Byzantinum

In my dissertation Thrace is examined as a geographical unity during the Ottoman conquest in the fourteenth century. In the first chapter the Byzantine and Ottoman sources used are presented. The life and works of the chronographers are discussed to the extent that they assist us in comprehending their ideology and mentality, while the focus is on the contemporary sources of the fourteenth century. The second chapter treats with the diplomatic relations between the Byzantines and the Turks in the fourteenth century before and after the Turkish settlement in Thrace. This provides the reader the base to figure the political situation, which facilitated the Turkish expansion in Thrace. The central part of my dissertation is a topographic analysis of Thrace during the Ottoman expansion. An attempt has been made to research the etymology of the Thracian toponyms and then to locate them on a map, mentioning their Byzantine and modern Turkish, Greek or Bulgarian equivalents, if possible. This visualizes the routes that the Ottomans followed when conquering Thrace. A map of fourteenth-century Thrace accompanies my dissertation.
The fourteenth century was of paramount importance for both the Byzantine Empire and the Ottoman Emirate. In Byzantine history it marks the end of a great medieval empire, especially relating to its administrative and economic decadence. For Ottoman history, it punctuates the transition of a frontier beglik into a world-dominant empire. Thrace was the first European territory of the Ottomans and functioned as the vaulting horse of their expeditions in the Balkans. The intellectual intercourse of Greek-Orthodox and Turco-Islamic political ideology gave birth to the heir of the Byzantine State.

ΤΗΕ ΝΑΟDOMIC ARCHITECTURE OF THE DESPOTATE OF EPIRUS IN THE ERA OF THE DYNASTY OF COMNENOI-ANGELOI (1204-1318)

Ιn the historical frame of the breakdown of the Byzantine Empire after 1204, and the formation of the subsequent centrifugal tensions of the late Byzantine world in the area of the so-called ΄΄Despοtate of Epirus΄΄, in the western Greek regions a separate archi-tectonic and naodomic movement and tradition was born, grow, flourished and finally declined. The political, ecclesiastical, social, economical and cultural particularities and conditions of this independent Greek orthodox state, under the direct or collateral spon-sorship of the dynastic house of Angeloi Komnenoi (1204-1318), lead to the autonomy of its architectural creativity, which incept the special characteristics of an independent architectural School.
Τhe great development of the naodomic activity of the Despotate of Epirus is obser-ved during the domination of the Greek orthodox House of Komnenoi Angeloi (1204 -1318), mainly in the days of Michael II (1231 - 1267) and his son and succesor Nikephorus I (1267 - 1294). The naodomic activity was also continued during in the sove-reign of Thomas Angelus Komnenos (1294 - 1318) and his mother and regent, Αnna Pa-leologina (+ c.1313).
The monuments of the Despotate are extended in a large geographic terrain, from the golf of Corinth to the northern limits of Epirus and from the western extremes of the thessalian plain to the Ionian Islands. The monuments are visible in all the dominion of the Despotate. They present for the most part a unity, regardless of their underlined particularities, due to the different conditions of their founding. In the direct inter-dependence to a number of related monuments in the adjacent Greek and Balkan areas, testify the influence of the naodomic activity of Epirus to the wider western Balkan re-gion.
From a typological point of view, a wide typological repertoire is characteristic, in-cluding a variation of classic Byzantine and ΄΄modern΄΄ in 13th century, naodomic types of the cross-vaulted and the churches with porticoes. Specific characteristics are on one hand, the conservatism with the continuation of traditional types depended on the middle - Byzantine tradition. On the other hand, the presence of ΄΄hybrid΄΄ types is obvious, prove of the inquiry of the craftsman-groups of the Despotate. Some times their efforts are on vanguard, with intense to form buildings with smaller or bigger success, capable to correspond to the wishes of their nobleman employers.
Τhe same tendencies are visible also from a morphological point of view. The general and the specific study of the morphological elements, guide us to the conclusion that in general terms the architects of the Despotate of Epirus, stick together to the Byzantine architectonic glossary. The origins of this repertoire, springs from various traditions of the mature middle - Byzantine period, like the tradition of Southern and Northern Greece, which are mixed in different percentages each time. The mixture of elements from different architectonical traditions, faithful to the spirit of multi-collection which characterize the naodomic production of the state of Epirus, contribute to the formation of a reach spectrum of deliverances, a special virtue of its monuments. In some cases the builders proceed to the creative conjugation of the partial elements, producing thus new types and fοrms, which later propagate widely to its area of influence.
Under the absence of a strong anterior tradition and the open in influences architectonic climate in the field of technique, multiple influences are observed. Technical methods from the older local traditions, Southern and Northern Greece, even from the far away area of Constantinople and Nicaea, coexist and used from different craftmen groups.
The origins of the naodomic School of the Despotate of Epirus, is possible to be found in the earlier middle-Byzantine past of the neighboring areas of the southern and northern Greece of 12th century, given the absence of a powerful proportional tradition. The absence exactly of such a vivid and strong tradition, make possible the powerful in-fluence of the above most integrated traditions, in the formation of the architectural intendity of the Despotate of Epirus, in the wider artistic frames of the 13th century.
The various traditions and influences in relation to the openness to multiple choices, mainly from the political and social elite, of the Despotate of Epirus give a special and sui generis personality to its naodomic activity, with main characteristics the regional character, the ideological rule of architecture, the typological and morphological collectiveness, the anticlassical tendencies and the architectural pictorialism.
These partial characteristics are observed in different degrees and frequencies, pro-portionally with the each time esthetic choices and others factors of the undertaken architectonic work. In relation to the at times historical coincidences this phenomenon aloud the distinction of internal phases of experimentations, developments and wider presence and propagation, even to the greater geographical environment of the Despotate.
The rapid fall of the Greek - orthodox ruling house of Angeloi Doukai Komnenoi, the loss of its political independence and the decline of the internal social and economic structures of the Despotate at the beginning of the 14th century, lead to the sudden fall and disappearance of its important and creative architectural process.

