Contestation

Video : http://bit.ly/DFmarabout
More info about,
Tiphaine Kazi-Tani : https://esadse.academia.edu/TiphaineKaziTani
David Benque : http://davidbenque.com
Max Mollon : http://designfictionclub.com | http://maxmollon.com

__
Following the principle of the “marabout, bout de ficelle…” (a children play with words connecting the end of a word, with the sound of the following one), this new conference cycle wish to explore the future fields of design in curiosity and an open mind. The first peaker bring the next one, this concatenation, or “marabout-chain”, will bring to the light approaches that are less visible to the general public, more underground, or even minority, but which constitute the breeding ground of tomorrow's design. This is the first curation to be constructed on this self-generative principle, a way to not giving room for voices in the centre, but to the margins, and as JL Godard said, “the margins hold the page together”.

Max Mollon is out first “marabout”. He is designer, teacher and Ph.D. candidate in the SACRe programme at ENSAD and at Telecom ParisTech. He questionnes the “Design Fiction” practice, and explore new forms which seats between anticipation and social critique, between contestastion and counter-power.

Does design fiction fast-forward innovation, straight into the wall?
Facing complex crisises and polarised opinions in contemporary society debates, can one resist problem-solving, one of design's usual mission, to rather question issues deeper?
This is Max Mollon's intention, which conflictual artefacts open a breach: a spaace for confrontation to others and to dominant visions; a space for attention and mutual-understanding. For this, he pushes the Critical Design, Speculative Design and Design Fiction practices out of the contemporary art world. However, what are the role for such practices in society? Come and join the debate!

Talk by Max Mollon followed by a debate with Tiphaine Kazi-Tani (designer researhcer, Cité du design de St-Etienne) and David Benqué (designer researcher, Royal College of Arts, London) and a dialogue with the audience.

___
by Max Mollon (SACRe/ EnsadLab, Telecom
@Pompidou Centre, The conferences “Design Marabout” n°1
May 3rd 2017, 19:00–20:30
Petite salle - Pompidou Centre, Paris
Moderation: Romain Lacroix
Info: Romain Lacroix, romain.lacroix@centrepompidou.fr
Organiser: DDC / J-M Colard
Partners: Intramuros https://intramuros.fr/agenda/les-designers-marabout-du-centre-pompidou



FR_____
Le Design Fiction relance-t-il l'innovation… droit dans le mur ? @Centre_Pompidou
Sur le principe du « marabout, bout de ficelle… » ce nouveau cycle souhaite explorer le champ prospectif du design dans un esprit d’ouverture et de curiosité. Un invité en amenant un autre, cette concaténation ou chaine « maraboutesque » mettra en lumière des démarches moins visibles du grand public, plus souterraines, voir minoritaires mais qui font la richesse et le terreau du design de demain. Il s’agit de la première programmation à se construire sur un principe d'auto-génération, moyen de ne plus donner la parole au centre mais aux marges, et comme le disait JL Godard, « c’est la marge qui tient la page ».

Max Mollon est notre premier « marabout ». Il est designer, enseignant et doctorant au programme SACRe à l'ENSAD et à Télécom ParisTech. Il questionne cette nouvelle pratique qu’est le « Design Fiction » à la frontière entre anticipation et critique sociale, entre contestation et contre-pouvoir.

Le Design Fiction ne relance-t-il pas l'innovation… droit dans le mur ? Face aux crises complexes et aux opinions polarisées des débats de nos sociétés, peut-on résister au problem-solving, mission usuelle du designer, pour questionner les enjeux en profondeur ? C'est l'intention de Max Mollon dont les objets conflictuels ouvrent une brèche : un espace de confrontation aux autres et aux visions dominantes ; un espace d'écoute et d'inter-compréhension. Pour cela, il pousse les pratiques du Design Critique, Design Spéculatif et Design Fiction hors des milieux de l'art. Mais quelle est leur place dans la société ?
Venez en débattre.

Conférence de Max Mollon suivie d’un débat avec Tiphaine Kazi-Tani (designer chercheur.e, Cité du design de St-Etienne) et David Benqué (designer chercheur, Royal College of Arts, Londres) en dialogue avec le public.

