Antimilitarism

On the fifth of december, 2015, acclaimed Studio Ghibli’s animation director Takahata Isao visited Okinawa University for a conference about the controversial issue of American bases’ relocation from Futenma to Henoko, the first being considered as the most dangerous military base for population in the world by its location in the middle of the city of Ginowan, the second being more remote but on an extremely precious and fragile natural site. And on July 13, 2015, Miyazaki Hayao attended a press conference in Tokyo, in which he urged the Abe’s government to follow the 70 years of Pacifist Constitution.
This events are not only an epiphenomenon among the waves of protestation and reflexion against the relocation, but the continuation of a coherent serie of act on behalf of the Studio Ghibli. Indeed, the commitment of the studio regarding militarism, environmentalism and other has not to be proven, but still, the Okinawan issue brought it to act in various way that are not to be seen only as intervention from popular personalities on political topics.
    Based on the idea that education is crucial and  decisive in the crafting process of positive peace, we might need to understand, first, that traditional school systems in liberal democracies, although supposed to be universal and emancipating, are not systematically teaching about peace and how to act and live accordingly (at the opposite of militarization as an unconscious process among daily life), but nevertheless, peace education is not something that must be achieved only by formal education, and other socialization forces tend to educate people in informal, and somehow less elitist ways. Studio Ghibli shown commitment to allude to and stand for pacifism, nature protection, but as well feminism or drifts of over consumption. And this, not by making pieces of works accordingly in the idea of educating people to those certain ideas, but by making pieces of culture that happened to be loved and educative at the the same time. It is an example of how important culture is to a peaceful and pacifist society, as a force of balance, equilibrium with various education waves;  such as journalists or researchers, artists take part in the work toward balanced society and weight of power. And this idea can be even more relevant since those artists are part of popular culture and thus, escape the issues of art and culture as being too hard to understand.
In a country like Japan where the “modern” society is characterized by an abundance and overload of popular culture all around, in a society of entertainment such as it is in the so called “developed” countries, the importance of popular culture pieces is not anodyne. Public opinion, and thus, civil society (or the sometimes the lack of civil society) is shaped by media and therefore, it is a tool and a mean from the government and this is why the opposite, free culture and art process, is so important to maintain peace and allow people to think by themselves and stand up for what is fair.
First, we are going to see how Studio ghibli took part in Okinawa issues, carrying on their past commitments concerning militarism and nationalism in Japan in more global ways. Then, we will try to understand why popular and visual culture in Japan is not insignificant in political issues, but on the contrary extremely significant as an idea shaping force. And finally, following these thoughts, we will tend to see how popular culture can educate and bloom pacifist behavior, through the works of Studio Ghibli not only by its public interventions but by its creative work.

Kaum eine andere politische Denkerin wurde derart verehrt und gehasst wie Rosa Luxemburg (1871–1919). Ihre Gedankenwelt ist geprägt von unbequemen Thesen, die aber einen Platz im Reich der Unvergänglichkeit gefunden haben und heute noch einen entscheidenden Einfluss ausüben; unter anderem auf Friedensdiskurse. Ihre bekannte, unbeugsame Kriegsgegnerschaft ist Gegenstand dieses Beitrages.
Genauer wird der Versuch unternommen, die Abwehr einer Militarisierung der Bildung − basierend auf Luxemburgischen und weiteren Theorien – mit Argumenten zu untermauern. Diese nimmt immer mehr zu, nachdem 2001 Frauen als Soldatinnen zugelassen sind und die Einberufung zum Grundwehrdienst 2011 ausgesetzt wurde, lässt sich kaum bezweifeln.
Anschließend werden Gedanken und Vorschläge für einen emanzipatorischen Bildungsansatz mit gesellschaftskritischen Zügen, wo der Mensch [Mensch sein ist vor allem die Hauptsache] im Mittelpunkt steht, präsentiert.
Johanna Panagiotou, Büchner Verlag

This article focuses on how Spanish Civil War was experienced and understood by those who in the previous years declared themselves pacifist or antimilitarist, mainly the pacifist movement around War Resisters´ International (WRI) and the antimilitarist and anarchist trade union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). In the article we will deal with the different ways in which this men and women analysed war reality, starting with the use of violence and the attitude towards the creation of an army, following with recruitment and finishing with the ideological repression in the rear guard. These perspectives will help us understand the militarization process occurred in in the Republican Side, the way war culture was present there and the strategies that sometimes were carried out to prevent some of its consequences.