San Isidoro de Sevilla, en su Chronicon, nos informa acerca de las invasiones eslavas en los Balcanes, en época del emperador Heraclio, cuestión que nos ha llevado a preguntarnos acerca del cómo pudo el Hispalense informarse acerca de un hecho que no sólo ocurría muy lejos de su tierra, sino que además las fuentes bizantinas apenas registran. ¿Pudo el obispo haber tenido fuentes de información fidedignas de lo que entonces sucedía en oriente? Creemos que sí, y una breve revisión de las relaciones visigodo-bizantinas nos puede aclarar esta cuestión, indicándonos qué tipo de informantes se pueden identificar y cómo San Isidoro pudo recibir noticias de ellos.
Palabras Clave: San Isidoro, Chronicon, Eslavos, Grecia, Heraclio.


Dans son Chronicon saint isidore fait allusion aux invasions slaves dans les pays balkaniques, à lépoque de l'empereur Héracle. cette circonstance nous a mené à nous interroger sur les moyens mis en oeuvre par l`historien pour se documenter sur un fait qui, non seulement s`´etait produit dans une région très éloignée de son propre pays, mais qui està peine enregistré par les sources byzantines. Nous croyons que `'èveque put avoir eu des sources d'information fiables sur ce qui se passait alors en orient. une brève revision des rapports entre les Wisigoths et Byzance peut éclaircir cette question en nous indiquant quelle sorte dìnformants il est possible d'identifier et par quelles voies Isidore put en recevoir des nouvelles.
Mot-clé: Isidore, Chronicon, slaves, grèce, Héracle.


In his Chronicon, st. Isidore of seville reports the invasion of the balkans by Slavs in times of the emperor Heraclius. This fact had led us to pose ourselves the question about how it was possible that this Spanish author could be informed of events taking place not only far from Spain, but which are scarcely mentioned in the byzantine sources. Was it possible that the bishop received trustwoorthy information of events then taking place in the east? The author of the article believes that this was the case and a short analysis of the Visigothic-byzantine relations can answer this question, as well as who could be transmitters of such information and how Isidore was able to come by it.
Key words: St. isidore, Chronicon, Slavs, Greece, Heraclius.