___
par Max Mollon (SACRe/ EnsadLab, TelecomParis Tech)
@Centre Pompidou, Cycle : Design Marabout n°1
3 mai 2017, 19:00–20:30
Petite salle - Centre Pompidou, Paris
Modération : Romain Lacroix
Renseignement : Romain Lacroix, romain.lacroix@centrepompidou.fr
Organisateur : DDC / J-M Colard
En partenariat avec Intramuros : https://intramuros.fr/agenda/les-designers-marabout-du-centre-pompidou
___
Plus d'info sur,
Tiphaine Kazi-Tani : https://esadse.academia.edu/TiphaineKaziTani
David Benque : http://davidbenque.com
Max Mollon : http://designfictionclub.com | http://maxmollon.com

For much of the second half of 20th century, student political activism occupied a special place in the history of many countries and Singapore is no exception. Driven by their youthful energy, idealism and romanticism before they were tied down by the heavy burdens of family, career and property ownership, students of Singapore had also once surged to the forefront of national politics, exerted an influence out of proportion to their numbers and become a force to be reckoned with. Although student politics is an important part of the history of Singapore, the understanding of this topic has been much shackled and its positioning ambiguous. Under the influence of the Cold War rhetoric and with an eagerness to inscribe a victor’s version of events, the ruling People’s Action Party has scripted a national history which simplified the student community into the polarized binary of those who received education under the Chinese medium of instruction and those who learnt in English. The rigidity of this official articulation has led to the tendency of apportioning much greater attention to student activism associated with the former group, while sidelining parallel developments in the latter and largely ignoring the inter-connectivity between these two groups. It has also framed Chinese educated activists as being the natural agents of Communism. In recent years, this official paradigm has come under contestation by historical political memories, reinterpretation of sources, and emergence of alternative representations through popular culture. This revisionism exposes the disjuncture between the party’s current attempt to entice present-day students out of their deeply-seated political apathy and its omission to reconsider the nature and contribution of past student politics. It also opens up unprecedented space for reflections about civic culture and political maturity in Singapore today.

Famous worldwide for his critique of the Chinese regime and its infringement of human rights, Ai Weiwei is considered to be a fearless artist who contests the margins of art and politics. As a human rights hero, he plays the Western media while profiting from the neoliberal system. Ai Weiwei’s rebellious activities do not just tear down the state; they also work to build up civil society. Ai’s most recent art and activism have been directed at the international “refugee crisis.” In the creation of his documentary, Human Flow (2017), the artist and his team traveled to more than 23 countries and 40 refugee camps in order to compassionately document the experience of the contemporary refugee and the various, mostly failed, institutional responses. In a related project, and at least in part in response to the United States’ election of Donald Trump and the latter’s new policy of fencing and immigration bans, Ai conceived of a massive network of fences, banners, ad platforms, bus shelters, and sculptural structures throughout New York City as a “passionate response to the global migration crisis and a reflection on the profound social and political impulse to divide people from each other” (Public Art Fund). This chapter proposes to explore the genres, media, and scale of protest and dissent articulated by Ai Weiwei in his work, public appearances and social media presence. His advocacy for human rights and freedom of speech is strongly intertwined with the figure of the artist as intellectual and the intellectual as artist, bringing forth a culture of contestation that challenges representational practices while creating new spaces for dialogues and global justice

Cette thèse s’intéresse aux collaborations et au partage du savoir entre intellectuels juifs et chrétiens, en France, durant les XIIIe et XIVe siècles et propose une analyse comparative des différents échanges, dans trois domaines distincts : théologie, philosophie et astronomie. En prenant en compte les sources latines et hébraïques qui témoignent de cette transmission du savoir, nous proposons une étude approfondie divisée en deux parties. La première s’intéresse à l’évolution de l’enseignement dans les communautés juives et dans la société chrétienne. La seconde analyse le contexte de rédaction des Extractiones de Talmut, la transmission du savoir entre Maïmonide et Thomas d’Aquin, la collaboration étroite entre Jacob ben Makhir et Armengaud Blaise, ainsi que l’échange intellectuel significatif entre Gersonide et ses confrères chrétiens. Notre objectif est de répondre aux questions suivantes : les savants chrétiens et juifs recevaient-ils l’information selon leur propre valeur intellectuelle, ne tenant pas compte de leur provenance ? Et existait-il une influence directe de l’un et de l’autre ? Cette étude tente ainsi de montrer les différents motifs de ces échanges à travers un champ contextuel constitué par un événement intellectuel précis. Nous verrons ainsi que ces relations vacillent entre méfiance et admiration.