La présence militaire américaine à Okinawa est un débat sensible au Japon. Dernièrement, ce débat s’est cristallisé autour du projet de construction controversé d’une nouvelle base à Henoko, dans la ville de Nago. Le but est de remplacer la base aérienne actuelle à Futenma, largement critiqué par la population et le gouvernement local. Bien que le retrait de la base de Futenma soit réclamé de longue date, son déménagement est tout autant contesté, la construction de la nouvelle base se faisant en plein dans une zone naturelle très fragile. A l’échelle locale, la population est majoritairement pour le retrait total des bases militaires à Okinawa, mais le débat est peu couvert par la presse du reste du Japon, et encore moins à l’international.
En juillet 2015, cette polémique a reçu le soutien du studio Ghibli, studio d’animation dont l’influence culturelle est très importante. Hayao Miyazaki, son réalisateur clé, a été annoncé coreprésentant officiel du Henoko Funds, organisation soutenant et finançant l’opposition à Okinawa. On peut y voir un épiphénomène dans la controverse. Cependant, le studio, déjà connu pour les thèmes pacifistes de ses œuvres et ses prises de paroles sur différents sujets sociétaux a permis une visibilité accrue du débat, sur le plan national comme international. Au-delà d’une simple prise de position par une personnalité, cet évènement peut être un exemple de la place de la culture populaire dans la société japonaise et son influence politique ou idéologique sur celle-ci.
La culture populaire japonaise peut témoigner du climat socio-politique. Mais au-delà de ce “rôle” de description de la réalité, c’est aussi une institution au sein de la société, et ce depuis ses origines. Le parti-pris de départ était d’étudier comment la culture populaire japonaise (en particulier manga et anime) permettait d’aborder ou décrivait certains sujets socio-politiques d’importance au Japon. Néanmoins, la singularité de la décision du Studio Ghibli de devenir porte-drapeau du soutien à Henoko change la problématique et permet d’aborder le sujet plus concrètement, et de se questionner sur la place des instances de culture populaire sur les débats politiques. Quelle importance sociale et politique peut-on donner au parti-pris du Studio Ghibli sur la question de Henoko ?
En étudiant le cas des bases américaines à Okinawa, à la confluence de différentes controverses représentatives de la politique au Japon aujourd’hui, il s’agit d’appréhender la pertinence et le sens de la culture populaire dans la société civile et le débat politique japonais. D’abord, nous verrons quels sont les enjeux actuels autour de la présence militaire à Okinawa. Ensuite, nous verrons comment le Studio Ghibli s’est impliqué contre la relocalisation de la base à Henoko. Enfin, nous verrons quelle pertinence il y a à étudier les dimensions politiques de la culture anime/manga au Japon.

La collaborazione tra Lucini e «Lacerba» è stata breve ma estremamente significativa, poiché la subitanea rottura lasciava presagire motivazioni profonde e radicate nelle distanze tra il poeta lariano e i "dogmi" futuristi.
Per rendersi conto con precisione delle ragioni dell'incontro-scontro sono stati esaminati i testi e gli epistolari dei protagonisti di quella stagione letteraria, compreso materiale manoscritto.
Il percorso ha evidenziato le profonde differenze ideologiche maturate tra Lucini e la redazione della rivista fiorentina, cresciute in maniera direttamente proporzionale all'avvicinamento della stessa all'ambiente del neonato Futurismo di Filippo Tommaso Marinetti.

