Communist Regimes

This paper presents the evolution of an important component of the communist regime: its exit (emigration) policy and related institutions, from Stalin's death to its implosion in 1989. Using the case of Poland it shows how the evolution resulted from a combination of top-down reforms and bottom-up pressure, produced by changes in social practices. The evolution of practices begun with a few individual, pioneering acts of the most determined applicants for exit permit. The spread of information on their unexpected success (allowed by new policies of destalinization and foreign pressure) and simultaneous decrease of fear, contributed to exponential growth of the group of their imitators, fueled by the social dynamics of migration process. The government restored control over the outflow but did not return to Stalin-era non-exit policy and terror. It developed instead an increasingly complex migration regime, based on "socialist rule by law" and bureaucratic rationality. This regime allowed for a gradual expansion of international mobility, fueled by transnational (including West-East) market and cultural forces. A series of reforms to accommodate to the growing interest in the mobility and development of social practices effectively circumventing the remaining restrictions continued until 1988, when the migration regime was practically dismantled.

Addressing the question of what was essentially socialist about the socialist city, this paper looks for its specificity beyond the sheer urbanist artifact – the urban layout and the architectural form – into the political economy that enacted its construction. Despite focusing on the city center of Sofia and particularly on its political core designed in the early 1950s, the analysis highlights processes of space production transcending the case study. On the one hand, it exemplifies the interactions between the various institutions in the expanded and party-dominated bureaucracy: competition over resources and administrative privileges; clashes between technocratic and party rationales; forced and failed cooperation among state agencies; discrepancies between chains of command and coordination of expertise. On the other hand, it elucidates the political compromise with the professed egalitarian model of development and the party’s commitment to improving living conditions for society at large resulting from the exorbitant investment into the monumental embellishment of the city center as a power seat. Finally, the paper emphasizes that, far from being monolithic and straightforward, the implemented model of the socialist city was shaped as much by deliberate policy-making as it was influenced by systemic deficiencies and structural impediments in the institutional landscape of state socialism.

Predkladaná publikácia sa zameriava na udalosti spojené so študentskými protestmi na slovenských vysokých školách, najmä v Bratislave, na jar 1956. Využíva prístupy historických a politických vied. Protesty sú analyzované v kontexte politickej krízy, ktorej komunistický režim v Československu čelil po smrti Jozefa V. Stalina. Kniha prináša analýzu politiky Komunistickej strany Československa voči mládeži v druhej polovici 50. rokov z hľadiska seba-sovietizácie, chápanej implementácia kultúrnych vzorcov, inštitúcií, politických a sociálnych praktík ZSSR československými komunistickými elitami a na druhej strane, cez prizmu tendencie prenášať utopické vízie tzv. nového socialistického človeka do budúcich generácií. Kniha sa pokúša identifikovať, prečo v minulosti, najmä v roku 1990, nielen študentské udalosti roku 1956, ale celé obdobie destalinizácie zostalo mimo hlbšieho záujmu výskumníkov v slovenskom a českom prostredí. Autor analyzuje obdobie destalinizácie nielen z hľadiska snáh o demokratizáciu a postupného oslabovania represívneho charakteru komunistického režimu aj napriek krátkodobému nárastu represií v rokoch 1957 – 1958, ale aj z hľadiska úsilia N. S. Chruščova formulovať novú ideologickú víziu sovietskeho modelu socializmu.

EN:
The presented publication focuses on the events related to the student protests at Slovak universities, especially in Bratislava, in the spring months of 1956 using the approaches of history and political science. The protests are analysed in the context of political crisis faced by the communist regime in Czechoslovakia after the death of Joseph V. Stalin. Book brings an analysis of the policy of Communist Party of Czechoslovakia towards youth in the second half of 1950s through the prism of self-sovietisation, i.e., the implementation of cultural patterns, institutions and political and social practices of the USSR by the Czechoslovak communist elites, and on the other hand, through the prism of the tendency to transfer their utopian vision of the so called “new socialist man” to the next generations. The book attempts to identify why in the past, especially in the 1990s, not only the student events of 1956, but also the entire period of destalinization remained outside the focus of more thorough research in the Slovak and Czech environment. Author analyses the period of destalinization not only through the prism of democratisation efforts and gradual weakening of the repressive character of the communist regime despite the temporary increase in pressure in 1957- 1958, but also in the context of N.S. Khrushchev’s efforts to formulate a new ideological vision of the Soviet model of socialism.