F*ck May 68, Fight Now: Exploring the Uses of the Radical Past from 1968 to Today

Session 1: History is a Weapon

June 8, 2018

Department of History, University of Liverpool

https://archive.discoversociety.org/2018/09/04/circumnavigating-the-past-foreclosing-the-future-commemoration-of-the-radical-past-in-the-amnesiac-present/

In this WZB Discussion Paper we develop an analytical framework for the research project ‘Contested World Orders’, a collaborative effort between researchers based at the German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF), and the Berlin Social Science Center (WZB). In this project, we analyse the interests in and demands for change in world order from the side of rising powers and transnational non-governmental organizations (NGOs) using a common analytical approach. As part of a broader empirical research project, this paper outlines the theoretical and conceptual framework, guiding research questions, and basic methodological propositions. First, we outline key reasons that global order is contested, namely the confluence of the rise of international authority combined with a shift in the distribution of international power. Second, we outline a conceptual approach for the analysis of the preferences and political strategies of rising powers and NGOs as two potential sources of contestation. Finally, we outline issues of case selection and guiding hypotheses.

In the past few years San Francisco has experienced rapid gentrification amidst what is locally referred to as " tech boom 2.0. " In turn, a diverse movement has developed to contest the processes of gentrification, privatization, enclosure and displacement that are occurring in the city. In this chapter I analyze two struggles over public space: an altercation over a soccer field and the blockade of tech shuttle buses. Through these cases, I analyze how San Francisco residents have contested processes of privatization, enclosure and exclusion in and through struggles over public space. In doing so I argue that such struggles are inherently linked to the colonizing logics of tech-capital and that the forms of resistance it engenders can be understood as a fight for the maintenance of an urban commons. In the first section I give an analysis of the political economic conditions that form the backdrop to these struggles. I then describe how tactics of interruption were used in the cases of " Google bus blockades " and the altercation at Mission Playground to protect the urban commons. I end with an analysis of these struggles through the concepts of " implicit privatization " and enclosure, and discuss how current patterns of displacement and dis-possession in San Francisco imbricate with longer histories of settler colonialism.

Cosmopolitanism is attractive as a normative orientation, but the historical record of actual cosmopolitanisms, like that of practical universalisms more generally, is not encouraging. When they have not been merely empty, cosmo-politanisms' ostensibly universal values have too been often co-opted by dominant powers, making them into ideologies of domination. My question here is not whether but how to embrace cosmopolitanism so as to avoid these perversions. The key, I argue, is to focus on the processes through which their ostensibly universal values are challenged and appropriated from below, in struggles against exclusion, domination and exploitation. This means understanding cosmopolitanism not as a plan, project or design, but as a process and practice of contestation. In order to be truly universalistic and inclusive, cosmopo-litanism must be political and its politics must be contestatory. Since the early 1990s there has been an enormous revival of interest in the ancient idea of cosmopolitanism. Across the humanities and social sciences, but especially in philosophy and political theory, the ancient call to be a " citizen of the world " has struck many theorists as the best response to a rapidly globalizing post-Cold War world. With states and national forms of belonging weakening, while other, often broader, structures, authorities and bonds proliferate, cosmopolitans reason that we increasingly need to think and even act on a global level. The many cosmopolitanisms floating around academic discourse in the last two decades thus can be seen as converging around the idea that, to the extent humanity is becoming closer and more interdependent than ever before, we are obliged to recognize our connection and responsibility to all our fellow humans in a way we were not required to in the past. Debates in political theory and philosophy have tended to pit cosmopolitanism against its contraries – challengers like nationalism or localism. In my view this creates a dichotomy that is neither illuminating nor helpful. To be sure, practically speaking, a division of labour must be worked out so that people can be entrusted