Este artículo pretende analizar cómo vivieron y comprendieron la realidad de la Guerra Civil española quienes ya desde antes de su inicio se declaraban pacifistas y / o antimilitaristas, principalmente en torno a la Internacional de Resistentes a la Guerra (War Resisters´ International, WRI) y a la Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). A lo largo del texto presentaremos las diferentes maneras en las que estos hombres y mujeres analizaron varios de los aspectos de la realidad de la guerra, como el mismo uso de la violencia, la creación de un ejército, el reclutamiento obligatorio o la represión ideológica de retaguardia. Estas perspectivas nos ayudarán a entender mejor el proceso de militarización en la zona leal a la República, la presencia creciente de una cultura de guerra y las estrategias que a veces se pusieron en práctica para mitigar algunas de sus consecuencias

This article engages with questions of the integration of different scales of analysis in the study of labour and radical movements: ‘transnational’, ‘national’ and ‘local’ or ‘trans-local’. The article places the study of transnational anarchism in a ‘national’ and ‘trans-local’ perspective. The analysis of the intersection between the networks of those who migrated from Italy and those who remained provides a fruitful means to uncover dynamics within the transnational anarchist movement and the interplay, in both directions, between home country, exile communities and host countries. The article focuses on the crucial, but still unexplored, contributions of communities of Italian anarchists abroad (in, among other places, London, Paris, Berne, Marseille, Barre and Buenos Aires) to the anti-militarist campaigns against the Italian colonial enterprise in Libya from 1911 to 1914, in terms of propaganda, theoretical debate, financing and countercultural production. The investigation of the initiatives of anarchist exiles and how they coordinated with their comrades in Italy provides a significant case study, not only to understand network-based transnational anarchism but also to reflect on mechanisms of political migration and their influence on the development of social conflicts.

The study presents the activity of the Galilei Circle duringt the First World War. The circle was a student association created in 1908. It was a radical left answer to the National Christian provocations in the framework of the Kulturkampf in the Hungarian universities. During the Great War the circle organized antimilitarist demonstrations, the activists took conferences. In March 1919 the Galilei Circl ceased to existe as organisation, but the activists took part in the short lived Hungarian Soviet Republic.

La casa editrice Biblion ha ultimamente pubblicato due volumi sulla storia dell'anarchismo negli anni precedenti alla prima guerra mondiale. "Nel fosco fin del secolo morente. L'anarchismo italiano nella crisi di fine secolo", uscito nel 2013, raccoglieva gli atti di un convegno tenuto a Carrara il 29 ottobre del 2011 e dedicato alla “riflessione su significati, interpretazioni storiografiche e ruolo svolto dal movimento anarchico nel periodo della lunga transizione politica e culturale dell'Italia verso il Novecento”, come scriveva nell'introduzione Giorgio Sacchetti. Il secondo volume è invece fresco di pubblicazione: si tratta di "Pagine anarchiche. Pëtr Kropotkin e il mensile "Freedom” (1886-1914)" (Milano, 2015, pp. 212, € 16,00) di Selva Varengo (...)

The article deals with the representations of the military in liberal Italy and the role of iconic language in the military and antimilitarist propaganda in peacetime. Paintings, postcards and illustrated magazines – both military and civilian – will be analyzed in order to reconstruct the “war of representation” between antimilitarist media and those who were ideologically close to the Ministry of War between Italian unification and the eve of the Great War. Special attention will be paid to the key-figure of the draftee. Auto-representations and etero-representations of conscripts will be examined in order to explain the evolution of the image of the military conscription, and also to compare the conflicting representations promoted by the military authorities and enemies of the national standing army (Republicans, Socialists, Anarchists, the supporters of the “nation in arms”) shortly after unification, in the 1870s-1880s and in the crisis of the 1890s.

