Early monasticism

It is well-established that the Jesus prayer basically takes form in early monasticism. Just a few scholars have very briefly suggested a possible connection with late antique philosophy. This article examines the early development of the Jesus prayer in the Collationes by John Cassian, the Gnostic chaptersby Diadochus of Photike andThe Ladder of Divine Ascentby John Climacus, over against two well-known practices in late antique philosophy: meletē or meditation (a repetitive recitation of short sayings) and mnēmē tou theou or dei memoriam (a practice aimed at a constant remembrance of God). From the considerable correspondence in form and purpose, the article argues for a clear impact from late antique philosophy on the gradual development. The main differences are the type of text that is the object of the practice, and the inner attitudes that the practice is aiming at. Homer and Greco-Roman wisdom sayings are replaced by bible verses, and humility and repentance are new monastic inner attitudes not that prevalent in ancient philosophy.

The late Antique mosaic of Orpheus decorated a small room, approximately 18 m2 in area, connected with two even smaller ones, in 4 m2 and the other 2 m2 in area, belonging most likely to a small funerary chapel (or tomb) discovered in the ancient necropolis by the Damascene Gate in Jerusalem; it was discovered in 1901 by H. Vincent.
The author proposes a new interpretation of the iconographic program of the Orpheus myth used by wealthy Christians in a sepulchral context (see Olszewski M.T. «Orphée endeuillé de la mosaïque funéraire de Jérusalem», in Rey Mimoso-Ruiz, B. ed., Actes du colloque «Orphée entre Soleil et ombre», à l’Institut Catholique de Toulouse du 16 au 17 novembre 2007, Inter Lignes, numéros spécial – mars 2008, pp. 205-214, 226). He also proposes a new interpretation of the role Orpheus played in Roman funerary art, concentrating on the importance of the play on words and the visual and textual punning that was popular in ancient art and especially in funerary art. He rejects the popular interpretation of Orpheus as Christ in the Roman catacombs and proposes to interpret the image as that of Orpheus, bard of the departed souls, without any ahistorical connection with Christ. The program of the mosaic from Jerusalem is thus explained as a play on the words Orpheus-orphanos and Chiron (Chi-Rho) and Pan [Παν(τοκράτωρ)].The frequently used Christian funerary formula of resting in peace, Christ or the Lord corresponds
perfectly with the mood created around the mythical bard.
Orpheus’ universal role as singer and musician moving even the most stony of hearts, extolling the beloved departed, is absolutely justified in the context of a 6th-century Christian tomb. Orpheus is a popular and neutral figure, meaning that in effect it does not constitute a threat to Christian theology and can be tolerated by the educated Christians of Jerusalem.

http://www.earlymedievalmonasticism.org/bibliographymonasticism.htm

This bibliography of academic literature on late antique and early medieval monasticism will be updated about twice a year. Please contact me (adiem@maxwell.syr.edu) if you would like to add titles (including your own work) or make corrections.

The origins of Christian monasticism are still in the process of clarification. Noted scholars have suspected that they are probably to be traced back to Buddhist models in the realm of Alexandria. Early Christian authors have claimed a spiritual community, which Philo of Alexandria called “Therapeutae” have been a model. The traditional identification of this community as Jewish has come under scrutiny in recent years.
In this essay Philo’s description is investigated under the perspective that he has applied a rhetoric of appropriation towards this spiritual community of men and women, claiming it implicitly – though not expressly – for Judaism. Salient features of his report can however be shown to agree with Buddhist models of monasticism. Therefore I argue that this community in all likelihood was essentially Buddhist – possibly with some syncretistic aspects, worth noting, as common in Alexandria at the time. This thesis is supported by evidence of Buddhist missionary activity in the eastern Mediterranean, as documented in Emperor Ashoka’s “Rock Edicts”. It is supported by testimonies on Indian spiritual presence in the realm of Alexandria in contemporary Greco-Roman literature, including Christian authors. The pathways of this syncretistic reception are discussed in historical and systematic perspective.