This article investigates the current student protests in South Africa in light of the meaning of democracy, the law and citizenship. It also addresses the fundamental question about the existence – if at all – of an independent norm or yardstick for judging the legitimacy of institutions, the law, protest and violence. I draw on the work of Hannah Arendt, Claude Lefort and Bonnie Honig. These thinkers share a historically informed and phenomenological or “diagnostic” approach to democratic phenomena, which leads them to embrace an agonistic conception of democracy and the place of institutions, including the law and the constitution. While recognizing the groundlessness of democratic action and the law, their re ections nevertheless have important normative rami cations for collective democratic action and political freedom.

First, I discuss the meaning, value and limits of institutions, using Arendt’s notion of “world”. With the help of Honig’s work, I subsequently demonstrate that the paradoxical relation between politics and law, freedom and structure are inherent to democracies. The black Civil Rights movement of the 1950’s and 60’s in the Southern states of the US illuminates the political meaning the law may have. Finally, I investigate the legitimacy of violent protest in democracies, by exploring the conceptual distinction between power and violence and by comparing the civil rights movement to violent factions in the 1960’s student protest movement in the US and Europe. I conclude that institutions like the university are valuable because they stabilize human coexistence somewhat, yet they are in permanent need of supplementation by citizens’ democratic collective action (including protest).

Struggle, contestation and con ict are inherently part of what democracy is. That is, democracy means unrest, and the struggle of opinions may be unpleasant at times. Struggles do however concern shared democratic objects or “public things” (res publicae) which, as a consequence, mediate between people (citizens, students, state officials, university administrators) who fundamentally disagree. I also argue that res publicae should be taken more literal than it usually is. Shared artifacts do not only constitute topics of debate, but also serve as stages or arenas for democratic struggles. Decisions to close down campuses should therefore only be taken with great caution.

As inherent to democracy, conflict can on principle never be resolved or closed, neither through the law or the constitution, nor by violent means. An attempt to achieve the  rst is the state’s legalist re ex to strictly stick to rights that are guaranteed by the constitution. In contrast, the claim to the not (yet) existing right to free higher education  ts in with the promise of democratic citizenship. Second, violence sets the limit of legitimate protest and action against it, not just for pragmatic reasons, or because a moral principle prohibiting violence is imposed on democratic action. Instead, violence is anti-democratic because it pursues the closure of con ict. The fact that violence easily gets out of hand is not merely incidental, but inherent to the illusion that democratic action is a kind of “making”. Violence, whether it is deployed by the state, universities or protesting students, is never an indication of power, but rather of its opposite.

"This paper examines the role of vulnerability in the basis of business ethics by criticizing its role in giving a morally substantial character to fiduciary duties to shareholders. The target is Alexei Marcoux's (2003) argument for morally substantial fiduciary duties vis-à-vis the multifiduciary stakeholder theory. Rather than proceed to support the stakeholder paradigm, a conception of vulnerability is combined with Joseph Heath's (2004) "market failure" view of the ethical obligations of managers as falling out of their roles as professionals involved in the institution of the market. The
result is the core of a theoretically defensible and managerially motivating and deployable ethic."

The Dublin Regulation of the European Union identies which Eu-ropean Union member state is responsible for processing asylum applications. The origins of Dublin can be traced to the Schengen Agreements establishing a European External Border and to the project of the creation of a Common European Asylum System. Its consequences are the creation of highly mobile yet excluded population of refugees in Europe, in which the database Eurodac plays a prominent role. The System is analyzed in the context of the Euro-pean border and migration regime as an attempt to govern migration to and in Europe. The chapter then examines three areas of conict within the Dublin System: resistance strategies of migrants, legal struggles, and political conicts between European Union member states at the intersection of labor and migration regimes.