Turkey and Israel project two distinct military regimes which construct gender and sexuality in specific ways as part of their respective security agendas. Despite the differences, however, both entitle women and LGBTQs to certain exemptions from the military service, and in doing so silence their antimilitarist activism. Women and LGBTQs counter this process through their acts of conscientious objection, through which they claim a voice in matters of militarism, security and war. While doing so, however, they reproduce a dichotomous conceptualisation of silence and voice, which falls short of explaining their agency as well as its outcomes. Drawing on a comparative analysis, I argue that a more nuanced understanding of agency necessitates deconstructing the dichotomy between silence and voice, each of which may have multiple meanings, connotations and consequences. Whereas silent acts of grey objection do not always point to a lack of agency and resistance, or domination, and may indeed create change; voice and visibility that follow their declared acts of objection may entail costs and loss of agency, in that not only does it come at the expense of the masculinisation/militarisation of their acts but may also result in the immediate deterioration of their rights to refuse.

The publication of the book Los quintos (The conscripts), which gathers articles written by several ethnographers and specialists, provides an excuse for analysing the role of tradition and change in Spanish society during the last two decades. One of the consequences of such changes was the cancellation of obligatory military conscription, after some intense campaigns of protest and civil disobedience, particularly by the Spanish youth.

Il Pellicano - Fonti e testi della storia del cristianesimo ----- Pubblicato nel 1905, questo libro resta ancora oggi un riferimento insostituibile per capire come le prime generazioni cristiane hanno affrontato il tema della guerra e del servizio militare. Dallo studio emergono due tendenze che seguiranno nel corso della storia, ben oltre i primi secoli del cristianesimo, strade diverse e talvolta contrapposte. Il servizio militare, pur nella varietà delle tipologie dell’esercito imperiale, verrà ad un tempo accettato e rifiutato mentre il linguaggio militare utilizzato già da Paolo e ripreso dai Padri come vero topos letterario finirà per esercitare un influsso che produrrà progressivamente assuefazione al servizio militare mentre la spirituale milizia di Cristo diverrà, a partire dall’epoca costantiniana, una concreta milizia nell’esercito dell’imperatore. È dunque in questi primi secoli che il cristianesimo passa progressivamente da religione di pace ad una forma di militanza che prevederà in nome di Cristo l’uso delle armi e della violenza sotto le insegne del papa, dell’imperatore o del potere politico cristianamente devoto.

National identities and dynamics of power in Kuroshima Denji’s fiction

The works of Kuroshima Denji (1898-1943) are usually divided into two main groups. On the one hand the works of nōminbungaku (rural literature), written by Kuroshima from 1925, which granted him the acknowledgment and the appraisal of the literary establishment. On the other hand the short stories based on the author’s experience as a soldier during the Siberian Intervention (1918–1922), filled with antimilitarism. However, this subdivision does not take into account a series of works written between 1929 and 1932 and set in the mainland (China, Korea, Manchuria).
In this paper I analyze comparatively these works by Kuroshima and his Siberian stories, focusing on the issue of otherness and elucidating their founding ideology. This will prove that the former series, which we can refer to as “China stories”, is an intentional development of the latter, endowed with its own consistency and underlying literary and political outlook.

The article is an analysis of the five most distinctive public mobilisations in the Czech Republic in the past 20 years. The analysis builds on two key debates regarding post-communist civil society (civil vs. uncivil society and transactional vs. participatory activism) and also on an analysis of Czech nationalism by the anthropologist Ladislav Holý. In the empirical part, it looks at the image of the nation and civil society in the cases of the movement against the opposition agreement (Thank You, Now Go, and Czech Television – A Public Affair), the movement against the American radar base, the anti-austerity protest movement, the anti-Roma protests and the islamophobic movement. The self-conception of the movements is complemented by an analysis of the images of them that were held by their opponents. The article points to the vague and indefinite nature of Czech national identity, and the fact that in the past two decades, it has been markedly connected with the image of the West and a relatively low significance of class. It also shows that " NGO-ised " transactional activism has become the subject of hostile rhetoric which may rely on the legitimacy deficit that this type of activism has. However, it concludes that to a certain extent, it shares this type of deficit with another type of civic activism; in the case of participatory activism, it identifies a dilemma between the polarisation of society and political ineffectiveness.

