TANZANIA

Professor E.A. Egboh Department of Political Science, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka & Dr. E.T. Aniche Institute of Ecumenical Education, Enugu E-mail: etaniche@yahoo.com TANZANIA COUNTRY BIODATA COUNTRY BIODATA: TANZANIA Population (2010 estimate) 43,188,000 Territory 945,203 Square Kilometre Year of Independence: Tanganyika Zanzibar United Republic of Tanzania (Unification) December 9, 1961 December 10, 1963 April 26, 1964 Year of Current Constitution: 1977 as Amended Current President Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete Languages Swahili, English, Arabic and about 120 ethno-linguistic groups Religions Christianity (30%), Islam (35%) and indigenous religious groups(35%). System of Government Presidential and Republic Source: Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) World Factbook. 2. HISTORICAL ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT Geographically, Tanzania is a country in the East Africa bordered to the West by Rwanda, Burundi and the Democratic Republic of the Congo; to the South by Mozambique, Malawi and Zambia; and to the East by Indian Ocean. Historical and Political Development Tanganyika as a part of what is today known as Tanzania (the other being Zanzibar) was conquered by Imperial Germany in the late nineteenth century which incorporated it into German East Africa with Rwanda and Burundi. Germany ruled over Tanganyika from 1891 to 1919. Owing to the defeat of Germany in the World War I and World War II, Tanganyika was transferred to Imperial Britain under the League of Nations’ Mandate System and United Nations’ Trusteeship Council, respectively. Just like other African territories or colonies the people of Tanganyika opposed and fought against colonial invaders from the onset (IIIife, 1979). Soon after the World War I, symbols of nationalism became evident. This included the formation of African Associations in both Tanganyika and Zanzibar. The African Associations was established in Tanganyika in 1929 as a debate club between intellectuals which was later transformed into the Tanganyika African Association (TAA) in 1948. The members of the Tanganyika African Association (TAA) pioneered the nationalist struggle soon after the World War II as the feelings and spirits of nationalism continued to grow stronger after 1945 (Tordoff, 1967; Freidland, 1969; IIIife, 1979). In 1953 under the leadership of Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere, TAA was recognized as a political party and was transformed and renamed the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) in 1954. TANU continued the nationalist struggle for independence and after seven years of political struggle Tanganyika gained its independence on December 9, 1961. But a year earlier Julius Nyerere became Minister of British-administered Tanganyika in 1960 and continued as Prime Minister when Tanganyika officially became independent in 1961 and became a republic in 1962. Subsequently, Nyerere was elected the first President of Tanganyika in 1962 and later moved nearer to the left after the Arusha Declaration. Arusha Declaration codified a commitment to African brand of socialism and democracy, that is, Ujamaa, leading to among other things to nationalization of industries, and collectivization and villagization of agriculture (Nyerere, 1968; Loxley and Saul, 1975; Raikes, 1975; Msekwa, 1977; Freyhold, 1979; IIIife, 1979; Bolton, 1985; Ibhawoh and Dibua, 2003). In the case of Zanzibar, it was formerly invaded and conquered by Arab and later Europeans. Thus, the Islands of Zanzibar are populated by peoples of mixed Arab and African descent majority of which are Muslims. Zanzibar’s colonialism (under the Arabs) began centuries before Tanganyika’s. The Islands had been the seat of an Omani Dynasty by the late eighteenth century. In 1891, the British conquered and establish a protectorate over Zanzibar. This is after abolishing Arabic slave trading in 1873 (Karume, 2004; Dagne, 2011). The various football clubs established in the early 1930s provided the basis or the coming together of members of the African Community. By 1934, members of the African Community united in a formal organization called African Association (AA). The formation of the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) in 1955 forced leaders of the African Association and the Shirazi Association to unite to counter colonial government’s suppression of Africans in concert with ZNP. The product of this unification of Shirazi Association and African Association was the formation of the Afro-Shirazi Party under the leadership of Sheikh Abeid Amain Karume (Karume, 2004). Between 1957 and 1963, immediately after the general elections and towards the end of 1963 just before the 1964 Revolution, Zanzibar was troubled by political factionalism. This political contest was between the Afro-Shirazi Party (backed by the majority of Africans) and the Zanzibar Nationalist Party (being supported by colonialists). At the height of political tensions between Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) and Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP), the Zanzibar and Pemba People’s Party (ZPPP) was formed in 1959, which was a splinter group from the Afro-Shirazi Party and Sheikh Muhammad Shanite was appointed as chairman (Musoke, 1992). While the ASP, ZNP and ZPPP