Atalanta

Women's mobility is central to understanding cultural constructions of gender. Regarding ancient cultures, including ancient Greece, a re-evaluation of women's mobility within the household and beyond it is currently taking place. This invites an informed analysis of female mobility in Greek myth, under the premise that myth may open a venue to social ideology and the imaginary.

Female Mobility and Gendered Space in Ancient Greek Myth offers the first comprehensive analysis of this topic. It presents close readings of ancient texts, engaging with feminist thought and the 'mobility turn'. A variety of Olympian goddesses and mortal heroines are explored, and the analysis of their myths follows specific chronological considerations. Female mobility is presented in quite diverse ways in myth, reflecting cultural flexibility in imagining mobile goddesses and heroines. At the same time, the out-of-doors spaces that mortal heroines inhabit seem to lack a public or civic quality, with the heroines being contained behind 'glass walls'. In this respect, myth seems to reproduce the cultural limitations of ancient Greek social ideology on mobility, inviting us to reflect not only on the limits of mythic imagination but also on the timelessness of Greek myth.

O presente trabalho tem por base o estudo do mito de Atalanta. Este estudo pretende examinar as fontes literárias de forma a estudar os costumes vigentes da Grécia antiga e de que modo este mito segue, ou não, estas normas. Para tal, numa primeira parte, irá tratar-se a figura de Atalanta nas diversas cenas mitológicas onde é mencionada: os jogos fúnebres em honra de Pélias, a caça ao javali de Cálidon, a sua participação na Argonáutica e, finalmente, na prova atlética contra Hipómenes, cujo intuito era a escapatória aos laços do casamento. A segunda parte deste trabalho dedica-se ao estudo cultural das suas aventuras, de maneira a perceber até que ponto Atalanta desafiou as normas e os costumes culturais da Grécia antiga.

Palavras-chave: Atalanta; mitologia; literatura; cultura.

http://200.20.0.39/helade/article/view/28047

Lo sport femminile era causa di attriti, nell'Italia fascista degli anni Trenta. Da una parte, esso veniva promosso dal regime, perché ragazze più sane sarebbero diventate un giorno madri più sane, in grado quindi di dar vita ai futuri soldati del Duce. Tuttavia una parte consistente della società italiana (capeggiata dai cattolici conservatori) si opponeva a tali pratiche, come ad es. le gare pubbliche femminili di atletica leggera e di nuoto. Alla fine del 1933 scoppiò una grave polemica sull'abbigliamento sportivo femminile-giudicato "immorale"-fra il giornale sportivo Il Littoriale (portavoce della politica sportiva del regime) e L'Osservatore Romano (quotidiano del Vaticano). Un aspetto interessante di tale polemica è l'uso di figure femminili sia storiche sia mitiche tratte dalla Classicità, quali Clelia, le Amazzoni, Atalanta e Nausicaa, sfruttate sia dai fascisti sia dei conservatori come archetipi della donna sportiva. Fra di esse, Nausicaa pare essere stata la più usata, perché più rispondente al modello fascista della donna nuova desiderata dal Fascismo: giovane, dotata di un corpo sano, pronta al suo destino "naturale" di madre. Il corpus testuale usato per l'analisi proposta è composto da articoli di giornale (quotidiani e riviste) e da un romanzo sportivo, con lo scopo di valutare la diffusione di questi archetipi nei mass media dell'epoca: se voleva imporre una nuova immagine della donna sportiva, il regime doveva infatti trovare qualche immagine femminile popolare, la cui comprensione risultasse facile per tutti.
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Women's sports were quite controversial in 1930s Fascist Italy. On the one hand, the regime promoted them: healthier girls would in time become healthier mothers, who would one day give birth to Mussolini's future soldiers. Yet a large part of Italian society, led by conservative Catholics, protested the most innovative activities, such as public athletics and swimming competitions. In 1933, a big controversy broke out between Il Littoriale (sports newspaper, mouthpiece of Fascist sports policy) and L'Osservatore Romano (Vatican newspaper) about "immoral" women's sportswear. An interesting feature of this controversy was the use, by both Fascists and conservatives, of Classical (both mythological and historical) women, such as Cloelia, the Amazons, Atalanta, and Nausicaa, cited as archetypical figures of sportswomen. Nausicaa seemed to be the most frequently used and diverse archetype, because she was better suited (more than Cloelia) to the Fascist vision of the future Italian donna nuova "new woman": she was young, she had a healthy body, she was ready to embrace her "natural" fate (being a mother). The corpus used for the analysis is composed by journalistic texts (newspapers and magazines) and a sports novel, in order to test the spread of these archetypes in 1930s mass media: in order to fix this new image of the sportswoman, the Fascist regime had to find some well-known female figures that could be easily admired by the Italian people.

El presente trabajo viene a enriquecer la fortuna editorial y la recepción crítica del poeta portugués afincado en la corte española Juan de Matos Fragoso (Alvito, 1609-Madrid, 1689). Más estudiado como autor dramático, su faceta lírica ha sido relegada a pesar de su considerable entidad. Al ocuparnos de «La Atalanta», rescatamos, en primer lugar, un texto no reeditado ni atendido hasta ahora desde su impresión en 1662. Por otra parte, aportamos su historia textual y recepcional así como las claves retóricas que podrían servir para su contextualización general en el canon del género de la fábula mitológica: gongorismo atenuado, teatralidad y moralización remozada.

