Bears

Although scholars have long recognized the mythic status of bears in Indigenous North American societies of the past, this is the first volume to synthesize the vast amount of archaeological and historical research on the topic. Bears charts the special relationship between the American black bear and humans in eastern Native American cultures across thousands of years.  These essays draw on zooarchaeological, ethnohistorical, and ethnographic evidence from nearly 300 archaeological sites from Quebec to the Gulf of Mexico. Contributors explore the ways bears have been treated as something akin to another kind of human—in the words of anthropologist Irving Hallowell, “other than human persons”—in Algonquian, Cherokee, Iroquois, Meskwaki, Creek, and many other Native cultures. Case studies focus on bear imagery in Native art and artifacts; the religious and economic significance of bears and bear products such as meat, fat, oil, and pelts; bears in Native worldviews, kinship systems, and cosmologies; and the use of bears as commodities in transatlantic trade. The case studies in Bears demonstrate that bears were not only a source of food, but were also religious, economic, and political icons within Indigenous cultures. This volume convincingly portrays the black bear as one of the most socially significant species in Native eastern North America.

Understanding the effect of anthropogenic disturbance, and its interaction with carnivores and their prey, is crucial to support the conservation of threatened carnivores, particularly in rapidly changing landscapes. Based on systematic camera-trap sampling of four protected areas in Riau Province of central Sumatra, we assessed the habitat occupancy and spatiotemporal overlap between people, potential carnivore prey, and four threatened species of medium-sized or large carnivores: Sumatran tigers (Panthera tigris sumatrae), Malayan sun bears (Helarctos malayanus), dholes (Cuon alpinus), and Sunda clouded leopards (Neofelis diardi). To assess spatial overlap of target species, we used single-species occupancy models and applied a Species Interaction Factor (SIF) to conditional two-species occupancy models. We also used kernel density estimation (KDE) to assess temporal overlap among these species. Our habitat use models showed that altitude (elevation) strongly influenced the occupancy of all large carnivores and potential prey species. Except for Sunda clouded leopards, the occurrence of large carnivore species was positively related to the spatial co-occurrence of humans (SIF > 1). In addition, we found that sun bears and dholes both exhibited high spatial overlap with tigers, and that sun bears alone exhibited high temporal overlap with people. Our findings contribute to an improved understanding of the contemporary ecology of carnivores and their prey in rapidly changing, southeast Asian landscapes. Such knowledge is important to the conservation and recovery of large carnivores in conservation hotspots that are increasingly dominated by humans across Sumatra, as well as globally.

Narváez Romero C. 2013. Analysis of seasonality and relative abundance of spectacled bear (Tremarctos ornatus), andean fox (Lycalopex culpaeus) and mountain tapir (Tapirus pinchaque) on the moors of the Podocarpus National Park. Biology bachelor Thesis. Universidad Técnica Particular de Loja. Loja. 76. http://dspace.utpl.edu.ec/handle/123456789/6421

In the western mountain range of National Park Podocarpus and Sabanilla knot in ecosystems over 2400 m south of Ecuador, for 12 months, we evaluated the presence of spectacled bear, andean fox and mountain tapir, three large South American mammals are potentially recognized as "umbrella species", because they have important ecological functions and spacious home range.
By register of seven different field signals used to document the occurrence, relative abundance indices and distribucion frequency, for which we used observation transects signs.
We found 1002 records of the three species in the entire area traversed by the observation units, of which 50.11% belong to bears, 38.42% to foxes and 11.48% to tapirs.
The records distribution and occurrence of the three species throughout the sampling in at least one of the three surveyed tracts showed a continued use of these ecosystems, also we found possible preference patterns related with climatic variables measures temporarily and spatially.
The intensity of use evidences and/or presence was time variant, having highest peaks in a few months but was finally discarded the seasonal use of the moors.
Keywords: seasonality, abundance, Tremarctos, Tapirus, Lycalopex, diversity, Podocarpus, signals

No reliable estimates exist for populations of Andean bears (Tremarctos omatus). They occupy >260,000 km2 in 5 Andean countries, and if their densities are comparable to those of North American black bears (Ursus americanus), the total population may be >20,000. Unbroken tracts of the Andes stretching more than 200 km and extending over 3000 m of elevation exist for this

Influence des interactions avec les ours, les loups et les lynx sur les perceptions des chasseurs et des éleveurs de République de Macédoine.
La nature conflictuelle des relations entre les hommes et les prédateurs conduit à s’interroger sur l’origine des perceptions négatives liées à ces animaux ainsi que sur l’articulation entre processus d’identification et processus relationnels. Cette étude, basée sur des enquêtes ethno-éthologiques menées en République de Macédoine, souhaite montrer que les comportements des ours, des loups et des lynx ont un impact sur la fréquence et la nature des interactions avec l’homme et influencent ainsi les perceptions qui leurs sont associées.