En este artículo se presenta una reflexión acerca de la Civilización Bizantina entre los siglos VII y IX, momento crucial para su existencia y que implicó profundos cambios, y fue entonces cuando la Civilización Bizantina, a veces concebida como inmersa en un hieratismo aplastante, demostró su dinamismo y plasticidad para enfrentar los problemas. Aquella época de crisis, que la historiografía anglosajona califica de dark age y que pone fin a la época tardoantigua, es lo que D. Zakythinós llamó “Gran Brecha” del helenismo, concepto que nos parece adecuado (mutatis mutandis) para referirse a la llamada “crisis del siglo VII” en el Mediterráneo oriental. Si fue una época de crisis, de decadencia o de transformación es una cuestión abierta, y quizá sólo estemos frente a imágenes especulares detrás de las cuales nos mira agazapada ―y tal vez esbozando una sonrisa socarrona― una realidad histórica de una complejidad tal que involucra todos aquellos aspectos. Como sea, lo que sí podemos observar claramente es que la Civilización Bizantina no sólo pudo superar una época difícil con las respuestas históricas adecuadas, sino que también vigorizando las raíces helénicas, Bizancio supo ganar un futuro próspero.


This article presents a reflection about the Byzantine Civilization between the 7th and 9th centuries, a crucial moment for its existence and that implied deep changes, and it was then when the Byzantine Civilization, sometimes conceived as being immersed in an overwhelming hieratic attitude, demonstrated its dynamism and plasticity to face the problems. That time of crisis, that the Anglo-Saxon historiography qualifies as the dark age and that put an end to the late ancient epoch, is what D. Zakythinós called the “Great Breach” of Hellenism, concept that we feel is adequate (mutatis mutandis) to refer to the so-called “crisis of the 7th century” in the Eastern Mediterranean. Whether it was a time of crisis, decadence or transformation is an open question, and perhaps we are only facing speculative images crouching behind which -and perhaps forcing an ironic smile- a historical reality faces us with such complexity that it involves all these aspects. Whatever it is, what we can see clearly is that the Byzantine Civilization was not only able to overcome a difficult epoch with the adequate historical responses, but that it also invigorated its Hellenic roots, Byzantium knew how to win a prosperous future.

En este artículo se presenta una reflexión acerca de la Civilización Bizantina entre los siglos VII y IX, momento crucial para su existencia y que implicó profundos cambios, y fue entonces cuando la Civilización Bizantina, a veces concebida como inmersa en un hieratismo aplastante, demostró su dinamismo y plasticidad para enfrentar los problemas. Aquella época de crisis, que la historiografía anglosajona califica de dark age y que pone fin a la época tardoantigua, es lo que D. Zakythinós llamó “Gran Brecha” del helenismo, concepto que nos parece adecuado (mutatis mutandis) para referirse a la llamada “crisis del siglo VII” en el Mediterráneo oriental. Si fue una época de crisis, de decadencia o de transformación es una cuestión abierta, y quizá sólo estemos frente a imágenes especulares detrás de las cuales nos mira agazapada ―y tal vez esbozando una sonrisa socarrona― una realidad histórica de una complejidad tal que involucra todos aquellos aspectos. Como sea, lo que sí podemos observar claramente es que la Civilización Bizantina no sólo pudo superar una época difícil con las respuestas históricas adecuadas, sino que también vigorizando las raíces helénicas, Bizancio supo ganar un futuro próspero.


This article presents a reflection about the Byzantine Civilization between the 7th and 9th centuries, a crucial moment for its existence and that implied deep changes, and it was then when the Byzantine Civilization, sometimes conceived as being immersed in an overwhelming hieratic attitude, demonstrated its dynamism and plasticity to face the problems. That time of crisis, that the Anglo-Saxon historiography qualifies as the dark age and that put an end to the late ancient epoch, is what D. Zakythinós called the “Great Breach” of Hellenism, concept that we feel is adequate (mutatis mutandis) to refer to the so-called “crisis of the 7th century” in the Eastern Mediterranean. Whether it was a time of crisis, decadence or transformation is an open question, and perhaps we are only facing speculative images crouching behind which -and perhaps forcing an ironic smile- a historical reality faces us with such complexity that it involves all these aspects. Whatever it is, what we can see clearly is that the Byzantine Civilization was not only able to overcome a difficult epoch with the adequate historical responses, but that it also invigorated its Hellenic roots, Byzantium knew how to win a prosperous future.