Un lungo tunnel senza luce? Le relazioni culturali tra Italia e Albania nel secondo dopoguerra Nell'epoca precedente la prima guerra mondiale, ma soprattutto durante gli anni del fascismo sino all'occupazione militare dell'a-prile del 1939 (mascherata attraverso l'artifizio dell'unione delle due Corone), non c'è dubbio alcuno che l'Albania costituì uno degli obiettivi privilegiati della politica culturale italiana in Eu-ropa centro-orientale 1. È noto come una serie di circostanze, a partire dai sempre più stretti legami politici, e la dipendenza della sopravvivenza stessa del regime di re Zog dalla cooperazione fi-nanziaria con l'Italia avessero permesso al fascismo di raggiungere nel Paese delle aquile dei risultati considerevoli nel campo dell'e-ducazione e della penetrazione linguistica e culturale 2. Nonostan-1 Cfr. Alberto Basciani, Preparando l'annessione. La politica culturale italiana in Albania negli anni di Zog (1924-1939), in Popoli e culture in dialogo tra il Da-nubio e l'Adriatico (Contributi italiani al X Congresso Internazionale dell'Asso-ciation Internationale d'Études du Sud-Est Européen, Parigi, 24-26 settembre 2009), a cura di Antonio D'Alessandri e Monica Genesin, numero monografico di «Romània Orientale», 22, Bagatto Libri, Roma 2009, pp. 93-108. Per una visione d'insieme delle direttrici della politica culturale italiana nella parte orien-tale del continente e, quindi, più segnatamente nel quadrante Sud-Est si vedano: Stefano Santoro, L'Italia e l'Europa orientale. Diplomazia culturale e propaganda 1918-1943, FrancoAngeli, Milano 2005 e Alberto Basciani, La politica culturale italiana nei Balcani da Mussolini a Hitler (1922-1933), in L'Europa d'oltremare (Contributi italiani al IX Congresso Internazionale dell'Association Internatio-nale d'Études du Sud-Est Européen, Tirana, 30 agosto-3 settembre 2004), a cura di Alberto Basciani e Angela Tarantino, numero monografico di «Romània

The campaign analyzed in this study began as an anti-Israeli policy but quickly turned into an anti-Jewish campaign, and this evident anti-Jewish character remained its distinctive feature.

It developed in two acts. In the summer of 1967, the Cold War and subordination to Moscow caused the communist leaders of Poland take the Arab side in the distant conflict in the Near East. The inhabitants of Poland were supposed to follow in the steps of their rulers, thus an anti-Israeli propaganda campaign was unleashed, mobilizing the masses to express the expected opinions and feelings against Israel and its Western allies. The political police monitored non-conformist attitudes and informed the leaders that Polish Jews sympathized with Israel. Władysław Gomulka, the communist party leader, stigmatized them for this crime, and the first punishments began to fall. Those who had previously sought to deal with the Jews, a number of them concentrated in particular in the Security Service of the Ministry of Interior (MSW), felt that their moment approached.

The events of the spring of 1968, known in Poland as the March events, had a much more extensive scope and greater drama than the first act. In reaction to student protests and the ferment among intellectuals, who had been increasingly frustrated by restrictions on freedoms, censorship and withdrawal from the reforms Gomułka had promised when taking power in 1956, the authorities unleashed a large-scale hate campaign. Among the alleged internal enemies the campaign attacked, Zionists appeared in first place. In just a few days the anti-Zionist propaganda reached its apogee, masses were mobilized against the enemies, hate sessions organized throughout the country, and a purge begun. Simultaneously, an unclear intra-party struggle was going on behind the scenes. The campaign was officially terminated in July 1968, although its deceleration had begun earlier. Its most significant aftereffect, a wave of mass Jewish emigration, lasted for many months afterwards, taking away some 15,000 people, i.e. half of the Jeewish community in Poland.