Universality has occupied a consistently central but also historically contingent role in conceptions, operations and mobilizations of international law over time. It has taken on a variety of characters as a matter of doctrine, ideology and historical materiality. Universalism has served in international law as a wellspring for both dominant ideologies and modes of resistance: it has underwritten colonial oppression, but has also been adopted for successful resistance to colonialism; and it has reappeared both in imperialist and counter-hegemonic projects in post-colonial legal relations today. Universalism can be doctrinally described as underlying principle, or abstract tenet, classically related in international law to ends of harmony, equality or autonomy. Understood in terms of dominant ideologies, however, universalism at once obscures and legitimizes the particular interests that drive the operation of international law. This has the effect of naturalizing the interests of the few that are made to apply globally. But universalism can be comprehended in still more quotidian ways. This essay focuses on an ideological meeting point of universalism between doctrine and daily practice. That meeting point has been a site associated with empire, but it might arguably still be reclaimed and repurposed as a site in support of a different sort of political solidarity under law.

Since 2005, international civil society support has faced increasing resistance around the world. Ethiopia is widely recognized as a key example of this so-called Closing Space phenomenon. With the 2009 Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSP) Ethiopia has established strict regulations on civil society organizations that, in particular, restrict the ability of local associations to make use of foreign funding and the range of activities allowed for foreign (funded) organizations. This paper traces the process of international negotiations that has accompanied the drafting of the CSP and identifies the consequences of these negotiations for international civil society support in the country. Focusing on the interaction between foreign "donors" and the Ethiopian government, it analyzes (a) what precisely these negotiations have been about, (b) to what extent these negotiations have actually influenced the content of the CSP, and (c) how the CSP as finally adopted has actually affected international civil society support in Ethiopia.

Institution-building under the aegis of international administration has faced various hurdles and obstacles in Kosovo and Timor-Leste. One particular hurdle is related to the mandates of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo and United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor, which created a conflict of objectives for the external actors – specifically, between institution-building and local empowerment. This article analyses the strategies of international administrators and local elites in this context. After attempting to prioritize institution-building while paying lip-service to imperatives of empowerment, international officials were forced to readjust their strategy as a result of opposition and resistance from local partners. In light of the practical consequences of the conflict of objectives, international officials proceeded to prioritize local empowerment, reducing their institution-building role. The article concludes by identifying the implications of these experiences for the debate concerning democracy promotion, and highlights the attributes of the ‘participatory intervention’ framework put forward by Chopra and Hohe.

Si la parole est l’arme des puissants, elle peut être aussi l’arme des faibles, une liberté conquise plus qu’acquise souvent. Contre le silence imposé et subi.
La parole publique a ainsi sa performativité propre, surtout quand l’ingéniosité pour se faire entendre déborde les cadres qui ordinairement la contrôlent et la contraignent.
Cette voix contestataire est une oralité au plein sens du terme : une oralité poétique, une oralité chantée, une oralité tambourinée, une oralité dansée, une oralité murmurée, une oralité criée. Une choralité politique. Ces oralités contestataires requièrent souvent courage et astuce, imagination et détermination.
Les textes rassemblés dans ce florilège – un bouquet avec ses piquants… – ont été composés dans des contextes et des époques différents, mais tous ont pour objectif de mettre en valeur une contestation, lyrique ou humoristique, festive ou plus directement politique, collective ou solitaire, mais toujours pour le bien commun. Et souvent contestation portée par des voix de femmes, ni bavardes ni muettes…
Ces moments d’oralités contestataires ont été choisis parce qu’ils raisonnent/résonnent de façon forte avec la situation actuellement vécue par le monde de l’enseignement supérieur et de la recherche française, et plus largement sans doute avec la société française bousculée dans son système social, modèle évidemment imparfait mais précieux.

Over the last decade, there have been considerable concerns raised regarding the social and environmental impacts of large-scale land concessions for plantation development in various parts of the world, especially in the tropics, including in Laos and Cambodia. However, there is still much to learn about the various connections and interactions associated with reactions to what are often referred to as “land grabs”, and the ways they are associated or not associated with broader social movements and networks opposed to land grabbing. There is also the need to develop language for discussing these circumstances, something I aim to contribute to in this article. Here, I present four different cases of types of resistance, or what I refer to as contingent contestations, to land concessions in southern Laos and northeastern Cambodia (two from each country), focusing on the perspectives and associated strategies of smallholder farmers, but without ignoring broader issues. I consider the roles of locals in these contestations, through emphasizing the importance of histories, identities/ethnicities, politics, and geography in determining the types of responses to these land deals that emerge, and the strategies that are adopted for contesting these developments.

