Ancient Argos

On the occasion of Kynouria and in order to achieve the protection and projection of antiquities, a web-based model is proposed for highlighting individual monuments and archaeological sites, having in mind the historical and archaeological evidence of the region, the topography, the demographic profile and the tourist infrastructure, and combining them with the development programs for cultural routes. Therefore, creating suitable databases and mapping the monuments in the area are key prerequisites of the process, as they contribute to an objective assessment of the current situation and then to make rational decisions. In this frame, modern technology provides some important planning tools (GIS, GPS, and OMS) which allow recording and mapping of data, viewing the relationships between them in the area where they appear and managing their projection. The complete study of Kynouria’s archaeological routes contains the implementation of a website using free or open-source soft...

This article makes use of recently published graves to offer the first synthetic analysis of the typology and topography of Spartan burials that is founded on archaeological evidence. Our knowledge of Spartan burial practices has long been based almost entirely on textual sources – excavations conducted in Sparta between 1906 and 1994 uncovered fewer than 20 pre-Roman graves. The absence of pre-Roman cemeteries led scholars to conclude that, as long as the Lycurgan customs were in effect, all burials in Sparta were intracommunal and that few tombs had been found because they had been destroyed by later building activity. Burial practices have, as a result, been seen as one of many ways in which Sparta was an outlier. The aforementioned recently published graves offer a different picture of Spartan burial practices. It is now clear that there was at least one extracommunal cemetery in the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. What would normally be described as extramural burials did, therefore, take place, but intracommunal burials of adults continued to be made in Sparta throughout the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. Those burials were concentrated along important roads and on the slopes of hills. The emergent understanding of Spartan burial practices takes on added significance when placed in a wider context. Burial practices in Sparta align closely with those found in Argos and Corinth. Indeed, burial practices in Sparta, rather than being exceptional, are notably similar to those of its most important Peloponnesian neighbours; a key issue is that in all three poleis intracommunal burials continued to take place through the Hellenistic period. The finding that adults were buried both extracommunally and intracommunally in Sparta, Argos and Corinth after the Geometric period calls into question the standard narrative of the development of Greek burial practices in the post-Mycenaean period.

Note: This article has two parts: main text and supplementary materials (appendices listing of burials in Sparta, available here and on the ABSA website).

The paper reflects on the relationship between the respective oligarchies of Corinth and Argos and proposes a theory to explain the events that connected the two cities between 392 and 386 BC. The analysis, including the lead up to and consequences of the coups of Argos (418 BC) and Corinth (392 BC), starts with the Battle of Sepeia in (494 BC) to end with the cessation of oligarchical rule in both cities in 370 BC. With the context in place, the paper reviews the political rationale behind the isopoliteia between the Argives and Corinthians from a pragmatic, as opposed to ideological, standpoint.

The aim of this paper is to provide an insight into the argive pottery and koroplastic production of the Archaic to the Hellenistic periods that can be associated with votive practices. Focus is on evidence found during rescue excavations mainly in Argos and the Argive chora. It is not attempted here to provide a detailed account of the material found, but rather a thematic approach on a specific number of vases and koroplastic artifacts that appear to have been votive in character (anathemata). Such a treatment contributes to our knowledge of the Argive pottery and koroplastic production, while at the same time contributes to our understanding of how various messages and meanings conveyed by the se anathemata may or may not been preserved, or modified through time.

It is usually assumed that the festival of the Gymnopaidiai is linked with the battle of Hysiai, because according to ancient traditions the festival was founded in the year 668BC and the battle was fought in the previous year. The aim of this paper is to show that this link is wrong: none of the ancient sources on the Gymnopaidiai mentions Hysiai, whereas another battle is cited, that fought in Thyrea. The traditional belief in the link between the Gymnopaidiai and Hysiai is the consequence of a superficial reading of a passage of Sosibius (in Ath. 15.678b-c), writing in the 3rd or in the 2nd century BC. The text is highly problematic, but the questions on which this paper will focus are: how many festivals are involved? What are the connections between the choruses and the festivals? And most importantly: what battles are mentioned by Sosibius? In which battle did the dead commemorated during these festivals fall? Tackling these issues, in the first part of the paper I will question the historicity of the battle of Hysiai; in the second part I will try to distinguish different festivals in the passage of Sosibius; in the third part I will try to identify which battle of Thyrea is referred to by Sosibius and to understand if it is the same battle mentioned by a not at all negligible lexicographical tradition.