General-colonelul de Securitate Iulian Vlad beneficiază de o imagine idealizată în studiile unor istorici apropiaţi de serviciile secrete sau în memoriile foştilor subalterni. Spre exemplu, Cristian Troncotă, actualmente redactor-şef al revistei „Vitralii” (publicaţia oficială a foştilor veterani din Securitate) şi profesor asociat la Academia Naţională de Informaţii, îl consideră pe Iulian Vlad drept „singurul român profesionist în fruntea Securităţii”[2]. Această identificare transmite mesajul că fostul şef al Securităţii dintre 1987 şi 1989 nu a avut nimic de a face cu partea represivă a instituției, în contrapondere cu „alogenii” din prima generaţie a ofiţerilor. Nu este un secret că aceştia sunt indicaţi drept principalii responsabili pentru activităţile represive ale Securităţii din anii 1948-1964, când această structură a beneficiat de îndrumarea consilierilor sovietici şi de prezenţa etnicilor minoritari între ofiţeri. Responsabilitatea lor este indubitabilă, dar ei nu sunt singurii.

Studierea biografiei lui Iulian Vlad relevă însă că acesta şi-a început cariera ca activist de partid încă de la vârsta de 16 ani, deţinând mai multe funcţii pe linie de partid până la încadrarea în Ministerul Afacerilor Interne/Securitate, 1 mai 1952. De aceea, ascensiunea lui este în primul rând o consecinţă a activității sale de activist.  În „ultimul deceniu comunist”, Iulian Vlad a făcut parte constant din conducerea Securităţii. Din 1983 a fost adjunct al ministrului de Interne, fiind responsabil cu „problemele de securitate internă” din Departamentul Securităţii Statului, iar ultima lui funcţie în principala structură represivă a regimului comunist a fost cea de şef al Departamentului Securităţii Statului. Iulian Vlad a fost numit în această poziţie cu puţin timp înainte de greva muncitorilor braşoveni din 15 noiembrie 1987.

Scopul acestui articol îl reprezintă reconstituirea biografiei ultimului şef al Securităţii (1987-1989), în baza documentelor de arhivă precum dosarul profesional, stenogramele audierii generalului de Comisia senatorială pentru cercetarea evenimentelor din decembrie 1989 şi declarațiile lui apărute în presa postcomunistă, dar şi a principalelor lucrări de specialitate.

Bosnia and Herzegovina was one of the nine republics of Yugoslavia and was always among the poorest republics in the former state. However, the school system, as it was the case in the totalitarian regimes, was under direct control of the state. The state had the power to influence school programs and to decide who could apply for school profession. Namely, a person who wanted to work as a teacher had to be a member of the Communist Party, which was the only political party in the former Yugoslavia. After the Second World War, education became compulsory for all children and the state could easily influence all aspects of education. The state conception to educate a new society and to produce a new Yugoslav identity was in focus of the new ideology and
those who did not agree with this concept were exposed to negative connotations and even to persecution. Human rights of an individual were openly proclaimed but not respected. They were allowed in a measure of the political bodies, which made decision what is right or wrong.
The Communist Party as a central tool of power and control of the Yugoslav totalitarian regime was in charge of the entire society. This party was
involved in all aspect of people’s life and was present in every segment of decisions making. Everything was under its controlling eye and no individual decision was possible to be made without the party’s approval. The Communist idea was to control society and people in all areas of their life including education. This was not democracy as propaganda used to proclaim. The main slogan was ‘fraternity and unity’ of all but this was not the case in reality.
Totalitarian societies commonly expect the system of education to operate as a main transformational force that will facilitate the creation of the new man in the social order they have proclaimed. The school system had a crucial role in achieving expected results.
Keywords: Communist regime, teachers, school system, identity, ideology

