ius fetiale. En este artículo se analiza la acusación de Mancino a Quinto Pompeyo, a quien culpó de haber roto la pax deorum y ser el causante de las derrotas del ejército romano. El Senado, liderado por Escipión, rechazó la inculpación y aplicó el ius fetiale para entregar a Mancino a los numantinos. El fracaso del ejército romano y las dudas sobre la veracidad de la acusación llevaron a Escipión a hacerse cargo de la campaña contra Numancia. Su éxito confirmó que no se había producido una quiebra de la pax deorum y que la guerra contra Numancia había sido un bellum pium.
Bellum pium and conservation of the pax deorum were a matter of vital importance to Roman civitas. War could easily provoke the rage of gods. To avoid it, ius fetiale was developed. This article discusses the  accusation made by Mancinus against Quintus Pompeius, whom he blamed for breaking the pax deorum and for being the cause of the defeat of the Roman army. The Senate, led by Scipio, rejected the accusation and applied the ius fetiale to deliver Mancinus to the numantini. The defeat of the Roman army and the doubts about the veracity of the accusation made Scipio take charge of the campaign against Numantia. His success confirmed that there had not been a failure of the pax deorum and that the war against Numantia had been a bellum pium.

El trabajo propone una revisión cronológica de una serie de hechos relacionados con la campaña de Lépido contra Pallantia: la victoria de Décimo Bruto sobre los galaicos; el sitio de Pallantia por Lépido y Bruto; la entrega de Mancino a los numantinos y el abandono del cerco, que Adolf Schulten fechó el 1 de abril del año 136 a. C. El artículo adelanta la cronología tradicional en un año y, siguiendo la teoría de Schulten de que los pallantinos se retiraron por un eclipse lunar, plantea que el suceso tuvo lugar el 20 de marzo del 135 a. C.
The paper proposes a chronological review of a series of events related to the Lepidus´s campaign against Pallantia: Decimus Brutus's victory over the Gallaeci; the siege of Pallantia by Lepidus and Brutus; Mancinus´s delivering to Numantians and the abandonment of the siege dated on 31 March 136 B.C. by Adolf Schulten. The article advances the traditional chronology in a year based on the Schulten´s theory, which explains that Pallanti-ans retreated because of a lunar eclipse, and suggests that the event took place on 20 March 135 B.C.

Knjiga “Liberalna frakcija rimskog nobiliteta. – Gaj Lelije i Scipion Emilijan” se bavi odnosom jednoga dijela liberalne struje u visokoj rimskoj politici prema demokratskim procesima u rimsko - italskom svijetu u periodu 140. – 119. god. p. n. e. Posebno se prati njena evolucija od početnog zalaganja za reforme, do odustajanja od reformi pa do sukoba sa onima koji su bili za radikalniji reformsko – demokratski pristup u vrijeme donošenja Lex Sempronia Agraria i nastanka popularske frakcije. Odustajanje te skupine visokih političara Republike, koje primarno reprezentiraju Scipion Emilijan i Gaj Lelije, od reforme, dovelo je i do rascjepa unutar liberalne frakcije. Oni koji su bili za nastavljanje borbe za provoñenje reformi su se polako u vrijeme plebejskog tribunata Tiberija Sempronija Grakha, su se izdvojili iz jednog ranijeg liberalnog kružoka. Tako nastaje posebna popularska frakcija. Žestina sukoba populara i optimata koji je započeo 133. god. p. n. e. doveli su do približavanja Scipiona Emilijana, Gaja Lelija i drugih njima bliskih “liberalnih” političara sa svima onima koji su se negativno odnosili prema popularskom agrarnom i drugom zakonodavstvu. Nakon povratka iz Numancije, Scipion Emilijan je postao čak i glavni zastupnik antipopularskih struja.

Da die lex Papiria de tribunis reficiendis bislang nur als Randepisode der Gracchen-Zeit wahrgenommen wurde, steht ihre historische Beurteilung noch aus. Ziel der vorliegenden Abhandlung ist neben der Einordnung dieser tribunizischen Rogation in ihren historischen Kontext die Verdeutlichung ihrer rechtlichen und realpolitischen Problemstellung. Die Handlungsmotive der beiden Akteure Scipio und Papirius Carbo bilden einen weiteren Schwerpunkt.

This paper is an attempt to describe Quintus Caecilius Metellus
Macedonicus as censor, despite the scarcity of sources available on his
term in the office. He was the first in his family line to be elected censor
and, viewed in retrospect, it was his term in this illustrious office in 131-
130 BC that elevated the Caecilii Metelli to the supreme magistracies,
making them one of the most influential and privileged families in the
Roman Republic.
This description of Quintus Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus’ part
in the political affairs of Rome focuses on an analysis of the alliance
which backed his election to the censor’s office and its sensational effects,
which subsequently got several plebeians elected censor. The paper also
shows that Metellus’ famous speech Oratio de prole augenda should be
read as an attempt to outline a programme committed to action for the
majority in the Senate to undertake in the aftermath of the murder of
Tiberius Gracchus.