The Heraion of Argos was the most important sanctuary in Peloponnese dedicated to Hera. It is built over artificial terraces on the southern slopes of Mount Eubea with a commanding view on the Argolid plain. This is the report of my visit in the Heraion in September 2017. Paying the necessary tribute to the historical-archaeological knowledge, I try at the same time to say the "sense" of this unique sacred place.

What could the pottery tell us about the history of Argos
during the Classical and Hellenistic periods ? A presentation of pottery assemblages from the Aspis hill and from the Agora

Recent research has been made on Classical and Hellenistic pottery assemblages discovered in excavations conducted by the École française d’Athènes in two different areas of the ancient town of Argos.
On the Aspis hill, Wilhelm Vollgraff, Gilles Touchais and Sylvian Fachard uncovered from 1902 to 2015 a large amount of pottery, dating back mostly to the Late Classical and to the Early Hellenistic periods. Its study by Guy Ackermann provides a better understanding of its occupation in terms of chronology and occupations of its inhabitants.
On the Agora, Anne-Sophie Martz just began the study of the pottery found in the area of the two large stoai: the North Stoa (excavations and study by Anne Pariente, since 1985) and the Stoa P par (excavations by Marcel Piérart and Jean-Paul Thalmann, between 1974 and 1991). The material already shows very exciting features and gives us new information on the chronology of the Agora, on the public and commercial activities of this area, on the local productions and on the pottery imports in Argos.

Abstract:
Clay spools are ubiquitous in many regions of the ancient Greek world, being associated by archaeologists most often with textile crafts. This category of tools is controversial because the functionality of the ancient spool-shaped objects made of clay is still highly debated among scholars. Despite the large numbers of spools dating to the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods recovered from archaeological sites in Elis (e.g. Olympia, Elean Pylos, Makrysia) and in other regions of Peloponnese, as it is the Argolid and Corinthia, these objects have received much less attention than their Bronze Age counterparts. As a consequence, relatively little is understood about their modes of production, geographical distribution and functionality. This paper investigates a trait observed on the waist of several of the ancient spools from Elis and examines an ancient production technique of spools that remains quasi-unknown in the field of archaeological textiles: the moulding of spools.
Keywords: Clay spools, Textile tools, Peloponnese, Olympia, Elean, Pylos, Bivalve mould, Spool-shaped loom weights.

Resumen: Los carretes de arcilla están presentes en muchas regiones de la Antigua Grecia, siendo lo más habitual que se vinculen con la artesanía textil. No obstante, esta clase de artefactos no está libre de controversia, pues la funcionalidad de los objetos de
arcilla que adquieren esta forma de carrete es ampliamente debatida por parte de la investigación. A pesar de las grandes cantidades de carretes fechables en época arcaica, clásica y helenística que se han recuperado en varios yacimientos de la región de la Élide
(por ejemplo, en Olimpia, Elea, Pilos o Macrisia) y en otras zonas de Grecia, como la Argólide y la región de Corinto, estos objetos han recibido mucha menor atención que sus homólogos de la Edad del Bronce. Consecuentemente, es muy poco lo queue se sabe acerca de sus sistemas de producción, su distribución geográfica o su funcionalidad. Este trabajo se centra en una característica observada en varios de los antiguos carretes de la Élide y estudia una antigua técnica de producción que sigue siendo casi desconocida en el campo de las herramientas textiles en la Antigüedad: el uso de moldes para fabricarlos.
Palabras-clave: Carretes cerámicos; Herramientas textiles; Peloponeso; Olimpia; Elea; Pilos; Moldes bivalvos; Pesas de telar en forma de carrete.

Lying between Argolis and Laconia, Kynouria was for centuries the cause of epic conflicts between the Argives and the Lacedaemonians. The epic Battle of the Champions in 546 BC won it for Sparta until 338 BC, when the intervention of Philip II returned it to the Argives. Despite these centuries of annexation to those states, their cults seem to have influenced rather than determined its own. This paper assembles the available information about the sanctuaries known to date in Kynouria and makes the first presentation of a newly-found one.

This article is the outcome of an attempt to collect information present in Greek and Latin literary sources pertaining to ancient Argos and the actions of the Argives between the periods of the Invasion of the Dorians to the Late Antiquity. The material herein cited covers the fields of social, political, institutional and military history and is organised alphabetically by author. The aim of this study, apart from being a contribution to the city's history, is to offer an easy way for researchers to approach the history of the ancient Argives.