Zusammenfassung: Spuren buddhistischer Gegenwart in Alexandrien: Philo und die „Therapeuten“
Die Frage der Ursprünge Christlichen Mönchstums  befindet sich noch in Klärung. Maßgebliche Forscher haben vermutet, dass es wahrscheinlich auf buddhistische Vorbilder im Raum Alexandriens zurückgeht. Frühe christliche Gelehrte haben behauptet, dass eine geistliche Gemeinschaft, die Philo von Alexandrien als „Therapeuten“ bezeichnete, ein Modell gewesen ist. Die herkömmliche Bestimmung dieser Gemeinschaft als mosaisch ist in den letzten Jahren unter kritische Prüfung gekommen.
In diesem Aufsatz wird Philos Darstellung unter dem Gesichtspunkt einer „Rhetorik der Aneignung“ untersucht, mit der er diese spirituelle Kommunität von Männern und Frauen implizit - wenngleich nicht ausdrücklich -  für das Judentum beansprucht.  Es kann jedoch gezeigt werden, dass wesentliche Züge in seinem Bericht mit buddhistischen Darstellungen klösterlicher Gemeinschaften übereinstimmen. Ich stelle daher dar, dass diese Gemeinschaft in aller Wahrscheinlichkeit wesentlich buddhistisch war – womöglich mit synkretistischen Zügen, die, was zu beachten ist, im damaligen Alexandrien üblich waren. Diese These wird durch die Zeugnisse von buddhistischer  Missionstätigkeit im östlichen Mittelmeerraum erhärtet, die in Kaiser Aschokas „Fels-Edikten“ festgeschrieben sind.  Sie wird durch zeitgenössische griechisch-römische Zeugnisse, auch christlicher Autoren, unterstützt, die von der Gegenwart indischer Spiritualität im Raum Alexandriens berichten. Die Wege dieser synkretistischen Rezeption werden in historischer und in systematischer Perspektive erörtert.

Schlüsselbegriffe: Ursprünge christlichen Mönchstums, Philo von Alexandrien, Die „Therapeuten“, Hellenistischer Synkretismus, Jüdischer Synkretismus, Buddhistische Mission im östlichen Mittelmeer-Raum, Indischer Spiritualität, Geistliche Gemeinschaften in der Römischen Antike, Interreligiöse Rezeption

In the light of a new reading of archaeological data of this site we propose a new hypothesis. It is possible we are facing a monastery specialized in the production of parchment. We examine El Bolavar linking the site with its nearest geographical area, but also inserting it into the documented context of the parchment production in the former territories of the Roman Empire during Late Antiquity and High Middle Ages.

Rivista di Archeologia Cristiana, 90 ( 2014)

Cet article explore les stratégies déployées par les familles pour favoriser certains de leurs enfants, en consacrant le plus souvent une fille à la vie religieuse menée à la maison à peu de frais. Les cas de consécration d’enfants issues de riches familles de l’aristocratie romaine sont bien connus grâce à Jérôme, mais le phénomène touche aussi des familles de milieu plus modeste comme la famille d’Ausone. Le droit canon et le droit civil cherchent à protéger la liberté des enfants d’embrasser la vie monastique. Basile de Césarée réclame la maturité avant tout engagement dans la vie religieuse et le droit civil interdit aux parents de désheriter les enfants voués à Dieu, mais les voix qui demandent le respect de la liberté de l’enfant à choisir ce chemin ardu vont contre les pratiques sociales et ne seront pas écoutées au Moyen âge.

Wine was crucial for the monastic economy, religion, health and lifestyle. The paper begins with a brief overview of the evidence for monastic vineyard ownership and considers other options available to monks seeking to procure wine for their needs. Further on, the contribution discusses the various uses of wine in coenobitic monasteries and lavras. It explores the issue of the monastic communities' need for wine for liturgical purposes and payments in kind, as well as the evidence for its consumption among monks in medical, social and everyday contexts. Lastly, relying on textual and archaeological evidence the paper addresses the question of the volume of wine consumed by monks.