Mongolsko si v roce 2009 připomnělo dvacet let od zahájení přechodu k demokracii. I přesto zůstává mongolská tranzice v politologických kruzích na okraji zájmů, a to navzdory tomu, že její výstup vedl k úspěšnému ustavení demokracie (Fish 2001: 323–324, Fritz 2002: 75–76, Ginsburg 2003: 158). 1 Úspěchu při zavádění demokratických procedur přitom nezabránila ani skutečnost, že Mongolsko postrádalo řadu předpokladů, jež jsou všeobecně považovány za nezbytné pro úspěšné dokončení tohoto procesu (srov. Fish 1998: 127– ...

This article deals with the first long perspective general economic plan that was set up in Romania by the communist leadership during the “popular republic” era. While discussing the character of this type of planning in contrast to modern prognosis, the major development directions envisioned by Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (first-secretary of the communist party) and his circle are revealed, along with political circumstances at the end of the 1950s. Important alterations of the initial plan are shown with regard to political arbitrariness and regime discontinuities (e.g. changes in the subsequent Nicolae Ceaușescu era). The data used come from unexploited archives and helped in disentangling the deviating structures of industrial development drive during the 1960s and the early 1970s.

The article aims at following the main legislative and constitutional provisions regarding the functioning of humanistic scientific research mainly during High Stalinism, that is, between 1948 and 1953. It also takes into consideration the first post-war years, when several communist programs of reforming the Romanian educational and research system emerged. These early communist plans encountered some difficulties due also to the reluctance or refusal of the social-democratic leadership of the Ministry of National Education (mainly Ştefan Voitec and prof. Miron Nicolescu) to implement them. Controversies of this type between communists and social-democrats ended up in late December 1947 in the context of the abolition of the constitutional monarchy, when Ştefan Voitec became member of the Republican Presidium of the National Assembly and abandoned the Ministry of Education. The study also sheds more light on the contents of the first two Romanian communist constitutions (issued in April 1948 and September 1952), which – significantly enough – underlined the focus on scientific research, mentioning the research institutes. In order to stress the differences between legal norms and practices a number of case studies were considered, for example the functioning of the National Council for Scientific Research of the Romanian Academy and the 1948 laws which abolished the historical research institutes (applied in advance, before coming into force, and with communist secret police-like interventions).

Esej o dysydentach w czasach reżimu komunistycznego i ich dziedzictwie dla współczesności. Szczególnie w kontekście stosunku grup dysydenckich do najbardziej fundamentalnych czy metafizycznych pytań ludzkiej egzystencji oraz ich wpływu na działania społeczne i polityczne. / An essay on dissent during the communist regimes and its legacy for the present. Especially in terms of the relationship of dissident groups to the most fundamental or metaphysical questions of human existence and their influence on social and political action. / Esej na téma působení disentu v době komunistických režimů a jeho odkazu pro současnost. Zejména z hlediska vztahu disidentských skupin k nejzákladnějším či metafyzickým otázkám lidské existence a jejich vlivu na působení ve společnosti a v politice.

This article deals with the democratic transition in Mongolia. In the first part the author analyses the character of the Mongolian communist regime, following the theory of nondemocratic regimes developed by Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan. The paper argues that the Mongolian communist regime can be classified as early post-totalitarian. The second part of the article focuses on the transition process. We apply theoretical concepts developed by Dankwart A. Rustow and Adam Przeworski, and typologies of transition by Samuel P. Huntington, Terry Lynn Karl and Phillippe Schmitter. The author’s conclusion is that the political change in Mongolia is possible to designate as a reform, using Karl-Schmitter’s typology, which the most advantage is the ability to evaluate the role of mass mobilization during the transition process.