COVER BLURB:

New Zealanders, while generally peaceable and tolerant people, have seldom shied away from war. Even in the current era, Anzac Day is a major event here, and the haka performed by our national rugby team is one of our most recognisable cultural exports. But throughout New Zealand’s history there have also been frequent efforts to oppose war and promote peace, and these have often drawn upon traditions within the Christian faith. New Zealand Christians were not uniformly or impeccably peaceable; pacifists were usually either a minority in the more established churches, or members of smaller denominations that were firmly anti-war, such as the Quakers. It took strong convictions and a good deal of bravery to question war in the face of majority opinion. Those ‘saints’ who pushed for peace were invariably stirrers. This book focuses on Christian peacemaking and opposition to war in the period from the nineteenth century until the end of the Second World War. It provides critical insights into New Zealand Christianity, as well as peace activism, politics, and New Zealand society more generally.

CONTENTS:

1. Christianity, Peace and Opposition to War | GEOFFREY TROUGHTON

2. Samuel Marsden and the Origins of a Christian Peace Tradition in New Zealand | GEOFFREY TROUGHTON

3. Te Waharoa’s War and Missionary Visions of Peace | PETER LINEHAM

4. Te Mānihera, Kereopa and Christian Peacemaking among Māori | STUART LANGE

5. A Peaceable Puritan? Rutherford Waddell and God’s Own Country | JOHN STENHOUSE

6. Comrades in Arms: Germany, the War Cry and the Salvation Army during the Great War | HAROLD HILL

7. Under the Surface: Archibald Baxter’s Christian Faith | DAVID TOMBS

8. Compulsion or Conscience: Alun Richards and Opposition to Compulsory Military Training, 1927–1930 | ALLAN K. DAVIDSON

9. Sects and War in New Zealand | PETER LINEHAM

10. Adventist Conscientious Co-operators and Jehovah’s Witness Neutrals in New Zealand during the Second World War | PETER H. BALLIS

11. The Reverend Ormond Burton and his Antagonists during the Second World War | DAVID GRANT

Politik özne olmak, sesini duymayı, çıkarmayı ve duyurmayı gerektirdiği ölçüde, sistemik olarak şiddete maruz kalan kadınlar ve cinsel azınlıklar için birçok açmaza rağmen gerçekleşen bir süreç. Sessizliğin kırılması bir yandan politik faillik için önemli bir taktik iken bir yandan da çeşitli şiddet biçimlerini doğurarak bu failliğin kısıtlanma potansiyelini taşıyor. Makale, Türkiye ve İsrail'deki savaş karşıtı, antimilitarist kadın ve LGBTQ aktivistlerin söylem, pratik ve eylemlerinin karşılaştırmalı bir analizini yaparak, bu açmazı tartışmayı ve böylece ses ve sessizliğin şiddetten hayatta kalan kesimlerin politik faillikleri için ne anlama geldiğini sorgulamayı hedeflemektedir. Her iki kategorinin de birden fazla politik anlam, ifade ve etkisinin olduğunu ve farklı aktörlerin farklı amaçlar ile performe ettikleri eylemlerin toplumsal, politik ve hukuki dönüşümde kilit rol oynadığını savunmaktadır. Bu bakımdan, sosyal hareketlerde ses ve sessizliğin olasılık ve sınırlarının öznelerin bulundukları bağlam ve tarihsellik içerisinde değerlendirilmesi gerekir Politik özne olmanın sistemik şiddete maruz kalan kadınlar ve cinsel azınlıklar için hayli sancılı bir süreç olduğu birçok feminist çalışmada vurgulanan bir olgudur. Araştırmacılar tarihsel olarak kurbanlaştırılan bu grupların cinsel şiddet deneyimlerini anlamlandırmasının, tanıklıklarını söze dökmesinin ve gündelik yaşamları ile sistemik güç ilişkileri arasında bağlantı kurmasının imtiyaz sahibi gruplara kıyasla daha güç olduğunun altını çizer. Üstelik politik özne olmak sesin keşfedilmesi kadar kamusallaşmasını da gerektirdiği ölçüde, önemsenmeme, hak ihlalleri, güvencesizlik ya da ölüm gibi çeşitli şiddet türlerine de yol açabilir. Bu bağlamda kadınların ve cinsel azınlıkların eril, patriarkal ve heteronormatif yapılarla mücadelesinde bir açmazla karşılaştığını söyleyebiliriz: Sessizliğin kırılması bir yandan politik faillik için önemli bir taktik iken bir yandan da bu failliğin kısıtlanma potansiyelini taşımaktadır. Bu çıkmazı tartışmaya açmanın toplumsal dönüşümü yeniden kavramsallaştırmamızı ve aktivizmin olasılıklarını ve limitlerini sorgulamamızı sağlaması bakımından önemli olduğunu düşünüyorum. Bunun için, bu tartışmaya ilginç bir zemin oluşturduğunu düşündüğüm, Türkiye ve İsrail'deki savaş karşıtı hareketin feminist ve queer tezahürlerinin karşılaştırmalı bir analizini yapacağım. Nitekim savaş, militarizm ve şiddetin süreklileştiği ve normalleştiği, bölgesel çatışmaların derinlemesine nüfuz ettiği her iki ülkede de savaş karşıtı kadın ve LGBTQ'lar yukarıda belirtilen açmazla karşılaşmaktadır ve aktivistlerin ses, sessizlik ve politik özne olma arasında kurduğu ilişki bu paradoksu pekiştirmektedir. Diğer taraftan, bu grupların söylem, pratik ve eylemlerinin farklı bir okuması