Reprinted from "Jacob and Israel: A Contribution to the History of an Interpretation" Mysterium Christi: Symbolgegenwart und theologische Bedeutung. Festschrift für Basil Studer (herausgegeben von Magnus Löhrer und Elmar Salmann; Studia Anselmiana 116; Roma, 1995) pp. 219-241.
At the end of the fourth century and the beginning of the fifth century the interpretation of the names Jacob and Israel to refer to two stages or aspects of the spiritual life was widely diffused in the east but by no means absent from the west as well. Cassian, who undoubtedly became familiar with it in the east, was not the first to bring it to the west but he does seem to be the first Latin writer to use it to describe the entire course of the spiritual life. It would be difficult to isolate Cassian’s sources for his use of the interpretation. He was probably familiar with it from a variety of sources including Origen and Eusebius. It was very likely quite common in the verbal catechesis of the monastic circles with which Cassian was acquainted in Egypt. It cannot be excluded that he was acquainted with the texts of Philo. Many other writers of the epoch including Didymus, Jerome, and Ambrose were. The texts of Philo and the earlier Christian writers continued to inspire new elaborations of the interpretation. The principle of interpreting the Scriptures by means of the Scriptures allowed the traditional interpretation to be combined with or reinterpreted by new texts. The role of lectio divina in monastic life guaranteed that through this spiritual exercise the text would continue to be a vehicle for the transmission of and instruction in this conception of the spiritual life which had its roots not only in the biblical tradition but in the Hellenistic philosophical world of Alexandria.

Em algum momento da segunda metade do século VII ou do início do século VIII, Agatão, padre e monge, deixou seus mestres espirituais no Mosteiro de São Macário de Sceté para, seguindo o exemplo de São Simeão, o Estilita, passar o resto de sua vida sobre uma coluna. Tendo introduzido este novo tipo de ascese no Egito, realizou curas e milagres e morreu reconhecido como santo. Pouquíssimos dados sobreviveram a seu respeito, dos quais os principais constam no texto que o Sinaxário Copta traz no dia da comemoração de sua morte. O objetivo deste artigo é realizar uma leitura deste encômio e de alguns documentos conexos para, buscando reconstituir algumas das relações que aí se evidenciam, tecer considerações sobre as formas da vida monástica e da dissidência eclesial entre os cristãos coptas na fase inicial do domínio islâmico do Egito.

Dans ces livres Cassien traite des vices principaux que les athlètes du Christ ont à combattre. On y retrouve une étude profonde du coeur humain, une finesse d'observation admirable, une logique victorieuse et des conseils solides pour vaincre les ennemis du salut. L'auteur écrit comme un médecin compatissant qui étudie les maladies de nos âmes, et nous indique les meilleurs remèdes pour les guérir. EBOOK LIVRE IMPRIMÉ

Il percorso poetico di Denise Levertov, che si estende dalla realtà quo-
tidiana fino ai temi esplicitamente religiosi, in un certo modo corri-
sponde alla sensibilità monastica. Scoprire la presenza del trascendente
nei dettagli del mondo che ci circonda e comunicarla in modo chiaro
ma discreto corrisponde allo stile dei testi più antichi della spiritualità
cristiana, ossia gli Apoftegmi (i Detti) dei Padri del Deserto. nonostan-
te Levertov parli raramente del deserto in modo esplicito, alcune sue
immaginazioni ed intuizioni rivelano un’affinità con la poetica mona-
stica. Per dimostrarlo prendiamo in considerazione sei poesie: Living
Alone (I), (II), (III), AWoman Alone, Oblique Prayer and Sands of the
Well.1 Individueremo qui alcuni motivi del deserto come metafora del
percorso spirituale. Ritrovando successivamente questi motivi in alcuni
testi dei Detti, cercheremo di confrontarli con le poesie di Levertov,
osservando la combinazione degli uni con gli altri. In tal modo si spera
che la poesia di Levertov permetta di proporre un nuovo atteggiamento
nei confronti dei classici temi spirituali.

We intend to draw attention to the silenced relationship ─both in written sources as in archaeological ones─ between monasteries and parchment-making during Late Antiquity, particularly in Visigothic Hispania, where in fact there are few archaeological data about primitive monastic communities. Once contextualized, the few and indirect evidences on the production of parchment may provide valuable arguments for the identification of these Christian monastic buildings in certain archaeological sites that have been classified according to other typologies (villages, castra, etc.). All this within a particular historical context of major changes, where the parchment codex has already replaced the papyrus roll.

How Evagrius Ponticus (d. 399) composed his highly influential treatises of short and succinct chapters (kepahalaia) is bewildering and has been discussed by many scholars. In this essay the literary composition of Evagrius’ To monks in monasteries and communities, or Ad monachos, a typical text of short chapters, is examined from a literary perspective by relating the text to literary conventions, common in late antique literature and in rhetorical handbooks and exercises (progymnasmata). It is demonstrated how the teaching develops gradually in accordance with a pattern for a so-called amplified argument (epicheireme) codified in Pseudo-Hermogenes Progymnasmata. By this arrangement of the teaching, the reader is offered, not just a random taste of various aspects of the monastic life, but a set of specific conclusions to implement or to be aware of practically in the life as monk; conclusions that are perceptible not at just a cursory glance, but at a careful and repeated reading.