En este artículo se analizan dos obras de liutprando de Cremona desde la perspectiva del relato de viaje, resaltando el recurso retórico que permanentemente se hace presente en la obra de Liutprando, y que no tiene que ver con un cambio sustancial que se haya operado en Constantinopla entre 949 y 968, sino con que el sujeto escribiente ha mutado: de diácono en obispo, de legado de poco rango a legado imperial. El "egocentrismo histórico" comparece en esta retórica que busca, primero, denostar un rey exaltando al emperador griego y, después, denostar al emperador bizantino para exaltar a los Otones. Es la retórica del desquite.
Palabras clave: Liutprando de Cremona, Constantinopla, retórica del desquite.

In this article the author analyzes two works by Liutprand of Cremona from the perspective of travel narrative, highlighting the rhetorical device that is permanently present in the work of Liutprando, and that has nothing to do with a substantial change has been operated in Constantinople between 949 and 968, but the writer has mutated:from deacon to Bishop, from low-ranking legate to imperial legate. The "historical egocentrism" appear in the rhetoric that seeks, first, extolling a king insult to the Greek emperor, and then insult the Byzantine emperor to exalt the Otton. Is the rhetoric of revenge.
Keywords: Liutprando of Cremona, Constantinople, rhetoric of revenge.

The volume contains a systematic list of all documents and laws issued by Byzantine Emperors in the time between 565 and 867 CE and of all embassies and missions sent beyond the borders of the realm, thus covering relations with all neighbours in the East and in the West. New results in comparison to the earlier edition of Dögler were especially achieved on the basis of a systematic new reading of Arabic (done especially by Alexander Beihammer) and Armenian (by Johannes Preiser-Kapeller) sources. In total, the contribution of J. Preiser-Kapeller covers more than 350 entries on church history as well as the diplomatic relations to Persia, the Caucasus region, Western Turks in Central Asia, Avars, Bulgarians, Franks, Visigoths and Lombards.

See also: http://books.google.at/books?id=JtoidTRKFuUC&pg=PR35&lpg=PR35&dq=Preiser-Kapeller+regesten&source=bl&ots=HkTMjMm1q1&sig=Rq8SIYYzqraORDCyGNk4JHBfcIM&hl=de&sa=X&ei=tnb0Us-iHIHdswb62IC4Bg&ved=0CDYQ6AEwAg#v=onepage&q=Preiser-Kapeller%20regesten&f=false

En este estudio, se presenta una reflexión acerca del concepto de Europa Oriental y, luego, una revisión de la historiografía acerca del origen de los eslavos, discutiendo las tesis tradicionales, la de Pritsak y la de Curta, según la etnogénesis, la etnonimia y la etnicidad.
Palabras claves: Bizancio, Eslavos, Europa Oriental

In this article, the author presents an analytical view about de concept "East Europe" and, then, an historiographical revision about the origin of the Slavic people, discussing the traditional thesis, Pritsak's thesis and Curta's thesis, i.e., commenting the ideas of ethnogenesis, ethnonimia and ethnicity.
Key words: Byzantium, Slavs, Eastern Europe