This article deals with the finds from a cist grave which is located in the bed of the River Xerias at Argos. The grave was in use during the fourth century BC for multiple burials, a usual practice for Argive cemeteries. The burials are presented in chronological order based on the interpretation of the excavation data and the chronology of the pottery. The finds from the grave reveal hitherto unknown burial practices at Argos; however, our limited knowledge on the cemeteries of the Late Classical period impedes assessment of them. The study of the vases from the tomb illuminates the otherwise unknown makeup of the local workshops in the fourth century BC, where influences from abroad coexist harmoniously alongside experimentation and novelty.

The conquest of Messenia by Sparta and the reduction of its people to the status of helots was not a unique, 'anomalous', phenomenon as has often been thought. Similar conquests by other states had been undone again by the start of the classical period and were accordingly barely remembered by our sources, but we have just enough evidence to reconstruct an outline of their history. The period 650-550 BC was one in which wars of territorial conquest were common across the Greek world, and Sparta's wars were mere the most lastingly successful.  How such conquests might have been achieved is illustrated by a comparison with the mechanisms of conquest by the Spanish in the Americas.

This article is the editio princeps of a new fragment of the well-known Athenian funerary monument for the Argive casualties of the battle of Tanagra in 458 or 457 B.C. (IG I3 1149). The authors discuss onomastic and linguistic questions raised by the text, and propose a new reconstruction of the monument as a whole. They also offer a fresh historical interpretation of the monument within the ideological context of the First Peloponnesian War and the Athenian alliance with Argos, as reflected in the Eumenides of Aeschylus, which was produced shortly before the battle.

O αρχαιότατος οδηγός ναυσιπλοΐας της  Μεσογείου, δηλαδή η «Οδύσσεια» , αποκαλύπτει δια του επεισοδίου με τον Κύκλωο
πα κάποιες χρησιμότατες και χρηστικές πληροφορίες για τους ναυτιλλόμενους στα άγνωστα αυτά μέρη, όπως ήταν η Σικελία, η Μάλτα και η Σαρδηνία. Ήδη από το 2000 είχα ταυτίσει τις ελλειψοειδείς και κυκλικές οικοδομικές κατασκευές της Βαβυλωνίας, Άργους, Μάλτας και Σαρδηνίας με την ονομασία των κατασκευαστών τους, δηλαδή με τους «Κύκλωπες» (εκ του κύκλος + οπή), ως των ειδικευμένων οικοδόμων μεγάλων τεχνικών έργων σαν τα nuraghe ή σαν τους θολωτούς βασιλικούς τάφους, τις θολωτές κατοικίες / κούμες και τα Παρατηρητήρια του Ήλιου (Stonehenge)

Aratus’ responsibility for the death sentence of Aristomachus of Argos in 224 BC is
normally taken for granted. Still, the sources are few and offer considerable problems for the reconstruction of the events in Argos between 225 and 224 BC. This paper first discusses the evidence for Aristomachus’ participation in the Argive uprising, then explores the most important events that occurred between the Achaean reconquest of Argos and the arrival of Antigonus in the city, and finally offers a new interpretation on the attribution of responsibility for the death sentence against the former Argive tyrant. The paper concludes with a brief consideration as to the meaning of this event for the construction of the Achaean historical memory in the period between the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC.

Normalmente si dà per scontata la responsabilità di Arato nella condanna a morte di Aristomaco di Argo nel 224 a.C. Le fonti al proposito sono scarse e offrono notevoli problemi per la ricostruzione degli eventi intercorsi ad Argo tra il 225 e il 224 a.C. In questo articolo si discuteranno le testimonianze a proposito della partecipazione di Aristomaco alla ribellione argiva, si esporranno i fatti più importanti occorsi ad Argo tra la riconquista achea e l’arrivo di Antigono nella città e, infine, si offrirà una nuova interpretazione riguardo l’attribuzione della responsabilità per la condanna a morte dell’ex-tiranno argivo. Come conclusione si presenterà una breve riflessione sul significato di questo evento per la costruzione della memoria storica achea nel periodo a cavallo tra il III e il II secolo a.C.

In contrast to the deliberate conservation of architecture as a sign of the past, this article focuses on the rarely emphasized reverse of this phenomenon, the remodelling of places of remembrance in Roman Greece. As exemplary case studies, the so-called théâtron à gradins droits at Argos and the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta will be analyzed in terms of their architectural transformation and significance for civic identity.