Some thoughts about the location of the monastic institution of Cassiodorus in Calabria. It is claimed that there existed a mutual influence of natural context and subjects of study in the monastery. On the other hand, Cassiodorus' description of the site in his 'Institutions' show him also to stand in a long pagan tradition of literary 'landscape painting'. In Vivarium, he created the Christian 'locus amoenus'.

The article investigates an early theological justification of the radical detachment from society expressed in a saying by the famous Egyptian hermit Arsenius the Great (4th‒5th century) who avoided contacts not only with lay people but even with his fellow monks in the desert of Sketis. This justification is to be seen in connection with the phenomenon of monastic secluded life which suddenly emerged in the second part of the 3rd century being in sharp contrast with traditional views of the catholic Christians of the 1st‒3rd centuries on the way of life suitable for the followers of Christ. In the article, the radical break with this early paradigm is called “revolution of the solitaries”. One of the results of the conducted research is that Arsenius, when staying away from all kinds of people, was to a certain degree guided by the example of Socrates.

Cassian uses the word "philosophy" many times in both a negative and positive sense. At the beginning of the fourth Conference, Cassian writes: "Among the other men devoted to the Christian philosophy, we also saw Abba Daniel , who was indeed equal in every kind of virtue to those who were dwelling in the desert of Scete, although he was more particularly adorned with the grace of humility." 2 The word philosophy is here used in the sense of "a way of life." 3 Philosophers also wore distinctive clothing and a beard. 4 Cassian shows a knowledge of the philosophical tradition and its place in the curriculum of studies. For how can a boy pronounce simple aggregations of syllables if he has not carefully learned the the letters o the alphabet? Or how can someone who is not yet capable of connecting short and simple phrases acquire the skill of reading rapidly? And in what way can someone who is poorly instructed in grammar acquire competence in rhetoric and philosophy? 5 By the time of Aristotle or as a result of Aristotle, philosophy had been divided into different parts: ethics, logic, biology, physics, metaphysics, rhetoric, politics, among others. Not all later schools of philosophy followed the same divisions. In Conl. 5, xxi,1. Cassian refers to ethics as the "first part of philosophy": When one of the elders was discussing the nature of this vice (gluttony) with some philosophers, who believed that they could treat him like a rustic because of his Christian simplicity, he expressed himself very well by posing a riddle: 'My father left me,' he said, 'indebted to numerose creditiors. Although I have fulfilled my obligations to the others and am quit of their vexatious dunnings, there is one that I am unable to satisfy even with a daily payment.' 2. And when they, unaware of what he was getting at, earnestly asked him what he meant, he replied: 'Due to my nature I have been hemmed in by many vices. Thanks to the Lord, however, who inspired me with a desire for freedom, I have satisfied all these as it were troublesome creditors by renouncing this world and forsaking all the property that fell to me at my father's death, and so I am completely rid of them. But in no way have I succeeded in getting rid of the urges of gluttony.. . 1 Cassian did not write footnotes. One must note his allusions, read between the lines and then write the notes for him. There are commentary notes in the edition of Alardi Gazaeus reprinted in the edition of Migne. See Anthony Grafton, The Footnote: a curious history (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997) pp. 241. 2 I. Inter ceteros Christianae philosophiae uiros abbatem quoque uidimus Danihelem, aequalem quidem in omni uirtutum genere his qui in heremo Sciti conmanebant, sed peculiarius gratia humilitatis ornatum. 3 See Pierre Hadot, Exercises spirituels et philosophie antique. Paris: Institut d' etudes augustiniennes, 1993. Hadot, Pierre, Arnold I. Davidson, and Michael Chase. Philosophy As a Way of Life: Spiritual Exercises from Socrates to Foucault. 2017. See also Gustave Bardy, "'Philosophie' et 'philosophe' dans le vocabulaire chretien des premieres siecles," RAM 25 (1949): 97-1008; Gregorio Penco, "La vita ascetica come 'filosofia' nell'antica tradizione monastica" Studia Monastica 2 (1960): 79-93. 4 See Salvatore Precoco, "L'Editto di Valentiniano sui Filosofi," in Monaci, filosofi e santi: saggi di storia della cultura tardoantica. Soveria Mannelli: Rubbettino, 1992, pp. 319-341. 5 Conl. 10, VIII, 3: 3. Nam quemadmodum pronuntiare puerorum quispiam simplices poterit copulas syllabarum, nisi prius elementorum characteres diligenter agnouerit? Uel quomodo citatam legendi peritiam consequetur, qui breues et perangustas descriptiones nominum necdum est idoneus coniugare? qua autem ratione is qui peritia grammaticae disciplinae minus instructus est uel rhetoricam facundiam uel philosophicam scientiam consequetur?