were engaged in political wrangling, the colonial government made plans for a second election. The election was held on January 16, 1961 and a day before the election, the colonial government announced that the party that wins the election would have the mandate to form its own government and control all government ministries. In the election, ASP won ten seats, ZNP garnered nine seats and ZPP secured three seats. Subsequently, the three main political parties reached a decision to end political bickering and hatred among Zanzibaris. Since ASP did not get more than half of the seats or majority of the seats, it could not form the government. The ZPP and ZNP united and formed coalition. Meanwhile, it was agreed that a transitional government would be formed and another election held in June 1961 (Lofchie, 1963). Subsequently, the British government granted independence to Zanzibar on December 10, 1963 and handed power over to a party which was supported by the Sultan. The British government’s decision to hand control of Zanzibar to the Sultan angered the majority African population. On January 12, 1964, the Sultan was overthrown in a Revolution that was carefully, courageously and secretly planned by members of the Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP), and the People’s Republic of Zanzibar was proclaimed and declared (Shivji, 1990). Soon after the Zanzibar Revolution that overthrown the Arab Dynasty, the Republic of Tanganyika and the People’s Republic of Zanzibar entered into Union Agreement in 1964 to form a new sovereign state of the United Republic of Tanzania. The agreement for the unification of the two states was signed by the first President of Tanganyika, the late Mwalimu Julius Kambaraga Nyerere and the first Zanzibar President, the late Sheikh Abeid Amani Karume on April 22, 1964 in Zanzibar. The Articles of the Union was ratified by Tanganyika’s parliament and the Zanzibar Revolutionary Council on April 26, 1964. On April 27, 1964, the leaders of the two countries exchanged legal documents of the Union at the Karinjee Hall in Dar es Salaam. On October 28, 1964, the Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar was renamed United Republic of Tanzania through the United Republic (Declaration of Name) Act, No. 61 of 1964 (Baregu, 1999; Okoth-Ogendo, 1991). Tanzania thus became a union of a two-tier system of government. One, the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania which sovereignty is to deal with all Union matters and non-Union matters in mainland Tanzania as stipulated or provided in the Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania of 1977 (as amended); and two, the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar which deals with non-Union matters in Zanzibar. The Island Republic of Zanzibar thus became semi-autonomous with its own president and parliament (Othman, Bavu and Okema, 1990; Akluwalia, 2001; Karume, 2004; Shayo, 2005). Tanzania under Nyerere eventually became a one party state that nationalized key industries and created Ujamaa, a rural, collective village-based movement of African socialism and self reliance (Loxley and Saul, 1975). Ujamaa was eventually confronted by increasing popular dissatisfaction, and was gradually abandoned in the 1970s and 1980s (Hyden, 1980). Nyerere retired as president in 1985, and became an elder statesman. The President of Zanzibar, Ali Mwinyi, who succeeded Nyerere, oversaw series of political reforms like multi-partism and a gradual transition to a market economy (Landau, 1998). Yet CCM has continued to dominate the political landscape since multiparty general elections in 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010 (Dagne, 2011). Constitutional Development The Independence Constitution of 1961 provided for parliamentary government with a Prime Minister as the Head of Government and competitive electoral (multi-party) system. While the Republican Constitution ushered in the presidential system with an executive president as Head of State and Head of Government. On January 14, 1963, Nyerere turned Tanganyika into a constitutional one-party state with TANU as the only official party of the state, and thus, abolished other parties and rendered formation or memberships of any other political party illegal and unconstitutional. The Constitution of the TANU and its ideology of Ujamaa or African socialism as expressed in the Arusha Declaration became the de facto constitution and ideology of the state (Nyerere, 1966; Bolton, 1985; Shivji, 1990; Musoke, 1992; Mkaramba, 1997; Nyirabu, 2002; Ibhawoh and Dibua, 2003). The Interim Constitution of 1965 created a one-party state and formally recognized of Unification Agreement of 1964. Subsequently, the 1977 Permanent Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania recognized the merger of TANU and ASP to form Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM) as the single party in the United Republic of Tanzania in both Tanganyika (or Tanzania mainland) and Zanzibar. The Constitution made CCM the final authority in respect of all matters in the United Republic of Tanzania, which remained till 1992 (Maliyankono, 1997; Mkaramba, 1997; Nyirabu, 2002; Karume, 2004). By 1992 with the necessary legislation and constitutional amendment based on the recommendation of Nyalili Commission with the support of Nyerere, Tanzania transited to multi-party system (Msekwa, 1977; Mkaramba, 1997). This culminated in the multiparty election in 1995. Yet democracy in Tanzania remains a de facto one party system given the continued dominance of CCM in the 1995, 2000, 2005 and 2010 multi-party elections (Baregu, 2000; Shayo, 2005; Dagne, 2011). 