For the past five years I’ve been doing research on the cognitive abilities of African Grey parrots (Psittacus erithacus), attempting to document not only their remark-able linguistic abilities but also examining the way that they interact with their human caretakers, specifically Greys who have been home-raised and hence exposed to a language-rich environment. Given that literally no work has been done on the linguistic abilities of Greys raised in home environments, the research I’ve carried out to date and which will be discussed in this chapter must be viewed as preliminary, although not necessarily ground-breaking for that term needs to be applied to the outstanding research that Dr. Irene Pepperberg has carried out in her laboratory where she demonstrated the remarkable cognitive abilities of her Greys, Alex, Griffin and Arthur.
Pepperberg’s conclusion—which is accepted by animal behaviourists—is that the cognitive abilities of Greys allow them to be ranked as having reasoning skills equivalent to those of a 2- to 3-year-old human child and in some specific areas the tests showed that a Grey is capable of performing at the level of a 5-year old. Quite surprisingly, leaving aside the outstanding work of Pepperberg and her highly insightful commentaries on the speech production and verbal interactions that her Greys had with her and members of her laboratory staff (Pepperberg 2009), to my knowledge, there still has been no inquiry into how the proven cognitive abilities of these laboratory-trained birds relate to the way that home-raised Greys communicate verbally with humans. While there is a plethora of studies and speculations about how songbirds acquire their songs, no such similar work has been done on Greys in home settings. In any case, Pepperberg’s remarkable research results provide support for the following proposition: that there would be nothing inherently wrong with suggesting complex cognitive interpretations of the verbal performance of home-raised Greys given that the species in question has already been proven to have high intelligence (Waal 2016:41–42).

Large ‘apex’ predators influence ecosystems in profound ways, by limiting the density of their prey and controlling smaller ‘mesopredators’. The loss of apex predators from much of their range has lead to a global outbreak of mesopredators, a process known as ‘mesopredator release’ that increases predation pressure and diminishes biodiversity. While the classifica- tions apex- and meso-predator are fundamental to current ecological thinking, their definition has remained ambiguous. Trophic cascades theory has shown the importance of predation as a limit to population size for a variety of taxa (top–down control). The largest of predators however are unlikely to be limited in this fashion, and their densities are commonly assumed to be determined by the availability of their prey (bottom–up control). However, bottom–up regulation of apex predators is contradicted by many studies, particularly of non-hunted populations. We offer an alternative view that apex predators are distinguishable by a capacity to limit their own population densities (self-regulation). We tested this idea using a set of life-history traits that could contribute to self-regulation in the Carnivora, and found that an upper limit body mass of 34 kg (corresponding with an average mass of 13–16 kg) marks a transition between extrinsically- and self- regulated carnivores. Small carnivores share fast reproductive rates and development and higher densities. Large carnivores share slow reproductive rates and development, extended parental care, sparsely populated territories, and a propensity towards infanticide, reproductive suppression, alloparental care and cooperative hunting. We discuss how the expression of traits that contribute to self-regulation (e.g. reproductive suppression) depends on social stability, and highlight the importance of studying predator–prey dynamics in the absence of predator persecution. Self-regulation in large carnivores may ensure that the largest and the fiercest do not overexploit their resources.

This talk, presented at the 2021 virtual meeting of the Native American and Indigenous Studies Association (NAISA), focuses on the way that landscape and skyscape was fused together in the cosmovision of the Lenape Delaware. Linkages between the tenets of circumpolar bear ceremonialism and the conceptual framework the Lenape and other Algonquian peoples are explored. The presentation formed part of a roundtable that brought together researchers looking at indigenous 'knowledge systems' as they relate to the way that skyscapes and landscapes have been structured cross-culturally. Questions asked in the roundtable and alluded to in my talk include the following: Are there commonalities? If so, what motivates/motivated these shared traits, strategies, and 'worldviews'? And what are the differences? Were the factors primarily environmental or were there other factors that reach deeper into the ontologies (and languages) of these cultural groups, even though those factors, too, might be explained by larger questions linked to the environment, mode of subsistence, etc., of the people in question? Also discussed was the topic of how these questions are related to the resilience and/or loss of traditional knowledge and social practice as well as at the efforts being made by different indigenous communities to preserve and transmit these knowledge systems to future generations and/or to those outside the boundaries of their cultures. In short, the way that indigenous astronomical beliefs and cognitive strategies can provide meaningful information to cultures, thus aiding them in organizing, sustaining, and reinforcing their own world and worldview, is brought into view.