According to Herodotus, before fighting against Sparta in Sepeia the Argives feared the tricks of Cleomenes. They were alerted by a Delphic oracle that predicted a female defeating a man, Argive weeping women, and a terrible triple-coiled snake that would perish. Herodotus explains that this oracle is only a part of longer oracle, delivered to the Argives, but common to the Argives and the Milesians: the so-called epicene oracle. The Argive part would refer to the battle of Sepeia; the Milesian part, quoted in 6. 19, to the fall of Miletus (494 BC). That the Argive part originally referred to the battle of Sepeia is however far from self-evident. A detailed comparative analysis of the text of the oracle and of the traditional account of the battle of Sepeia shows that the traditional account was shaped by the oracle; this means that the oracle represents the core basis on which the account was modelled. In other words, the Argive part of the oracle originally referred to another context (one of the Persian wars?) and was later recycled and related to the battle of Sepeia; the traditional account of this battle was in turn recreated with reference to the text of the oracle.

Attingendo dalle storie di Erodoto, ripercorriamo le drammatiche vicende che interessarono la città di Argo tra il VI e il V secolo: la rivalità con Sparta, la sanguinosa Battaglia dei Campioni, la catastrofica disfatta di Sepia e la conseguente crisi politico-demografica

Le hasard nous a conduit à étudier la céramique d’époque hellénistique de deux cités que rien ne lie  : d’abord Érétrie dans le cadre d’une thèse de doctorat sous la direction de Karl Reber et de Susan I. Rotroff, puis Argos en vue de la publication des fouilles conduites par l’École française d’Athènes sur la colline de l’Aspis sous la direction de Gilles Touchais et de Sylvian Fachard. À Érétrie, notre projet consiste en l’établissement d’une nouvelle typologie de la céramique entre le dernier quart du IVe et le milieu du Ier siècle en prenant en compte l’ensemble du mobilier issu de nombreux secteurs de la ville antique fouillés durant plus de cinquante an- nées par l’École suisse d’archéologie en Grèce. À Argos, la céramique mise au jour sur l’Aspis correspond pour l’essentiel à une phase d’occupation de courte durée entre le dernier tiers, voire le dernier quart du IVe siècle et les premières années du IIIe siècle. La présente étude est donc limitée chronologiquement pour les deux villes au début de l’époque hellénistique, soit au dernier quart du IVe et au premier quart du IIIe siècle.
Du point de vue de la culture matérielle, l’un des principaux intérêts présenté par Argos et Érétrie est leur rôle, que l’on pourrait qualifier de secondaire, dans la production de céramique : les potiers de ces deux cités répondent en effet à l’essentiel de la demande locale et de fait leurs productions ne connaissent qu’une diffusion limitée à une échelle régionale (l’Eubée centrale pour les ateliers érétriens et la partie orientale du Péloponnèse pour les argiens). Argos et Érétrie tiennent de même une place marginale par rapport a` Athènes et Corinthe, qui sont toutes deux des centres de production importants et des cités dont le mobilier céramique a fait l’objet de nombreux travaux qui leur confèrent un statut de référence pour l’étude de la céramique d’é- poque hellénistique. C’est pour ces raisons que nous qualifions ici Argos et Érétrie de cités de la «périphérie». Ni les Argiens, ni les Érétriens ne considéraient bien entendu que leurs villes te- naient une place d’une quelconque manière «périphérique» par rapport à leurs voisines.
Avec nos connaissances acquises à Érétrie, nous pensions retrouver à Argos un répertoire comparable, d’autant que les deux cités sont relativement proches l’une de l’autre : moins de 200 km les séparent par la route ou environ 230 km par voie maritime, soit une très courte distance à l’échelle du bassin méditerranéen et des conquêtes d’Alexandre le Grand. De manière peut-être un peu naïve, nous nous attendions donc à une forme de koiné de la culture matérielle à l’échelle de la Grèce centrale, et ce d’autant plus pour le début de l’époque hellénistique. En effet, de nombreux points communs peuvent être relevés entre les ensembles de céramique des deux cités, notamment dans certaines formes et types de vases communs à Argos et à Érétrie, dans la prédominance des céramiques fines à vernis noir ou encore dans l’adoption de la technique décorative dite West Slope. Les points communs restent cependant plus ténus que les divergences entre leurs répertoires respectifs. En menant une analyse comparative de leurs assemblages de céramique, on s’aperçoit en effet que les potiers ou indirectement les populations des deux villes ont préféré des formes ou des types de vases différents, tant pour la consommation des boissons que pour le service de la nourriture ou la préparation des aliments. Certaines céramiques largement représentées à Argos sont ainsi quasiment absentes à Érétrie à la même période et inversement. La comparaison des deux répertoires conduit ainsi à relever des traits régionaux argiens et érétriens ou plus largement péloponnésiens et eubéens. D’autre part, quelques formes et types de vases sont parfois produits sur une plus longue période dans l’une ou l’autre cité, ce qui trahit une forme de traditionalisme ou de conservatisme, ou du moins un refus des nouveautés apparues sur le marché des cités voisines.
Pour mener à bien cet exercice de comparaison entre Argos et Érétrie, nous évaluerons dans un premier temps la part d’importations attiques et corinthiennes pour chaque site et leur impact sur la production locale. Les différences notables entre les répertoires argien et érétrien seront ensuite relevées en regard des assemblages d’Athènes et de Corinthe. Les formes ou les types de vases qui trahissent des phénomènes de régionalisme et/ou de conservatisme seront finalement mis en lumière. Faute de place, toutes les formes et tous les types de vases ne pourront pas être présentés pour chaque cité et nous limiterons donc notre propos aux exemples les plus caractéristiques.