3. GOVERNMENT STRUCTURES/INSTITUTIONS The Union Government Essentially Tanzania operates a unitary, presidential, multi-party and republican system. The system of government in Tanzania is sometimes mistaken to be federal because of the semi-autonomous status of Zanzibar but fundamentally and conventionally Tanzania is unitary with a unitary constitution. The best one can say is that Tanzania is pseudo-federalism or quasi-federalism or partial federalism, but not full federalism. Also, erroneously, Tanzania’s system of government is sometimes considered parliamentary system or French model of semi-presidential or bicephalous executive system because of the office of prime minister but essentially the system of government in Tanzania is presidential system in which the president of Tanzania is both the head of state and head of government and even commander-in-chief of armed forces (Aniche, 2009; Egboh, Okeke and Aniche, 2010). Although Tanzania has been conducting multiparty elections since 1995, the government has been dominated by one party rendering Tanzania a de facto one party state controlled by CCM. Also, Tanzania has been republic right from unification with periodically elected civilians as head of state or president. The government in Tanzania is divided into three arms or organs of government, namely the executive, the legislative and the judiciary (Aniche, 2009). The Executive The constitution still concentrates powers in the presidency. For example, the executive branch of government is headed by the president and who is also head of state. The president with help of his cabinet exercises executive powers such as implementation, execution and enforcement of laws. Tanzania’s president is elected by direct popular vote for a five-year term of office. The president appoints a prime minister who serves as the government’s leader in the parliament. The president selects or appoints his cabinet from the parliament and the constitution also empowers the president to nominate ten non-elected members of the parliament who are eligible to become cabinet members. Also, the President of the United Republic of Tanzania is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. The Executive of the United Republic of Tanzania comprises the President, the Vice President, the President of Zanzibar, the Prime Minister and the cabinet ministers. The Prime Minister of the United Republic of Tanzania is the leader of Government Business in the National Assembly and has authority over the control, supervision and execution of the day-to-day functions and affairs of the Government of the United Republic of Tanzania. The Legislature The legislative organ is unicameral known as National Assembly of Tanzania or Bunge. The National Assembly has 324 seats in which 236 seats are elected concurrently by popular vote, 75 allocated to women chosen by their parties in proportion to their share of the electoral vote, ten nominated by the president and five members chosen by the Zanzibar House of Representatives. The National Assembly thus consists of categories of members, namely; one, members elected directly to represent constituencies; two, five members elected by the Zanzibar House of Representatives from among its members; three, the Attorney-General; four, ten members nominated by the president; and five, women members being not less than fifteen percent of the members of all others on the basis of proportional representation among those political parties in the National Assembly (Meena, 2003). The National Assembly is headed by the Speaker who is assisted by the Deputy Speaker and the Clerk as Head of the Secretariat of the National Assembly. All members of the National Assembly serve for five year term. The primary function of the National Assembles is to enact laws that apply to entire United Republic of Tanzania and as well make laws that apply to the mainland Tanzania. The National Assembly has thirteen standing committees for Finance and Economic Affairs, Legal and Constitutional Affairs; Public Accounts; Parastatal Organizations; Foreign Affairs; Defence and Security; Privileges; Social Services; Local Authority Accounts; Environment; and Women Development and other Special Groups. Zanzibar has its own House of Representatives that makes laws applying only to Islands of Zanzibar. The Zanzibar House of Representatives has 50 seats directly elected by universal suffrage to serve for five year term, 10 appointed by the President of Zanzibar, 5 ex-officio members and an Attorney-General appointed by the President, altogether 76 members which was in 2002 increased to 81 members with increased in the number of special seats allocated to women from 10 to 15. The Zanzibar’s House of Representatives can make laws for Zanzibar without the approval of the union government so long as it does not involve union-designated matters. Thus, laws passed by the Zanzibar’s House of Representatives has jurisdiction over all non-union matters, while that of National Assembly are valid for Zanzibar only in specifically designated matters and valid for