Σκοπός της παρούσας ανακοίνωσης είναι η εξέταση της αμυντικής δομής της πόλης - κάστρου της Βόνιτσας, κατά την βυζαντινή περίοδο. Βασικά εργαλεία αυτής της μελέτης, αποτέλεσαν η σύνταξη του ιστορικού διαγράμματος της πόλης την βυζαντινή και όψιμη μεσαιωνική περίοδο, η φυσική γεωγραφία και η ιστορική τοπογραφία των βυζαντινών χρόνων, παλαιότερες και νεώτερες χαρτογραφικές αποτυπώσεις και χαρτογραφήσεις σε σχέση με την επιτόπια εξέταση και έρευνα, η σπουδή της δομής του βυζαντινού κάστρου και η τυπολογική και μορφολογική έρευνα των επιμέρους δομικών του στοιχείων (ακρόπολης, περιβόλων, διατειχισμάτων, πυλών, πύργων, κτηρίων, προσκτισμάτων).
Ιδιαίτερα σημαντική, ήταν η συγκριτική μελέτη της σημερινής κατάστασης του κάστρου και των επιμέρους αυθεντικών σωζόμενων βυζαντινών στοιχείων, με παλαιότερες και σύγχρονες αποτυπώσεις και απεικονίσεις, που επέτρεψαν την διάκριση των βυζαντινών και μεσαιωνικών δομικών στοιχείων και φάσεων, σε αντιδιαστολή με τις οψιμότερες νεώτερες επεμβάσεις, που έχουν αλλοιώσει την αρχική βυζαντινή μορφή του. Οι αρχικές βυζαντινές οχυρώσεις, από την μορφή της μεθόδου δομής τους στο μεγαλύτερο τμήμα τους, φαίνεται ότι ανάγονται στην μεσοβυζαντινή περίοδο και μάλλον στον 9ο/10ο αιώνα. Η οχύρωση αυτή φαίνεται ότι ήταν αμυντικά επαρκής και διατηρήθηκε σχεδόν αλώβητη και λειτουργική και κατά τους οψιμότερους βυζαντινούς χρόνους.
Οι αλλαγές της νεώτερης εποχής στην μορφή του πολέμου και των οχυρώσεων, οδήγησε σε ευρείες προσθήκες και αλλαγές. Αυτές οι προσθήκες του 17ου και 18ου αιώνα, επικαλύπτουν το παλιό βυζαντινό κάστρο και του δίνουν την σημερινή μορφή του.
Πίσω όμως από το σημερινό κάστρο, κρύβεται ένα εξαιρετικό δείγμα της μεσοβυζαντινής οχυρωματικής, αντάξιο της ισχύος και του μεγαλείου του ΄΄κράτους των Ρωμαίων΄΄, στις δυτικές περιοχές του.

En la presente reflexión nos detendremos brevemente en el tema de la rebizantinización del Peloponeso, teniendo en cuenta la información que nos proporciona la llamada Crónica de Monemvasía. A diferencia de lo que ocurrió con
otros eslavos desde la segunda mitad del siglo IX a partir de la obra cirilo-metodiana, en el centro-sur de los Balcanes y el Peloponeso, se dio un proceso de rehelenización
y recristianización de los eslavos, que significó la salvación del helenismo aun en la misma Grecia.

The article interprets the information given in the Genoese document of the mid of 70-s of the 15th century. According to this information the inhabitants of the villages of the Eastern part of the Northern Slope of the Main Ridge of the Crimean Mountains (Ortalan, Sartana and others) live and conduct agricultural work in these villages on the summer season and pay tithe to the authorities of the Crimean Khan, and the rest of the year they live in Soldaya, where they pay local taxes and fulfill guard duty. The author see in this evi-dence from the 15th century a rudiment of historical and geographical realities of the Early Middle Ages. These are politically different states, but for the local Christian population the center of gravity is not in the Post-Golden Horde town Solkhat situated nearby, but the Genoese Soldaya. Apparently, for these Christian residents, Soldaya had been the center of the church district and the residence of his hierarch. Then, the coastal territory, which the Genoese attached to their possessions in 1365, can be viewed as remnants of the Sugdeya diocese, and the villages of the Eastern part of the Northern Slope of the Main Ridge of the Crimean Mountains mark the lands of the former Phoul diocese. This observation argues in favor of correct localization of the Phoul diocese on the territory of the Eastern part of the Northern Slope of the Main Ridge of the Crimean Mountains (Central Crimea), which had already been proposed in the works of Yu.A. Kulakovskiy (1898) and V.L. Myts (2001). The placement of the Phoul diocese in this region narrows the area of research for the eccle-siastical center — the fortress of Phoul. Here, as a result of the latest archaeological works, one fortress of the Khazar period became known — settlement Vyshennoe. The discovery of a large Christian church on Vyshennoe or on any of the newly discovered medieval settlements or directly next to them serve as a main marker for the localization of the fortress and the diocesan center of Phoul.