El objetivo principal de este estudio es conocer las relaciones de la desobediencia civil con la democracia, como forma de acción no institucional utilizada por los movimientos sociales, y sus aportaciones —extensivas e intensivas— al proceso de democratización en diferentes niveles de democracia. La desobediencia civil es una forma de participación no institucional pacífica utilizada en diferentes movilizaciones sociales cuya presencia se ha hecho patente cada vez más en nuestra sociedad, pasando a formar parte de nuestras prácticas y nuestro vocabulario político. Las formas de acción como ésta son algo fundamental para la comprensión de los movimientos sociales y de su incidencia en la sociedad y, en concreto, en las instituciones, procedimientos, fines y valores de la democracia. Al cuestionar leyes, organismos o decisiones públicos, y al poner de manifiesto que este régimen político depende de la colaboración de la ciudadanía con las normas y políticas que exigen su obediencia o participación necesaria, la desobediencia civil puede funcionar como uno de los instrumentos activos de perfeccionamiento democrático. El análisis se centra en la insumisión y la deserción pública al servicio militar y al Ejército español de los años noventa —siempre acompañadas en la descripción de otras desobediencias— y en su contexto de acción, histórico y actual, mediante el estudio de las interconexiones entre individuos, grupos y organizaciones de tres esferas sociales: la gubernamental, el campo de la Defensa militar y la sociedad civil. Para ello, se combinan diferentes perspectivas de la sociología, la ciencia política y los estudios de la democracia junto con las teorías de la desobediencia civil y de los movimientos sociales. La multidimensionalidad y complejidad del objeto de estudio y de los puntos de vista teóricos sobre el mismo se aborda mediante la complementación de diferentes dimensiones de observación de los impactos de la acción colectiva antimilitarista —recursos organizativos, culturales, redes de la movilización, recursos sociopolíticos, impacto mediático, cambios valorativos e identitarios, estudio de la estructura de oportunidad política— que se exponen siguiendo las dimensiones de la praxis cognitiva: cosmológica —qué dicen los promotores de la desobediencia, sus definiciones, sus valores—, tecnológica —qué hacen y cómo— y organizacional —a quiénes movilizan. A estos componentes de la acción colectiva se añaden los recursos y los factores externos que inciden en la misma. Posteriormente, se compilan los resultados de la investigación en diferentes niveles de democracia —liberal representativo, comunicativo pluralista y participativo radical— en los que se muestran las aportaciones de las resistencias civiles en las dimensiones —estratégica, técnica, asociativa y valorativa— de cada modelo. Como conclusión se observa que la desobediencia civil es legítima y compatible con la democracia. Pero, además, pone de manifiesto la relación dialéctica entre legalidad y legitimidad, pudiendo entenderse como una opción de participación ciudadana en la formación de la voluntad política, como forma de realizar la democracia y como tentativa de perfeccionarla en diversas variantes y dimensiones, ampliando e intensificando el proceso de democratización. Esta práctica replantea las bases y desmitifica los métodos representación tradicionales —como la regla de la mayoría— en cuanto procedimiento corrector de su uso extralimitado, mostrando que ante injusticias manifiestas o la violación de los derechos básicos por el poder —legítimo en la forma o no— la pasividad de los ciudadanos no es neutral. Por ello, defiende y construye la democracia abriendo nuevos cauces y potenciando la participación, complementando y ampliando las fórmulas de intervención ciudadana que impulsan los conflictos sociales hasta el corazón del sistema político.