I circa cinquanta individui di orso bruno marsicano, bellissima sottospecie appenninica di orso bruno (Ursus arctos marsicanus - Altobello, 1921) rappresentano la popolazione più minacciata d'Europa tra i mammiferi.
Che fare per provare a salvarlo?
Tra le varie ipotesi la Società Italiana per la Storia della Fauna propone la creazione di una banca genetica per la riproduzione e la conservazione della specie ex situ (art 9 Convenzione per la Biodiversità), così come già accade in altre parti del mondo per altre specie. Si tratta di una misura che mira a mettere in sicurezza il patrimonio genetico di questa popolazione endemica italiana ridotta al lumicino

This paper has received a surprising amount of attention. It has some interesting points.  There are also some places where I would handle material differently, and I thought it might be worthwhile to mention both its highlights and a soft spot that has been addressed better elsewhere. 

The observation had not, to my knowledge, been made before that the eddic poem Völundarkvida exhibits not only a shift in characters but that this co-occurs with a marked stylistic shift suggestive of different backgrounds to its two parts of the poem.  The most valuable part of the article is, to my mind, the comparison of the capture of Völundr in this poem with a traditional story-pattern found elsewhere in medieval Scandinavian sources: the story pattern accounts for the capture of a supernatural being and acquisition of its magical sword and ring/necklace/belt.  I would like to return to this at some point with some additional material.  I still find the most convincing explanation for the various evidence that Völundarkvida has evolved from the combination of the story pattern with the Germanic tradition of the avenging smith (presumably already in eddic form, noting the stylistic and narrative shift in the poem). 

It is nevertheless good to note that the publication is based on a student conference paper presented in 2006.  The discussion of Finno-Ugric bear traditions and comparison with Old Norse evidence is methodologically soft.  On this topic I would recommend a reader instead to the handling of the question in:
http://www.academia.edu/12361723/From_Mythology_to_Identity_and_Imaginal_Experience_An_Exploratory_Approach_to_the_Symbolic_Matrix_in_Viking_Age_%C3%85land
I would now reframe discussion in this article to view bears as a category of being that can blur with humans and with other categories of supernatural beings.  The whole study initially began, inspired by Kaaren Grmistad's work, through the exploration of possible links between Völundr and bear traditions.  In retrospect, I see that the argument about the combination of two plots in the evolution of Völundarkvida that developed is not dependent on the bear question, which in fact distracts from the more significant argument.  I would now be more inclined to separate these discussions before attempting to look at them in combination.

On the whole, there are a lot of interesting and fun details addressed here and I would like to return to this topic in the future.  On the other hand, this was very much at the beginning of my work; it anticipates my later research in many respects, but I now feel it is dated in more than years, even if it still contains a few observations that may be worthwhile.

How do we take indigenous animism seriously in the sense proposed by Viveiros de Castro? In this article, I pose this challenge to all the major theories of animism, stretching from Tylor and Durkheim, over Lévi-Strauss to Ingold. I then go on to draw a comparison between Žižek's depiction of the cynical milieu of advanced capitalism in which ideology as " false consciousness " has lost force and the Siberian Yukaghirs for whom ridiculing the spirits is integral to their game of hunting. Both know that, in their activity, they are following an illusion, but still they go along with it; both are ironically self-conscious about not taking the ruling ethos at face value. is makes me suggest an alternative: perhaps it is time for anthropology not to take indigenous animism too seriously.

Preface
Throughout all of Europe we find examples of folk-belief assigning special qualities to the seventh-born son or daughter of a family. At times these attributes were positive, at times negative. However, they always had a magical aura about them (Bloch [1924] 1983). For the most part, these beliefs have been written off as superstitious residue from times past and as a result little attention has been paid to documenting the concrete social practices associated with them. An exception to this tendency is the work of Marc Bloch, who in 1924, called attention to the supernatural powers attributed to the seventh son and at times, to the seventh daughter, born after an uninterrupted series of the same sex, remarking that seventh-born children were credited with a “particular supernatural power” (Bloch [1924] 1983: 293, 296). Writing in 1924, Bloch observed that “La croyance sous cette forme a été et est sans doute encore très largement répandue dans l’Europe occidentale et centrale: on l’a signalée en Allemagne, en Biscaye, en Catalogne, dans presque toute la France, dans les Pays-Bas, en Angleterre, en Escosse, en Irlande […]”  (Bloch [1924] 1983: 294-295).