Since the very beginning of the reform policy, China has implemented a process of Constitutionalisation in order to maintain the regime. This process evolved from “rule of law” to “rule by law”. Constitutionalisation in China has been featured by reform gradualism, the willingness of establishing a legal system which helps maintaining the CCP in power, and the willingness to achieve transition to “market economy with socialist characteristics”. In many respects, this process experienced in China could be a model for North Korea if the DPRK would aim at boosting its ailing economy and diminishing diplomatic tensions. Being the result of strong pragmatism, this model looks likely to evolve. The new CCP leadership seems to change the regime toward more centralism and conservatism. For North Korea, many obstacles remain. Constitutionalizing the DPRK along the Chinese path would imply questioning the juche theory which acts as the strongest legitimizing aspect. North Korea would also have to overcome the vast gap in basic perceptions between the DPRK and international society.

სამაგისტრო ნაშრომი მიმოიხილავს აშშ-ს მე-40 პრეზიდენტის, რონალდ რეიგანის პოლიტიკას ცენტრალური ამერიკისა და კარიბის ზღვის აუზის პროსაბჭოური და მარქსისტული რეჟიმებისა თუ დაჯგუფებების წინააღმდეგ, რომელიც ცივი ომის დასკვნითი ეტაპის ერთ-ერთ მნიშვნელოვან შემადგენელ ნაწილს წარმოადგენს.
ისტორიული წინაპირობების განხილვის შედეგად, კვლევაში განვცრობილია რეიგანის ადმინისტრაციის საგარეო პოლიტიკის შემუშავების თავისებურებები და შედეგები მთელი რიგი ქვეყნების: გრენადის, გვატემალის, ჰონდურასის, ნიკარაგუის, სალვადორისა და კუბის კომუნისტური დაჯგუფებებისა, თუ მთავრობების მიმართ. აღნიშნული ქვეყნები აშშ-ს ეროვნული უსაფრთხოებისთვის სასიცოცხლო როლს თამაშობდნენ. შესაბამისად, გაანალიზებულია იმ მოქმედებათა მთელი სპექტრი, რომელსაც რეიგანის ადმინისტრაცია მათ მიმართ ანტიკომუნისტური პოლიტიკის ფარგლებში ახორციელებდა, როგორც საბჭოთა, ასევე აშშ-ს პერსპექტივიდან.
ნაშრომი წარმოადგენს საქართველოში ნაკლებად შესწავლილი საკითხის ფართო ანალიზის მცდელობას, რომელიც ბევრი საინტერესო დასკვნის გაკეთების საშუალებას იძლევა.

This paper presents patterns of emergence, diffusion and evolution of social practices that were changing the socio-political order of the communist states bottom-up. It uses the case of (re)emergence and expansion of international migrations from communist Poland along the erosion of Stalin-era non-exit policy.

IThe study is intended to be a portrait of the sociologist Ion Aluas (1927–1994), and it is focused on the novelty of some of the research that he conducted during the communist period. This research is only available in manuscript and is inherently rich in significance, as well as limited. Various elements of novelty are discussed, such as the displacement of population in the area of large mining investments, the need for spatial planning of the rural area or the need for a richer and well preserved diversity of activities specific to the rural world. The study shows that many of the ideas of the sociologist Ion Aluaş can be identified in one way or another in the National Programme for Rural Development 2007–2013, document aimed at renewing the rural areas of Romania with the help of European financing.

As revoltas por democracia socialista no "bloco soviético" e as transformações do stalinismo (1953-56)

RESUMO: Após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, a URSS expandiu para o Leste Europeu seu modelo econômico e social de uma sociedade de transição entre capitalismo e so-cialismo dotada de um regime de ditadura da burocracia (stalinismo), formando assim o "bloco soviético". Após a morte de Stalin, a burocracia necessitou realizar concessões como forma de evitar uma revolta. Isso originou um "novo curso", de suposta "de-stalinização". As mudanças geraram conflitos na cúpula de muitos regimes, entre "conservadores" e "reformadores". Dotadas de grandes expectati-vas por mudanças, entre 1953-56, a classe trabalhadora e setores da intelectuali-dade de diferentes países aproveitaram a situação para demandar uma genuína democracia socialista, através de revoltas ou mesmo revoluções, só parcial e temporariamente contidas após a brutal repressão da Revolução Húngara. Esse conjunto de eventos é central para a compreensão das contradições dessas for-mações sociais, e para melhor compreender seu colapso no final dos anos 1980.
PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Bloco soviético; stalinismo; democracia socialista.