Civil disobedience is a non institutional and peaceful way used for different social movements whose presence has become increasingly evident in our society, becoming part of our practices and our political vocabulary. The analysis focuses on non-submission and public desertion of military service and the Spanish Army of the nineties -always accompanied by other acts of disobedience in the description- and in its historical and current context of action, by studying the interconnections between individuals and social organizations in three areas: the government, the Defense military and civil society. This is done by combining different perspectives of sociology, political science and democracy studies with theories of disobedience and social movements. The multidimensionality and complexity of the subject matter is addressed by complementation about different dimensions of observation of the impacts in collective action: organizational and cultural resources, mobilizing networks, socio-political resources, media impact, identity and value change and identity and the study political opportunity structure. Then, the results of research are compiled in different levels of democracy-liberal representative, pluralistic communication and radical participatory- showing the contributions of civil resistance in the dimensions -strategic, technical associative and evaluative- of each model. In conclusion, we can say that civil disobedience is legitimate and compatible with democracy. But further questioning laws, institutions and public decision and highlight the dialectical relation between legality and legitimacy, stresses that this political system depends on the cooperation of the public regarding the rules and policies that require their obedience or necessary participation. That’s why, it can be understood as an option for citizen participation in the formation of political will, as one of the active instruments of realization of democracy and as an attempt to perfect it in different variations and sizes, expanding and intensifying the process of democratization.

Conscientious objection as an anti-militarist battle: The Radical Party from the Sixties up to 1972

This essay aims to analyse the main attitudes and concepts underlying the anti-militarism of the “new” Radical Party (Pr) and to outline the reasons that led the radicals to embrace conscientious objection as a political objective.
In the years 1961-1968 the radical Left elaborated its own anti-militarist position, picking up reflections and concepts from Anglo-Saxon anti-nuclearism and from Italian pacifism. They aimed to overcome the positions of national neutralism in favour of a bilateral plan for conventional and atomic disarmament in Europe.
At the end of the Sixties, the battle for the legal recognition of conscientious objection became a qualifying feature of the Pr. The Radicals identified the refusal to serve in the army as a fundamental right of the individual. A right that would have powerfully contributed to the disruption of military structures and then to the dismantling of the “regime”. The Radicals played a crucial role first in making such issue a salient one for the general public and in pressing the Italian Parliament to approve the conscientious objection law (Law 772) in 1972.

Öffentlich kaum wahrgenommen schreitet die Veralltäglichung des Militärischen und des Krieges voran. Der Begriff »Banal Militarism« lenkt die Aufmerksamkeit auf unspektakuläre Prozesse, die von den AutorInnen des Bandes anhand historischer wie aktueller Beispiele der Repräsentation, der Inszenierung und Aneignung des Militärischen in Literatur, Theater, Kino, (Computer-)Spiel, Mode sowie in der Presse und im Alltagsleben analysiert werden. Solche Phänomene in ihrer Wirkungsmächtigkeit auf politische Kultur zu thematisieren, theoretisch zu reflektieren und als bedeutsames Forschungsfeld zu konturieren, ist das zentrale Anliegen des Bandes.