The article is dedicated to the terms ὀπτασία and θεωρία and their place in the Vita Antonii Magni by St. Athanasius of Alexandria and its Old Bulgarian translations. Each term is presented as it is attested in the Classical Greek and later tradition, together with its usage in the Christian contexts of the Patristic literature. The translations of those terms are analyzed in the three known versions of the Vita. The different solutions are commented with regard to the vocabulary of the classical corpus of Old Bulgarian texts but also adducing later texts that are thought to have been produced in this epoch. By comparing the translations of each term with the lexical data of the classical corpus and later texts, an observation is made as with which other texts the three Slavonic versions of the Vita share common solutions.

Патрин В. Г., свящ. Термин «молитва» в «Apophthegmata Patrum». Общий обзор // Библия и христианская древность. 2019. Т. 1. № 3. С. 175-195.

«Apophthegmata Patrum» — сборник коротких рассказов и изречений великих подвижников, главных образом египетских монахов, которые жили в IV–V вв. Знакомство с этим первоисточником монашеской жизни позволяет погрузиться не только в атмосферу раннего монашества, но также в язык, на котором стал выражаться аскетический опыт. В статье представлен общий обзор молитвенной терминологии монахов «Апофтегм» в сравнении с современной европейской терминологией, более конкретно русской и французской, так как это исследование вначале велось нами на французском языке. В дальнейших статьях мы более подробно рассмотрим терминологию, касающуюся отдельных видов молитв (молитв-просьб, молитв-благословений и т. д.)

La mosaïque funéraire d’Orphée de Jérusalem est la dernière représentation mythologique du chantre parmi les dix-sept exemples connus des mosaïques de l’Est de la Méditerranée de l’Antiquité. Nous ne connaissons que six mosaïques funéraires avec l’image du musicien thrace dans l’art funéraire antique. La mosaïque d’Orphée placée dans une tombe chrétienne au VIe siècle (l’époque de Justinien ?), devait répondre aux attentes des chrétiens pour lesquelles elle a été exécutée. Nous sommes loin (environ 160 ans après l’interdiction des cultes païens) de l’époque ou la réaction païenne s’exprimait dans l’art et il ne s'agit certainement pas ici de ce phénomène de contestation. Selon l’opinion de l’auteur, le personnage mythologique d’Orphée avait un sens universel dans un contexte funéraire à l’époque romaine qui perdurera longtemps à l’époque de l’Antiquité tardive. L’idée d’Orphée est liée d’une part avec celle d’un homme malheureux pleurant la perte de sa bien aimée Eurydice. D’autre part, le jeu de mots, si souvent pratiqué par les Anciens dans le langage courant ainsi que dans l’iconographie (par exemple des mosaïques d’Apamée interprétées par J. et J.-Ch. Balty) et dans les textes pourrait bien expliquer le sens universel de l’image du chantre dans le contexte funéraire. En grec, « orphanos » signifie une personne privée de son père, de sa mère ou de ses enfants, et « Orpheus » Orphée. Le chantre mythologique exprime dans un contexte funéraire, le deuil et la tristesse de la personne privée de l’être le plus cher. Il est probable que le jeu de mots, a la fois graphique et textuel, sous-entendu, s’est établie dans l’image mythologique du Centaure et du Pan. Nous savons que le Chrisme accompagne la majorité des tombes chrétiennes au Ve et VIe siècles. Sous le nom du Centaure Chiron [XIPO(N)] nous pouvons lire « XiPo » et sous le nom de Pan nous lisons le « Pantokrator ». Derrière la représentation graphique du Centaure Chiron et de Pan nous pouvons donc lire « Christo to Pantokrator ». Cette formule correspond bien à l’ambiance de paix crée par Orphée, sa musique et la formule chrétienne de paix en Christ ou en Dieu adressée à deux jeunes femmes mortes et enterrées dans la chapelle funéraire de Jérusalem. L’image d’Orphée est ici utilisée d’une façon inoffensive face à la religion chrétienne et ses dogmes. See also a pdf of M.T. Olszewski, The Orpheus Funerary Mosaic from Jerusalem in the Archaeological Museum at Istanbul, in: the 11TH INTERNATIONAL COLLOQUIUM ON ANCIENT MOSAICS OCTOBER 16TH – 20TH, 2009, BURSA TURKEY: M. Şahin (ed. by), Mosaics of Turkey and Parallel Developments in the Rest of the Ancient and Medieval World: Questions of Iconography, Style and Technique from the Beginnings of Mosaic until the Late Byzantine Era, Bursa 2011 (2012), pp. 655-664.