The revolts for Socialist democracy in the “Soviet Bloc”and Stalinism’s transformations (1953-56)

ABSTRACT: After the Second World War the USSR expanded to part of East Europe its socio-economical model of a society of transition between capitalism and socialism with a regime of dictatorship of the bureaucracy (Stalinism), thus creating the "Soviet bloc". After Stalin's death, the bureaucracy had to make concessions as a way to avoid a popular revolt. This originated a "new course", of supposed "de-Staliniza-tion".The changes generated conflicts between "reformers" and "conservatives" on the top echelons of many regimes. Imbued with high hopes for changes,between 1953-56,the workingclass and sectors of the intelligentsia of different countries took on the opportunity to demand genuine socialist democracy, through revolts or even revolutions, only partially and temporarily contained by the brutal repression of the Hungarian Revolution. These events are central for the comprehension of those social formations' contradictions, as well as for the best understating of their collapse on the end of the 1980s.

KEYWORDS: Soviet bloc; Stalinism; socialist democracy.

Studie se soustředí na legalismus jakožto klíčovou politickou strategii využívanou disidenty v Československu a Polsku v jejich boji za změnu veřejného přístupu k právům, zejména občanským. V úvodu stručně popisuje „legalistické počátky“ disidentství a následně se věnuje konceptu „socialistické zákonnosti“ jako jednoho z hlavních nástrojů „normalizace vlády“ v pozdním socialismu. Jedním z hlavních cílů studie je totiž ukázat, jak těsně byl disidentský legalismus spjat s oficiálními právně-politickými strukturami, jejich myšlením a praxí. Jinými slovy usiluje o rozkrytí soupeření ale i vzájemné kompatibility mezi legalismem disidentů a „socialistickou legalitou“ režimu. V dalších částech se autor zabývá zdroji legalismu a lidskoprávní doktríny v českém a polském disentu, konkrétně dlouhodobých domácích tradic lidskoprávního aktivismu a lidskoprávního myšlení, ale i různých legalistických postupů související jak s dějinami státně-socialistických společností samých (zejména v reformní éře šedesátých let), tak i se starším politickým a kulturním bojem za práva a demokracii. Ukazuje, jak různorodé byly nejen prameny, ale také praktiky disidentského legalismu související do značné míry též s odlišnou genealogií a strukturou politické opozice v Československu a Polsku druhé poloviny 70. let.

Call for articles for a special issue of Studia Politica (Issue 3 of 2017)
Editor: PhD Lecturer, Caterina Preda (Department of Political Science, University of Bucharest) caterina.preda@fspub.unibuc.ro
http://www.studiapolitica.eu/

Creating for the state: the unions of artists and the state artists during the communist regimes in Eastern Europe

An understudied topic of the establishment, functioning, and demise of the communist regimes, the (creative) unions of artists in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union represent a fascinating topic of research, which best captures the relationship between the artists and the state. This relationship was not static, but evolved in time in the decades from the 1950s to the 1990s, and was further on transformed by the change of regime at the beginning of the 1990s. The state artists, those that accepted to create for the new communist states, were one of the main effects of the establishment of the new regimes. While public orders existed prior to 1945, their importance grew extensively in the decades of communism and the forms it took transformed the public function of art. We invite contributions on the topic of the unions of artists, the state artists (especially specific cases of artists), the types of refusals the artists were able to engage in, as well as on the transformations of this context after 1990/1991.