В статье интерпретируется информация, приведенная в генуэзском документе середины 70-х гг. XV в., в соответствии с которой жители сел восточной части северного склона Главной гряды Крымских гор (Орталана, Сартаны и других) летом живут и ведут сельскохозяйственные работы в этих селах и платят там десятину представителям крымского хана, а остальную часть года они живут в Солдайе, где платят подушную подать и несут караульную повинность. Автор видит в этом свидетельстве рудимент историко-географических реалий раннего Средневековья. В XV в. это в политическом отношении разные государства, но для местного христианского населения центром притяжения является не близлежащий постзолотоордынский Солхат, а генуэзская Солдайя. Видимо, для этих жителей-христиан Солдайя была центром церковного округа и резиденцией его иерарха. Тогда прибрежную территорию, которую в 1365 г. присоединили к своим владениям генуэзцы, можно рассматривать как остатки собственно Сугдейской епархии, а селения восточной части северного склона Главной гряды Крымских гор маркируют земли бывшей Фульской епархии. Данное наблюдение свидетельствует в пользу правильности локализации Фульской епархии на территории восточной части северного склона Главной гряды Крымских гор (Центральный Крым), которая была предложена в работах Ю.А. Кулаковского (1898 г.) и В.Л. Мыца (2001 г.). Размещение Фульской епархии в этом регионе сужает район поиска церковного центра — крепости Фул. Здесь в результате новейших археологических работ стала известна одна крепость хазарского времени — городище Вишенное. Обнаружение крупного христианского храма на этом или на каком-либо из вновь выявленных городищ со средневековыми культурными напластованиями или непосредственно рядом с ними может стать маркером в локализации крепости и епархиального центра Фулы.

En este artículo, el autor analiza el Chronicon de San Isidoro de Sevilla, para demostrar que no es neutro desde el punto de vista de la narración, sino que, al contrario, su disposición y argumentos nos revelan claramente la marcada intencionalidad
ideológica de su autor, quien busca mostrar la debilidad bélica y moral de Bizancio para resaltar la grandeza del Reino Visigodo, baluarte del catolicismo y la romanidad.
Palabras claves: Isidoro de Sevilla, Chronicon, Visigodos, Bizantinos.

In this article, the author analyzes Isidore’s Chronicon to demonstrate that it is not neutral from the point of view of the narrative, but on the contrary, his disposition and arguments reveal clearly his ideological intention. His author seeks to show the weakness of Byzantium to highlight the greatness of the Visigothic Kingdom, refuge of Catholicism and Romanity.
Key words: Isidore of Seville, Chronicon, Visigoths, Byzantium.

Μετά την πτώση της Κωνσταντινούπολης στα χέρια των Σταυροφόρων, η πόλη της Ναυπάκτου, πρωτεύουσα του μεσοβυζαντινού θέματος Νικοπόλεως και έδρα της ομώνυμης Μητρόπολης, αποτέλεσε τμήμα του λεγομένου ΄΄Δεσποτάτου της Ηπείρου΄΄. Ο σημαντικός της ρόλος σε πολιτικό, στρατιωτικό, εκκλησιαστικό, οικονομικό και πολιτιστικό επίπεδα, φαίνεται ότι θεμελιώθηκε στην πολύπλευρη ανάπτυξη της πόλης στην όψιμη μεσοβυζαντινή περίοδο.
Κατά την διάρκεια του 13ου αιώνα, η Ναύπακτος ήταν μια από τις σημαντικότερες πόλεις του Δεσποτάτου, ένα μεγάλο εκκλησιαστικό και ένα ανεπτυγμένο οικονομικό και πολιτιστικό κέντρο. Σε αυτή την περίοδο της ιστορίας της, η Ναύπακτος αναδείχτηκε σε ένα από τα σημαντικότερα κέντρα του Δεσποτάτου και ο νοτιανατολικός του προμαχώνας απέναντι στον φραγκοκρατούμενο Μωρέα και τους Λατίνους κυριάρχους της Ανατολικής Στερεάς Ελλάδας.
Αυτός ο σημαντικός ρόλος περιορίστηκε μετά την δυτική κατοχή από τον Φίλιππο του Τάραντα (1294), παραμένοντας παρόλα αυτά το πιο σημαντικό αστικό κέντρο της Δυτικής Στερεάς Ελλάδος στην όψιμη ύστερη βυζαντινή περίοδο, μέχρι την  πτώση της στου Τούρκους το 1499.