It is noteworthy to focus on the myth of Iphiclus faster than wind. The topos of speed into the race is linked with an ephebic condition often countermarked by the refusal of the marriage, as many parallels such as Atalanta, Euphemus, Camilla clearly confirm. According to this myth, Iphiclus of Thessaly, the son of Philacus, is described as an astonishingly quick hero, running on the corn-ears without damaging them, as the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women (Fr. 62 MW) first states. This is a starting-point of a long-dating tradition coming to Callimachus’ elegy of Acontius and Cidyppe (Aet. III fr. 75, 44-49 Pf.) and Nonnus of Panopolis’ Catalogue of Corybantes (Dion. XXVIII 278-288), to say nothing of Maximus of Ephesus’ mention in his astrological poem (De auct. ausp. 422-424). Indeed, Euphemus running over the water with dry feet in Apollonius of Rhodes’ Catalogue (Arg. I 182-184), is a mirror figure to Iphiclus, as well as Vergil’s Camilla inheriting the quality of both mythical runners (Aen. 808-811). By examining our sources, it is possible to determine the value of this superhuman property, beyond any doubt a key-motif in many folk-tales, with undeniable Chthonic undertones. As far as Iphiclus is concerned, his sportsmanship is evidently counterbalanced by such a grievous disease as sterility. In sum, athletic prominence appears to be irreconcilable to sexual practice, as some explanations given by Dream-interpreter Artemidorus (Oneir. V 93) clearly attest. The topic of unequalled speed is, thus, to be focused within limits of a peculiar condition such as young people before final initiation into adulthood were awaited to embody.

Moral education in ancient Greece engaged in what I call a cultural conspiracy to promote aretē.  In order to understand how sport functioned in that system, we need to connect athletic practice with the cultural phenomena that surround it, including myth, ritual, song, dance, literature, and visual art.  We need, in short, to understand “The Ancient Greek Athletic Spirit,” and to do that we must articulate it in a way that applies across disciplines and over time.  I attempt this by describing a three-stage process linked to the terms athlete, athlos, and athlon. I argue that the process derives from the stories of heroes, and claim that athletic practice represents a ritual mimēsis of that process, which cultivates virtue through experiential learning.  I connect the process with the stories of Herakles and Atalanta, suggesting that prenuptial footraces for girls may well serve as an educational mimēsis of the heroine’s race with Hippomenēs.  I conclude with some reflections on the importance of competition in archaic philosophy, which lays the metaphysical foundation upon which the link among ethics, aesthetics, athletics is built.

Her name was Flavia Thalassia and she came from Ephesus. She won the stadion (200 meter footrace) for parthenoi at the Isolympic Sebasta Games in Naples during Domitian's reign in the late 1 st c. CE. The evidence is carved in stone and clear for all to see in the recently excavated victors' lists from the games. The existence of footraces for unmarried females is well-known in the history of Greek athletics, indeed the event at Olympia that came to be called the Heraia may have been founded simultaneously with men's events there. But Flavia's case, specifically the fact that she came all the way from Ephesus and had her name engraved in stone alongside the male victors, raises new questions about ancient female athletics. What was the social purpose of these races? What virtues did the athletes dis-play? And how were they imagined by the women who discussed them? I will attempt to explain the significance of Flavia's victory using mythology, iconography, history, literature, and philosophy. I will examine not only the Hellenic past of female footraces, but also their purpose in the context of the Roman Empire. Finally, I will comment on its significance for women's sports today.  Get ful text at this link https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/XYX5PRKPACQVZ94JTBMH/full?target=10.1080/17511321.2020.1756903

ABSTRACT Her name was Flavia Thalassia and she came from Ephesus. She won the stadion (200 meter footrace) for parthenoi at the Isolympic Sebasta Games in Naples during Domitian’s reign in the late 1st c. CE. The evidence is carved in stone and clear for all to see in the recently excavated victors’ lists from the games. The existence of footraces for unmarried females is well-known in the history of Greek athletics, indeed the event at Olympia that came to be called the Heraia may have been founded simultaneously with men’s events there. But Flavia’s case, specifically the fact that she came all the way from Ephesus and had her name engraved in stone alongside the male victors, raises new questions about ancient female athletics. What was the social purpose of these races? What virtues did the athletes display? And how were they imagined by the women who discussed them? I will attempt to explain the significance of Flavia’s victory using mythology, iconography, history, literature, and philosophy. I will examine not only the Hellenic past of female footraces, but also their purpose in the context of the Roman Empire. Finally, I will comment on its significance for women’s sports today.

"The Council of the European Union decided to extend the ATALANTA mandate geographically to include Somali coastal territory and internal waters on the 23rd of March 2012 in its Council Decision 2012/174/CFSP. This decision, which still needs the sanction of national parliaments to allow all ATALANTA forces to act accordingly, has been the subject of criticism ever since. This GGI Global Justice Briefing Paper examines some of the questions raised in this context. It adresses the challenges against the legality of the new mandate and arrives at the conclusion that it is, in fact, legal under international law with respect to Somali sovereignty and the applicable human rights law. The brief also comments on the strategic drawbacks of the widened mandate. Despite all of these shortcomings, the paper argues that the new mandate, if implemented carefully, will add to the toolbox of the ATALANTA forces a tool, which will prove to be useful in the struggle against Somali piracy. "

The Council of the European Union decided to extend the ATALANTA mandate geographically to include Somali coastal territory and internal waters on the 23rd of March 2012 in its Council Decision 2012/174/CFSP. This decision, which still needs the sanction of national parliaments to allow all ATALANTA forces to act accordingly, has been the subject of criticism ever since.

This GGI Global Justice Briefing Paper examines some of the questions raised in this context. It adresses the challenges against the legality of the new mandate and arrives at the conclusion that it is, in fact, legal under international law with respect to Somali sovereignty and the applicable human rights law.

The brief also comments on the strategic drawbacks of the widened mandate. Despite all of these shortcomings, the paper argues that the new mandate, if implemented carefully, will add to the toolbox of the ATALANTA forces a tool, which will prove to be useful in the struggle against Somali piracy.