In East Asia, a top-down discourse of making creative/cultural cities, accompanied by widespread local state-led campaigns and their contestations, are now in full swing. 'Creative/culture-oriented' local governments equipped with various entrepreneurial strategies, as well as the grassroots creative class, have emerged as two distinct forces shaping new urban spaces that differ significantly from their Western counterparts. East Asian cities have thus gained value for the revisiting and interrogation of established academic debates regarding creative/cultural cities, which until recently were based primarily on Western experiences. This themed issue thus aims to present a fresh and enriched understanding of the making of creative/cultural cities in East Asia and the emerging contestations based on two sets of interrelated analyses: first, a multi-scalar analysis of the role of the state in the making of creative/cultural cities and various forms of creative and cultural clusters; and second, the discontent and resistance of the creative class and wider social groups against top-down strategies. We hope that this concerted effort can contribute to the unravelling of the complexity and peculiarity of the policies, practices, outcomes, and, especially, contestations of East Asia's creative/cultural city making efforts. More importantly, we expect this collective effort to be added to the growing body of work challenging Western urban theories, which can be of limited utility in understanding urbanism elsewhere.

In recent years, democracy has been facing increasing challenges. How has comparative regime research responded? Focusing on the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project, this paper argues that the perception of serious threats to democracy in general and liberal norms in particular has given rise to a convergence around the liberal conception of democracy, reversing a previous turn towards recognising its conceptual contestability. In tracing V-Dem’s discursive turn from the contestation to the decontestation of democracy, the paper reconstructs two mechanisms that concern the ways in which academic research relates to the outside world and that have jointly pushed V-Dem scholars towards embracing unequivocally liberal conceptions of regime type and regime change. As a response to the crisis of democracy, this gradual abandonment of a pluralist conceptualisation of democracy is understandable but also deeply problematic as it contributes to downplaying the inherent limitations of liberal democracy.

In this paper, I argue that today's 'high value targeting' of individuals in the context of the 'War on Terror' is rooted in strategic debates about 'decapitation strikes' that predate September 11. The 'decapitation' paradigm assumes that any enemy organization - whether a state, insurgent group or terrorist organization - can be dismantled by cutting off its 'head'-by killing their leaders. It anticipates a paralyzing effect on the groups the targeted individuals were 'heading'. The concept has its origins in late Cold War nuclear deterrence theory and gained relevance in the late 1980s and early 1990s as an aerial warfare strategy. Crucially, 'decapitation' and its set of 'body' metaphors established a new logic of enemies as organisms, detaching military targeting from the concept of the nation state. This contributed to an individualization of threat that proved to be applicable beyond its origins in interstate warfare, spilling over into counterterrorism. It connected decapitation with the logic of preemption and its set of medicinal metaphors. The latter stabilizes the nation state as the sole relevant legal person, contributing to a conception of individuals as targets, but not legal subjects. By tracing the storied career of 'decapitation' - as a concept and a metaphor - in United States targeting strategies, I emphasize normative change as slow and incremental. Metaphors offer a promising analytic pathway into this type of discursive transformation. They have a stabilizing function through the structuring force of the discourses embodied in them, but also allow leeway for agency. Their intertextuality and inherent contradictions can be leveraged by actors, both to transform and to stabilize meaning.