The contribution of teichology to the historical study of a region: the case of the fortifications of
Thyreatis conflict zone between Sparta and Argos in the Classical and Hellenistic periods
In the 7th century, Argos and Sparta expanded their territories in the Peloponnese to such an extent
that Mount Parnon became the contact zone between the two cities. After the annexation of Thyreatis
by Sparta in the 6th century, the Classical period continued to be punctuated by conflicts between the
two cities, Argos seeking to regain control. Ancient authors are of little help to unravel the skein of the
political history of this region, located on the borders of the territories of Argos, Arcadia and Sparta,
in the 5th and 4th centuries: they rarely mention it, as it remained outside of the great conflicts of the
age. In this regard, archaeological sources take on particular importance. This paper strives to extend the
topographical surveys conducted by previous scholars using the study of the fortifications as a source
to understand regional history. Thus, the study of the fortified works at Thyreatis (city walls and isolated
towers) illuminates the history of this coveted region as well as some points in the history of the
Peloponnese in the Classical period. From the Archaic to the Hellenistic period, Thyreatis was both a
coherent entity and a part of the margins (eschatiai) of a larger political group, a border region, on the
edges of the Lacedaemonian or Argive territory, which led to the establishment of a network of fortified
cities and watchtowers. After making an inventory of these fortifications, their architectural analysis as
well as their topographical location often allow us to first distinguish several phases of construction, and
second to place these structures in the fortified network to which they belong. Finally, it was sometimes
possible to propose which city, Sparta or Argos, was responsible for the fortified works and towards
which enemies these were oriented. We have thus been able to show that many of those attributed to
Sparta are in fact to be considered the work of Argos.

The article publishes a partly preserved casualty list of the end of the 5th - beginning of the 4th c. B.C. from Argos. It lists on top four casualties of dignitaries (προβασιλεύς, μάντις, στραταγός, ἰαρεύς ), followed by the casualties of about 21 common soldiers. Their names were inscribed in 4 columns, under the rubrics of the names of each of the 4 Argive tribes as well as the rubrics of the phratries to which they belonged.

Few sanctuaries command their landscape as successfully as the Argive Heraion. Yet no detailed study exists to help us understand precisely how the sanctuary's situation and components interacted visually with the wider territory, and especially vis-à-vis the various settlements within its viewing range. In this paper, I present a series of digital investigations of the Heraion's landscape, from its initial establishment in the 8 th century B.C.E. through the end of the Hellenistic period. I consider the potentially divergent experiences of visitors to the sanctuary and also those passing through the Argive plain. I integrate time-phased 3D structural models into a GIS environment in order to consider the distinctive visualscapes that existed over the course of the sanctuary's development. Since its initial excavation in the 19 th century, scholars have noted the Heraion's situation and view, whether for those inside it (Foley 1988: 135), or those in the Argive Plain (Polignac 1995: 33), for whom the sanctuary seems to sit on a "cult stage" (Kerényi 2015: 118). Yet we lack data to determine if specific viewing features had particular significance. Using GIS and 3D modeling, I offer a robust analysis of the sanctuary's topography and recreate its visualscape to better understand how these functioned as elements of religious space. Seeing how its vistas changed over time, if at all, allows us to consider its evolving significance as a landmark for the inhabitants of the Argive plain. By comparing the Heraion's visualscape with those of other Peloponnesian sanctuaries, I seek to elaborate on the differential experiences of the place itself-and more specifically, whether and how these so-called significant views from and towards the sanctuary contributed to its functioning as a cultic space. On a larger scale, this approach offers a framework by which the visualscapes of other Mediterranean sanctuaries can be assessed, by creating tools that allow considerations beyond ritual activities within sanctuary spaces themselves-such as facilitating communication, asserting prominence, or otherwise defining interactions between disparate settlements. Publication is forthcoming in 2019.