Değişim isteyen sosyal hareketler tarih boyunca zaman zaman şarkılara müracaat etmişler ve böylece hareket mensupları arasında düşünce birliğinin ötesinde duygusal birliktelik de yaratmaya çalışmışlardır. Yazıda protesto müziği denilen genre’ın diğer hareketler dışarıda bırakılarak sadece savaş karşıtı eylemlerdeki rolü üzerinde durulmuştur. İzci şarkıları her ülkenin kendi dilinde izcilere öğretilirken yıllık jamboree’lerde bir araya gelen izciler melodisi ortak olan şarkıları kendi dillerinde söylerken duygusal bir birliktelik hissedebilmektedirler. Küreselleşen dünyada İngilizce’nin de yaygınlaşmasıyla birlikte değişik ülkelerin farklı sivil toplum kuruluşlarının ortak şarkılar vasıtasıyla küresel sivil toplumu meydana getirebilmeleri ihtimali olduğu vurgulanmıştır.

Cruel hunting for draftees at the streets is a common practice of brutal enforcement of conscription in Ukraine. Conscientious objection is practically forbidden. Near 17 000 of people punished the last five years for avoiding military service. Petitions to the president Zelensky calling to abolish conscription gathered more than 10 000 signatures.

Obligatory military service for the poorest classes of the population was introduced in the territory of what was then the Austrian Empire in 1781. After 1868 there was general conscription. Groups that objected to military service in the period before 1989 in the former Czechoslovakia were: 1) conscientious objectors for religious reasons; 2) ethical-moral objectors; 3) national-political and anti-regime objectors. For the majority of religious believers, the objection to military service was purely a private matter, not supported either by the church or fellow believers. Only among Nazarenes (but only before 1939) and Jehovah's Witnesses was it one of the basic creeds of faith. Unity played an important role in this, for instance during World War II when individual believers of an adhering denomination could strengthen one another in their conviction. After 1867 state authorities constitutionally protected freedom of conscience and belief, but for the most part this requirement was ignored. The Austro-Hungarian Empire punished conscientious objectors very harshly, but toward the Nazarenes they did in the end show a certain leniency. The First Republic of Czechoslovakia (1918–1938) began with a refusal to investigate the motives of objectors and even punished seditious critics of conscription with imprisonment. Courts acted at variance with the principle of ne bis in idem. At the same time, however, it enabled a wide public discussion on the usefulness of general conscription, thus demonstrating itself to be a functioning, pluralist democracy. With the establishment of the communist system (1948) the conditions prevailing before 1867 were renewed in some respects, but of course general conscription was imposed without alternatives.

Tekst razmatra mogućnost uspostavljanja i održanja alternativnih zajednica, uzevši za primer Žensku mirovnu koaliciju nastalu između Mreže žena Kosova i mreže Žena u
crnom. Osnovno pitanje od kojeg se u tekstu polazi jeste da li su moguće zajednice koje nadilaze identitetsku pripadnost i kako se one odnose prema „zajednicama“ koje su određene teritorijalnošću, nacijom (ili nacionalnom državom), kao i prema articijelnim i simboličkim nadnacionalnim telima, ovde zahvaćenim pojmom međunarodne zajednice. Osnovni cilj je ispitivanje političkog potencijala zajednice koja hoće da počiva
na logici mira i odbacivanju logike poseda (pod sloganom „ljudi, ne teritorije“). Zajednica aktivistkinja ostvarena u formi Ženske mirovne koalicije deniše se kao zajednica rasposedovanih, a ovaj se pojam razvija na tragu tekstova Džudit Batler i Atene Atanasiu. Taj pregnantni lozofski koncept uvodi se da bi se na drugačiji način prišlo kontekstu ambivalentne, podeljene, razdelovljene države i dugo tinjajućeg rata.