Se réapproprier un village abandonné en Galilée : une « prise » territoriale comme forme de contestation Sylvaine BULLE Résumé – L'article examine la réappropriation d'un village abandonné, en Haute-Galilée (Nord d'Israël), depuis 2013, par un collectif de jeunes Israéliens arabes issus de la troisième génération de réfugiés pales-tiniens. Cette action collective, irrégulière, relève d'une forme d'activisme d'un nouveau type consistant à occuper discrètement des lieux contestés, comme un village détruit depuis la guerre de 1948, sans véritable-ment atteindre ni attendre une visibilité ou une visée politique de grande portée et propre à la cause palesti-nienne. Il s'agit là d'un agir contestataire, qui consiste à se replier sur un territoire originel et à marquer ainsi une forme de rupture avec l'État israélien. Trois aspects sont traités ici. Le premier concerne le ressentiment de jeunes Palestiniens à l'égard du cadre politique national, qui déclenche l'occupation discrète d'un village qualifiée de « prise » territoriale. Le second concerne le langage de cette occupation, analysée pragmatique-ment à partir d'un milieu de vie reconstruit. Enfin, la portée politique de l'action collective de réappropriation d'un territoire est interrogée, dans la mesure où elle relève de la mise à l'épreuve de l'État d'Israël, au regard non seulement d'une dénonciation du modèle national, mais aussi dans le but de s'en détacher.

A great deal of constructivist international relations research on norms focuses on the diffusion of liberal human rights values. In contrast, this article analyzes how critics seek to undermine human rights principles in contexts where human rights norms are increasingly hegemonic. It argues that when norm challengers are frustrated by the institutionalization of human rights, they engage in transnational strategies to pursue their agendas. In norm proxy war, actors patronize surrogates in locales where norms are weak in the hope that victories abroad will reverberate internationally and at home. This dynamic is illustrated by American evangelical sponsorship of political homophobia in Uganda, culminating in that country's draconian anti-LGBT legislation. When norms are resisted through outsourcing, actors contract out human rights violations in an effort to erode norms through practice, as evidenced by patterns of extraterritorial detention and extraordinary rendition to torture in the post-9/11 BGlobal War on Terror.^ Identifying these patterns broadens understanding of potential pathways of norm contestation.

No contexto brasileiro da década de 1970, com as medidas econômicas e políticas tomadas pelo governo militar, ocorreu uma reorganização e um fortalecimento da indústria cultural nacional, gerando novas possibilidades profissionais neste setor. Desta forma, diversos artistas que criavam imagens para reprodução em série encontraram meios técnicos e econômicos cada vez mais favoráveis à ampliação de suas atividades, participando ativamente do progresso técnico-econômico nacional e da expansão dos mercados de bens simbólicos e materiais. Entretanto, tais profissionais encontraram também limites à sua atuação, especialmente a censura política imposta aos meios de comunicação de massa pelo governo militar e a ideologia do consumo, com a qual nem sempre concordavam. O presente estudo questiona se seria possível detectar nas próprias imagens impressas durante aquele período contraditório alguns vestígios do dilaceramento experimentado pelos artistas gráficos que atuaram simultaneamente nos espaços ofertados pela crescente indústria cultural nacional e em outros espaços de produção de bens simbólicos de teor marginal e/ou contestatório.
Para tal exercício, foram selecionados para análise alguns cartuns publicados em revistas curitibanas dos anos setenta, buscando neles elementos que possam ser considerados
contestatórios em relação à conjuntura histórica na qual os seus autores estavam inseridos quando da produção destas imagens.

Lettre ouverte à agir par la culture à propos procès intenté par le bourgmestre de Lessines, Pascal De Handschutter (PS), contre Nordine Saidi et Bruxelles Panthères dans le cadre de la lutte contre le blackface en Belgique (Sauvage d'Ath et Nègres de Deux-Acren).

Le mouvement des Gilets jaunes est abordé à partir d’un voyage à la découverte de quelques-ronds points de la France de l’Est. Le parcours et les rencontres permettent d’esquisser un nouvel imaginaire géographique, de dépasser l’image médiatique caricaturale et négative d’un mouvement qui tente de redonner un sens au triptyque républicain. Il montre l’intérêt du rond-point, passé de l’objet technique au statut de totem, de media et de nouvelle place publique d’une France « métropolisée » et propose que ces lieux habités d’une géographie en actes deviennent les dispositifs émancipateurs d’un véritable débat.

Notes for Panel 16: Great Refusals: Refusing One Dimensionality Today

The Dialectics of Liberation in an Age of Neoliberal Capitalism
International Herbert Marcuse Society

Seventh Biennial Conference, 26-28 October 2017, York University

https://marcuseconference.wordpress.com/