Specifically, Bloch noted that from at least the 16th century onwards, children born into a seventh position in their family supposedly had the power to heal by touch. Such extraordinary people, often deemed sorcerers, even devils, were also referred to by a variety of expressions such as mahr (German) or murawa (Polish) and consequently they had the ambivalent privilege of tapping into powers that were inaccessible to normal humans. Specifically, they were viewed as having healing and divinatory powers, which could entail shape-shifting (Vaz da Silva 2003). That is, those individuals were endowed with the ability to take the form of an animal. From the point of view of modern Western thought this belief causes the dividing line between humans and animals to become blurred. Nonetheless, that blurring or fusion of two natures would be in accordance with the cosmology of native peoples in other parts of the world, especially contemporary hunter-gatherers, where such animistic beliefs also prevail (Bird-David 1999; Brightman 2002; Ingold 2000; Willerslev 2007).

It is quite clear that the qualities assigned to the seventh-son or daughter harken back to an earlier animistic mindset, notions of nonhuman personhood and social practices that in turn connect back to shamanic modes of healing. At the same time, as noted in the earlier chapters of this study, the fused nature of the Bear Son, the half-human, half-bear being known as Hamalau “Fourteen” in Basque, reflects a similar blurring of the Western human-animal divide and related cultural conceptualizations.

And as Bertolotti has demonstrated in his detailed and extraordinarily well researched study Carnevale di Massa 1950 (1992), European versions of the Bear Son folktales, e.g., Giovanni l’Orso, may well reproduce much earlier beliefs, more in consonance with the cosmovision of hunter-gatherers who inhabited these zones in times past. More concretely, the fact that the figure of Hamalau is grounded in the belief that humans descended from bears allows us to consider the significance and symbolism of this character’s own genesis: he is born of a human female, but his father is a bear. In this sense, he is a double-natured intermediary occupying the ontological ground between humans and bears.

This monograph examines the way two sets of wide-spread European folktales became incorporated into the storytelling traditions of Europeans. The stories themselves are compared and treated as reservoirs of orally transmitted popular beliefs and traditions that are no longer readily accessible to a modern audience. It is shown that the tales themselves have acted as vehicles for transmitting an earlier animist worldview from one generation to the next, albeit with modifications. When viewed in the longue durée, certain repetitive elements found in the tales reveal their ethnographic value and allow us to reconstruct, always tentatively, the animist ontological framing that contributed to their creation. After carefully exploring the interpretive framework that characterized the tales in times past, a framework shared by storytellers and their audiences alike, what comes into focus is a worldview unfamiliar to most Europeans, but well known to Native Americans and Indigenous groups where bear ceremonialism has been or still is practiced and whose traditional narratives incorporate the belief that bears were ancestors and therefore kin.
The comparative analysis of the European tales serves as an introduction to a larger question, namely, whether traditions associated with the pilgrimage route to Santiago de Compostela (the Way of St. James) have a pre-Christian origin and more specifically, whether the choice of this specific geographic location for the “discovery” of the remains of St. James was motivated by the geomorphological characteristics of the nearby mountain peak called Pico Sacro and the legends that had grown up around it. This approach includes the possibility that the mountain was already the focal point of a pre-Christian pilgrimage tradition. Using the results obtained from analyzing the recurring motifs found in the two sets of folktales, what is suggested is that the ecclesiastic authorities who came up the story about the miraculous discovery of the Saint’s remains eight hundred years after he was allegedly buried, may have been aware that people were already regularly visiting Pico Sacro and that this site was already the subject of veneration and enveloped in a form of sacrality. In this scenario, the founders of the alleged discovery of the relics of St. James may have realized that if they could come up with the right story, they could overlay it on an already existing pilgrimage tradition. In that way they would be able to co-opt the already existing practices and profit from them in a myriad of ways. The process of superimposing a Christian narrative on the pagan practices and beliefs would be facilitated by inventing a story, based on the discovery of the tomb of one of Christ’s own disciples.
In the folktales discussed here there is a motif that surfaces over and over, namely, a journey to a location referred to as Glass Mountain or Crystal Mountain. Furthermore, folkloric references to this steep mountain are widespread in Europe. It is directly linked the belief that upon death one’s soul must successfully scale the peak to be able to enter Paradise. And in some cases, it was customary for the dead to be buried along with the claws of a bear, in the belief that the bear claws would aid the soul to climb that steep mountain. That motif will be analyzed and shown to have a real-world counterpart.