Forthcoming:
This paper is a study a number of historical English cognates of German Österreich ‘Austria’, beginning in Old English and continuing into the Early Modern English of the mid-sixteenth century.  Although these words have received little scholarly attention to date, upon further examination they have proven to be of considerable relevance to such disciplines as Etymology, Toponymy, Anglo-Saxon Studies, Medieval Geography, as well as the History of Austria and the Holy Roman Empire. I begin with a discussion of Old High German ōstarrīchi the earliest attested form of Modern High German Österreich and the semantic development of this word. I then explore the occurrences in Old English literature of the word ēastrīce to which it is clearly akin, and identify the semantic value of the word in each instance, determining that one of these examples has some overlap with two of the definitions of its Old Norse cognate Austrríki. Therefore the possibility of a loan-translation from Old Norse cannot be discounted. Yet there is no direct evidence for this. Only one of the instances of OE ēastrīce bears a meaning which allows for the possibility of a loan-translation from ōstarrīchi prior to written attestation.
    I then identify a number of Middle English cognates of OHG ōstarrīchi and OE ēastrīce. The oldest one of these, estriche ‘the East’, is plainly a direct continuation of ēastrīce, in both phonology and semantics. A later Middle English example in the identical form Estriche has taken on the meaning of its Middle High German cognate ōsterrīche/œ̄sterrīche, referring to the medieval Duchy of Austria. A yet later variant with the same meaning appears to be a descendant of ēastrīce although containing a velar reflex of OE –rīce in the form Estrik. The remaining ME cognates likewise all refer to the Duchy of Austria, but are borrowings from Middle High German, in some cases via Old or Middle French.
    Furthermore I bring to light two cognates of Österreich in Early Modern English: Eastenrich(e) and Eastenricke (both ‘the Duchy of Austria’) which due to the relative obscurity of the texts in which they are found seem to have evaded the detection of etymologists and lexicographers. I investigate the possibility on the one hand of a native origin for these words, finding that although they are not direct reflexes of their recorded cognates in Old or Middle English, the possibility cannot be rejected that they derive from unrecorded ME variants, and owing to their shared morphology a hypothetical unrecorded OE etymon may be posited in the form *ēastanrīce/*ēastenrīce.
    On the other hand I explore the possibility of loan-translation or borrowing from a Late Middle to Early Modern stage of one of the continental Germanic languages. I show the possibility of a borrowing from Late Middle to Early Modern Frisian to be untenable on phonological grounds, while a loan-translation is at least possible, and would have the advantage of explaining the usage of the obsolescent –en suffix on Easten- in both EME variants, as an imitation of their Frisian counterpart. A borrowing from Early Modern High German, Low German, or Dutch must be rejected on phonological grounds while I cannot entirely dismiss the possibility of a loan-translation from these sources (especially from Dutch and Dutch Low Saxon cognates which like their West Frisian equivalent also share the –en suffix). While the context of the document in which Eastenrich(e) appears shows no circumstantial links to a Frisian source, and therefore Eastenrich(e) is just as likely to be of native origin, I conclude however that a loan-translation from a late Middle to early Modern Frisian source is the likeliest origin for Eastenricke considering the context of the document containing this word (George Nedham’s A Letter to Earls of East Friesland). Although a native origin still remains a possibility.