mainland on all matters (Meena, 2003). The Judiciary In the judicial arm, Tanzania has a five-level judiciary combining the jurisdiction of tribal, Islamic and British common law. In mainland Tanzania, appeal is from the Primary Courts through the District Courts and Resident Magistrate Courts to the High Courts, ending in the Courts of Appeal of the Union. The Zanzibari court system parallels the legal system of mainland Tanzania, and all cases tried in Zanzibari courts, except for those involving constitutional issues and Islamic law, can be appealed to the Court of Appeal of the Union. The Judges of the Court of Appeal and the High Court are appointed by the president, while the Judges of junior courts are appointed by the Chief Justice. A commercial court was established in September 1999 as a division of the High Court. The Bureaucracy The bureaucracy or the civil service of Tanzania include the ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) which carries out the day-to-day or routine administration and implementation of government’s policy. Women constitute only 35 percent of the present workforce of Tanzania’s public service with gender inequalities being especially notable at higher levels. In January 2000, the then Civil Service Department (CSD) commenced the implementation of the new phase of the Public Service Reform Programme (PSRP). The PSRP (2000-2011) was meant to build on the cost containment structural and institutional reforms which were successfully implemented under the Civil Service Reform Programme (CSRP) in the period, 1993-1999. The President’s Office Public Service Management (previously CSD) is in charge of installing human resource and other management systems in government ministries, departments and agencies (MDAs) throughout Tanzania. It also implements the Public Service Reform programme (PSRP). The Public Service Commission is responsible for conducting merit based recruitment on the public service. The Tanzania Public Service College (TPSC) was established in August 2000 to train the public service through in-service training and development. TPSC is intended to satisfy the training needs of all levels of the public service such as the managerial, leadership and administrative needs. The prime goal of TPSC is to contribute to good governance and professional practice in the public service. One of the objectives of the PSRP is to have a public service that is gender sensitive and which adheres to the principles and practices of equality of opportunities in recruitment, promotion, training, career development and other conditions of employment. Local Government Tanzania has a two-tier system of government, namely, the central government and local government. Local governments are either urban authorities like city, municipal and town councils, or rural authorities like the district councils. The rural authorities or the district councils incorporate small towns or town authorities as well as village councils. Administratively, Tanzania is divided into 26 regions (mkoa), 21 on the mainland and five in Zanzibar of which three of the five are on Unguja and two on Pemba. To further increase local authority or grassroots government, 99 districts (wilaya), each with at least one council, have been created. The councils are also known as local government authorities. There are 114 councils in the whole operating in the 99 districts of which 22 are urban and 92 are rural. The 22 urban units are further classified as city councils like Dar es Salam and Mwanza; municipal councils such as Arusha, Dodoma, Iringa, Kilimanjaro, Mbeya, Morogoro, Shinyanga, Tabora and Tanga; or town councils constituting the remaining eleven communities. The 21 regions include Arusha, Dar es Salaam, Dodoma, Iringa, Kajera, Kigoma, Kilimanjaro, Lindi, Manyara, Mara, Mbeya, Morogoro, Mtwara, Mwanza, Pemba North, Pemba South, Pwani, Rukwa, Ruvuma, Shinyanga, Sungida, Tabora, Tanga, Zanzibar Central South, Zanzibar North and Zanzibar Urban West. For the highlights of the evolution of local government in Tanzania see Table 2 below. Table 2: Summary of the Evolution of Local Government in Tanzania Period Features Pre-colonial era Chiefdoms and council of elders German Era (1884-1917) Mainly direct rule but limited urban authorities British Era (1917-1961) Native authorities encouraged since 1926 (indirect rule) Township authorities for large urban areas Municipalities Ordinance of 1946 Local Government Act of 1953. First decade of independence (1961- 1971) Chiefdom abolished Inclusive local authorities encouraged Local government overwhelmed by duties with limited resources Rural authorities abolished in 1972 Urban authorities abolished in 1973 The Decentralization Era (1972-1982) A system of decentralization of government replaced the comprehensive local government system which had existed for a decade Reinstitution of local government( 1982-1995) Urban Councils (Interim Provision) Act of 1978 required the town and municipal councils be reestablished from July 1, 1978. 1982 comprehensive local government legislation passed 1984 comprehensive local government reestablished Local government reform (since 1996) Comprehensive programme of reforming local government to make for efficient, effective, transparent and accountable Source: President’s Office of Regional Administration and Local Government, United Republic of Tanzania. 