Statius‘ Thebais partizipiert am politischen Diskurs der frühen Kaiserzeit. Die Diskussion verschiedener Verfassungsformen ist ersetzt durch die Auseinandersetzung über gute oder schlechte Formen der Monokratie. Vor diesem politischen Hintergrund werden die Städte Argos, Theben und Athen gezeichnet, die zu Paradigmata unterschiedlicher Ausprägungen der Einzelherrschaft werden. Im Fokus stehen dabei jedoch nicht nur die Herrscherfiguren. Vielfach wird ihr Handeln in dem Spannungsverhältnis zwischen ihrer Machtposition und der Reaktion der Bevölkerung problematisiert. Die Thebais beleuchtet durchwegs die Situation und Perspektive der kleinen Leute. Ihre Position ist von Unsicherheit gegenüber willkürlich agierenden Machthabern geprägt. Suizid in höchster politischer Bedrängnis wird mit dem Argument der Wahrung individueller Autonomie des Untergebenen gerechtfertigt. Als eine positiv zu wertende absolute Macht kann nur diejenige erscheinen, bei der die Entscheidungsgewalt des Herrschers an ein moralisches Prinzip gebunden ist. Ein solches stellt die clementia dar.
Die Wechselbeziehung zwischen den „kleinen Leuten“ und den großen mythologischen Figuren erfüllt ferner die Funktion, den furor der Protagonisten hervortreten zu lassen. So dient das Volk als Resonanzraum, in dem die Raserei der Protagonisten widerhallt und eine emotionale Bewertung erfährt. Kleine Figuren können jedoch auch als Kontrastpunkt zur Perversion der Werte fungieren, als letzter Freiraum, in dem sich noch individuelle Tugenden und soziales Zusammenleben verwirklichen lassen.

The present paper focuses on the life cycle of Argos during the Early Mycenaean period (MH III/LH I – LH II), also taking into consideration the back-history of the settlement from the beginning of the Middle Helladic (MH). On the basis of new evidence from the Aspis MH settlement, and using the Adaptive Cycle (AC) model for Argos and for nearby settlements (Lerna, Mycenae), we propose the existence not only of varied life paths for the different sites but also of important potentials existing in MH period that led Argos to great prosperity during the MH II phase, completing a whole AC by the end of the MH period. During the transitional phase (MH III/LH I), and despite a rather illusory image of continuous growth, as reflected in new buildings in the fortified acropolis of the Aspis, Argos enters a critical phase that then becomes apparent through the abandonment of certain residential areas and the relocation of some population groups within and probably beyond its borders. According to one possible scenario, a group of people moved, at the very beginning of MH III, from the Aspis acropolis to Mycenae participating thus in its spectacular rise from the late MH period and onwards. In LH I-ΙΙΑ Argos is still in a phase of release and reorganisation, marked by the definite abandonment of the acropolis and changes in the social and economic domains. It is only in LH IIB that Argos enters a phase of substantial renewal, as reflected in both the burial/ideological and the residential spheres through the respective establishment of a new burial ground at the Deiras ravine, and the gradual expansion of the settlement in the Lower Town, upon the vestiges of the old cemetery.

The political, military and social history of the Greek world from Neolithic to Hellenistic. Includes intensive reading of primary sources in translation (histories, poetry, drama, and biographies). The course incorporates archaeology, epigraphy, numismatics, etc. Students complete a multi-phase research project.

On the occasion of Kynouria and in order to achieve the protection and projection of antiquities, a web-based model is proposed for highlighting individual monuments and archaeological sites, having in mind the historical and archaeological evidence of the region, the topography, the demographic profile and the tourist infrastructure, and combining them with the development programs for cultural routes. Therefore, creating suitable databases and mapping the monuments in the area are key prerequisites of the process, as they contribute to an objective assessment of the current situation and then to make rational decisions. In this frame, modern technology provides some important planning tools (GIS, GPS, and OMS) which allow recording and mapping of data, viewing the relationships between them in the area where they appear and managing their projection. The complete study of Kynouria’s archaeological routes contains the implementation of a website using free or open-source soft...