Cette enquête ethnographique dans les vallées de Luchon, de Larboust et d’Oueil (Pyrénées centrales) nous livre un témoignage, rare, sur un carnaval rural et montagnard. Ce temps préfigure la réouverture printanière de la montagne, après un long hiver replié sur un espace domestique étroit. Il redessine la perception traditionnelle d’un espace ternaire : village de fond de vallée – « bordes » des prairies intermédiaires de fauche – haute montagne d’estives dominée par les pics désolés et redoutés. C’est des « bordes », lieux éminemment symboliques, mobiles, que part le mouvement, la « ronde », le tissage renouvelé des relations sociales. Le groupe des jeunes garçons joue ce jeu, sur le modèle de la hantise, mimant la transgression des morts, avant leur rejet vers les hauteurs maudites et la reconquête des espaces montagnards. Les troupeaux et leurs bergers seront alors autorisés à y remonter, du fait de la fonte des neiges, après certains rites propitiatoires : leur bénédiction et des processions vers les sanctuaires des hauteurs, propres à les purifier. Ainsi, le carnaval, qui joue le combat rituel, annuel, pour le retour de la vie, redéfinit, ici, des espaces ternaires différenciés d’un finage qui s’étend et se rétracte au fil des saisons.

This ethnographic survey in the valleys of Luchon, Larboust and Oueil (Central Pyrenees) gives us a rare testimony on a rural carnival in the mountains. This time prefigures the spring reopening of the mountain, after a long winter folded on a narrow domestic space. It redraws the traditional perception of a ternary space: village at the bottom of the valley - "bordes" of the intermediate meadow - high summer mountain dominated by desolate and feared peaks. It is "bordes", places eminently symbolic, mobile, that starts the movement, the "ronde", the weaving renewed social relations. The group of young boys plays this game, like an apparition, miming the transgression of the dead, before their rejection towards the accursed heights and the recovery of the mountain spaces. The flocks and their herdsmen will then be allowed to go back there, because of the melting of the snows, after some propitiatory rites: their blessing and processions towards the sanctuaries of the heights, suitable to purify them. Thus, carnival, which plays the ritual, annual fight for the return of life, redefines, here, differentiated ternary spaces of a territory that extends and retracts with the seasons.

Der Kachelofen mit seinen attraktiv gestalteten Ofenkacheln ist für die Erforschung spätmittelalterlicher und neuzeitlicher Wohnkultur in Mitteleuropa von grosser Bedeutung. Die vorliegende Publikation behandelt sowohl den Kachelofen als «Heizung des Mittelalters» als auch seine Bestandteile, die Ofenkacheln. Basis bildet eine umfassende Systematisierung der Ofenkeramik im deutschsprachigen Raum, bei der die Vielfalt der existierenden Kacheltypen aus der Schweiz, Deutschland, Österreich und Liechtenstein in Text und Bild sowie mit einem Glossar in 17 Sprachen behandelt werden. Das Buch präsentiert zudem den aktuellen Stand der Kachelofenforschung in der Schweiz und den Nachbarländern, die Herstellungstechnik von Ofenkacheln und das kulturgeschichtlich wichtige Thema der «Rekonstruktion». Daneben wird der Wert von Bildquellen und von Ofenmodellen diskutiert und die grösste Sammlung von Ofenmodellen in der Schweiz vorgestellt. Die umfangreiche Bebilderung macht das Buch auch für archäologisch und kulturhistorisch interessierte Laien im In- und Ausland sehr attraktiv. Im Gegensatz zur Keramik fehlte für die Ofenkeramik bisher eine überregionale Bearbeitung, ein «Leitfaden». Die vorliegende Publikation schliesst diese Lücke für den deutschsprachigen Raum.

All in all, c. 500 burials of the 1st millenium AD in northern and central Europe have yielded bear-related furnishings. This paper focuses on little more than a dozen bear-skin burials in parts of Norway and Sweden. The male and female graves are mainly of the inhumation type, richly furnished and of Migration period date.