Σε αυτή την εργασία ανακεφαλαιώνονται και επανεξετάζονται, οι ιστορικές αναφορές και τα δεδομένα για την λατρεία της Παναγίας κατά την βυζαντινή περίοδο, στην Ναύπακτο.
Οι αναφορές αυτές είναι: ο καταστατικός χάρτης της Αδελφότητας της Παναγίας Ναυπακτιώτισσας στην Θήβα της Βοιωτίας, που χρονολογείται το 1048, τα προνόμια της μητροπολιτικής έδρας της Ναυπάκτου, που παραχωρήθηκαν από τους αυτοκράτορες της Κωνσταντινούπολης, τον 12ο αιώνα, ο ΄΄Βασιλικός Ορισμός΄΄ του ηγεμόνα του ΄΄Δεσποτάτου της Ηπείρου΄΄, Θεοδώρου Άγγελου Κομνηνού, που χρονολογούνται από το 1228, οι αναφορές για τον καθεδρικό ναό της Παναγίας Πανυμνήτου στην Ναύπακτο κατά την διάρκεια της βυζαντινής περιόδου, γνωστές από την επιστολογραφία του μητροπολίτη Ιωάννη Αποκαύκου (1199;-1230) και τα αρχαιολογικά και τοπογραφικά δεδομένα της βυζαντινής Ναυπάκτου.
Όλα τα παραπάνω στοιχεία και δεδομένα αποδεικνύουν την συνεχή τιμή και λατρείας της Παναγίας Ναυπακτιώτισσας στην μεσοβυζαντινή και υστεροβυζαντινή Ναύπακτο από τον 5ο/6ο αιώνα ως τουλάχιστον τον 13ο αιώνα.

The article reviews the conflict that took place in the second half of the 14 th century in the territory of the Mountain Crimea between the metropolitan of Cherson, on the one hand, and the metropolitans of Gothian and Sougdea-Foul for the domination in two ecclesiastical districts of Eliss and Kinsanus. The historical outline of events is preserved in five acts of the Patriarchate of Constantinople from 1382 to 1390. These districts are localized on the territory of the Southern Сoast of Crimea, from the village Nikita in the west to the village Kanaka (actual Lutch) in the east, they bordered each other in the Alushta area. The research showed, that the movement of the Orthodox population within the territories of different metropolitanates influenced the fact, that in the middle of the 14 th century the oldest, once the richest and most populated diocese in the Crimea, comes to desolation. The city of Chersonesus disappears as a large city and a significant regional center. Capture of tow parish districts by Cherson's hierarchs became possible for two reasons. The first reason is the changes in political borders in this region. After almost a thousand years domination of the Byzantine Empire in the middle of the 13 th century the Southern Coast of Crimea with the Byzantine (Greek) agricultural population pass under the jurisdiction of the Mongolian state. Later, in the second half of the 14 th century a new process begins – the transition of the coastal territories of the Mountain Crimea from the Golden Horde to the Genoese State, which finishes in 1387. The second reason is the patronage of Cherson metropolitans from new Genoese authorities, with support of the emperors Andronicus IV and John VII Paleologues, loyal to the Genoese, and their protege Macarius, Patriarch of Constantinople.

En este artículo se presentan dos textos ―la Expositio Totius Mundi y la Topographia Christiana― que dicen relación con la forma en que el hombre ha interpretado su mundo y, por tanto, el lugar que en él ocupa. El punto de partida de las siguientes reflexiones lo constituye un libro de C. Glacken, sugerente y erudita obra en la cual el autor plantea la relación que ha existido, desde tiempos inmemoriales, entre naturaleza y cultura, en el pensamiento occidental. Es probable que, en su forma final, este trabajo se aleje de los postulados del mencionado autor; no obstante, dos nociones nos llevaron a considerar el tema del presente estudio: Glacken habla de orden y propósito de la obra humana como reflejo del orden y propósito del cosmos, cuyo sentido el hombre trata de develar. En la Antigüedad, ese orden y propósito está en el mito, como explicación totalizadora; en época cristiana, en la Revelación.

In this article two texts are presented -the Expositio Totius Mundi and the Topographia Christiana- in relation with the form in which the human being interprets his world and, therefore, the place that in it he occupies.  The starting point of the following reflections is the C. Glacken’s book, suggestive and scholarl work in which the author speaks about the relation that existed, from early times, between nature and culture, in the western thought.  It is probable that, in their final form, this article is toofar of Glacken’s work; but, two ideas are considered in the theme of the present study:  Glacken speaks of order and purpose of the human work as reflection of the order and purpose of the cosmos, whose sense the man tries to discover.  In the Antiquity, that order and purpose are in the myth, like total explanation; in Christian world, in the Revelation.