"In Germanic, Baltic, Slavic languages, the indoeuropean 'bear' *rtksos was replaced by local circumlocutions using many words (such as "honey-eater") to describe the animal. It may be the trace of linguistic taboo occuring among the first indigenous peoples.  Only the circumlocution (and not the taboo)  was adopted by the Indo-European people, around 3000-1000 BC.

Avoidance of the term "bear" is thought to have also occurred in Basque regions because of a very old taboo. Basque is an isolate and pre-indoeuropean language. A celtic word (h)artz was borrowed between 600 BC and 600 AC to refer to the bear. Even today, the name of the bear will not be used and circumlocutions are preferably used by shepherds.

We hypothesize that the true name of the bear was under a taboo since Palaeolitic times in Europe. The Palaeolithic people draw attention to the ears of these dangerous animals in their representation, by placing a greater emphasis on the keen hearing of the animal that could hear them. Some bears were represented without eyes, wounded by spears and vomiting blood, or hybriding with others animals such as bisons."

In the Epic of Gilgamesh, the seduction of the wild man Enkidu by Shamhat the harlot symbolically causes his death as an unreflective animal and his rebirth as a human – an Eden-like fall into self-awareness. Created as a match for king Gilgamesh of Uruk, Enkidu goes on to become the king’s beloved friend. In European folk traditions, the Wild Man is interchangeable with the bear, and parallels can be drawn between Enkidu and the Candlemas Bear associated with Carnival. Since Enkidu symbolises our pre-human nature, one can perceive a figurative truth to the pan-European folk belief that people are descended from bears. Thematic overlaps exist between some Gilgamesh narratives and European folk-tales about a Wild Man whose father was a bear (the Bear’s Son / Jean de l’Ours motif) or about twin boys, one of whom was raised in the wild by a female bear (Valentine and Orson). Perhaps surprisingly, the roots of Santa Claus lie in the Wild Man. So too do the origins of Merlin, the wizard of medieval Arthurian romance. Merlin has elements in common with Enkidu, while King Arthur can be seen as a metaphorical “Bear’s son.” Over time, the status of the Wild Man has changed from a wholly inhuman monster to a “noble savage” who today might even be cast as a salvific eco-warrior.

This chapter examines the skylore of the indigenous peoples of northern Eurasia, paying particular attention to the commonalities found among them as well as the differences. Special attention is placed on the motif of the Cosmic Hunt and its diverse manifestations across the study area as well as on the oral nature of the celestial beliefs of these groups. The stars of a variety of "Western" constellation figures are implicated in the narratives and in some cases are clearly utilized in social practice for celestial navigation. The role played by the underlying hunter-gatherer mode of subsistence in shaping their cultural conceptualizations, their skyscapes and the overarching cosmology of these peoples is also addressed.

This paper addresses the symbolism of redoubtable beasts in princely heraldic badges of the late Middle Ages. It consists of three parts: first, a quantitative study of 894 heraldic badges dating from 1370 to 1520 which allows to apprehend the population and evolution of redoubtable beasts occurring in these badges; second, a series of four case-studies, namely Giangaleazzo Visconti’s leopard, Jean de Berry’s bear, Richard III’s boar and Louis XII’s porcupine, in order to shed light on the relationship between a prince and his emblematic animal; third, a study of the animal badges that can be found in the first modern treaty on heraldic badges, namely Paolo Giovio’s Dialogo dell’imprese militari e amorose (Rome: Antonio Barre, 1555), in order to discover the metamorphosis of the medieval heraldic badge into the early modern times.

В якутском языке наблюдается большое разнообразие лексем, обозначающих медведя.
Большая их часть появилась в результате феномена языкового табуирования. Из всего раз-
нообразия наименований медведя выявлено 30 слов-прямых названий, не являющихся
эвфемизмами. Таким образом, можно говорить о существовании в якутском языке эвфе-
мистических и прямых наименований медведя, среди последних выделяются названия,
данные по каким-то видовым, возрастным, половым особенностям.
Sakha Turkish has a great variety in terms of the vocabulary regarding “bear”. Most of them are
euphemistic names which were derived due to the beliefs about the bear. In this study, 30 noneuphemistic
words referring to the bear in Sakha Turkish were detected. We can classify the
vocabulary on non-euphemistic naming the bear as direct names referring to the bear, naming
the species of the bear and naming according to age and gender of the bear.
Keywords: Sakha (Yakut), bear, non-euphemistic name, euphemistic name, taboo, names,
vocabulary.