4. POLITICAL CULTURE AND POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION Political Culture Political culture in Tanzania is under the influence of religion and ethnicity thus politics in Tanzania rather than being largely issue-based has ethnic and religious colouration. Apart from the ruling CCM, other political parties are relying on regional appeals to ethnic and religious sentiment for electoral supports (Okema, 1996). The transition from one party system to multiparty election has resulted to some extent in the surfacing of ethnic and religious sentiments during campaigns. An increasing number of Tanzanians have come to view politics through ethnic and religious lenses since introduction of multi-party system. Many believe that political influences and economic resources have been skewed and lopsidedly or unequally distributed among the ethnic groups (Lonsdale, 1994; Weinstein, 2010). The voting patterns during elections reflect the character of ethnic political parochialism of Tanzanian political culture since the introduction of multiparty system. The performance of the CCM presidential candidate, Benjamin Mkapa, in 1995 presidential election in the south of Tanzania was attributed to ethnic political parochialism. This is because Mkapa received remarkably high support across the whole of south in which opposition parties were rather successful in the parliamentary elections. The reason was that Mkapa was expected to steer resource to the south once in office (Kelsall, 2008). Thus, local level ethnic appeal and parochial and factualist ethnic politics constitute part of Tanzania political culture. The emphasis of voters to choose local candidates is a rational means of ensuring that the elected candidates would favour their constituency once in office. As a result Tanzania voters exhibited a degree of parochialism in their voting behaviour. Ethnic origin and religious background have serious political significant in voting decisions in Tanzania. Religion has increasingly assumed an important cultural and social position in Tanzania with considerable level of political relations. As a result religion has assumed a clearly visible political role in Tanzania beginning from the transition into multiparty system. Thus, existing and newly emerging religious groups increasingly attempted to gain political influence (Norman, 2009). Ethnic politics in Tanzania is characterized by the evocation of ethnicity for political purposes in competition with other ethnic group during elections and campaigns. There were numerous instances of ethnic campaigning and political rhetoric in the 1995 elections in Tanzania. These were mainly confined or restricted to local level campaigning or even intra-party candidate nomination where candidates commonly sought to discredit competitors on the basis of ethnicity (Gasarasi, 1997; Luanda, 1996). For example, there is an instance in Arusha where NCCR’s Maasai candidate had questioned the right of CCM’s candidate Edward Lowassa to run for office in the Maasai constituency considering his Meru background. Again there are reports on the use of vernaculars by CCM candidates to discredit opposition candidates who are from outside their regions of contest. Also, there were small and short-lived political parties such as UMD that had an ethnic basis, and thus, received some supports among the Wasukuma and Wanyamwezi (Kelsall, 2008). CUF is as well seen as a Zanzibar-based party and has secured most of its following on the islands and along the coast of the mainland. Thus, CUF has been accused of having a religious bias in favour of Muslims. In the 1995 presidential election, NCCR-M candidate Augustine Mrema, an ethnic Mchangga, had a substantial following in this home region of Kilimanjaro and won in all the six constituencies in the region. Thus, NCCR was commonly depicted as a Chagga-dominated party. Similarly, the success of UDP’s John Chayo in his home district of West Bariadi is interpreted as being based on Sukuma ethnicity which in 1995 elections contributed to 67 percent of his total votes. This trend was repeated in 2000 elections (Kelsall, 2003; Rawlence, 2005). In the 2010 presidential election, CHADEMA’s Willibrod Slaa’s support was significantly above national average in the districts of Arusha and Manyara in which his ethnic group the Iraqw is dominant such as in Mbulu (62.7%), Karatu (62.1%) and Hanany (53.2%). But due to continued dominance of the ruling party CCM in the multiparty elections since 1995, there is a widespread perception of electoral fraud and vote buying among Tanzanians that led to low voters’ turnout and apathy in 2010 elections. Religious sentiment on the other hand was evident in 2010 elections and featured prominently in pre-election campaigns. In comparison to ethnicity, religion plays a relatively minor political role in voting behaviour in Tanzania. This is why there were not discernible or clear religious tendencies in terms of party support in the first multiparty election in 1995. But it is widely believed that in the run-up to the 1995 election that CUF was a Muslim party based on massive supports from the Sheikhs. Similarly, there were instances where Christian churches had embraced NCCR-M or CCM. Yet there was no clear voting pattern of religious support for any party in the 1995 elections (Heilman and Kaiser, 2002; Mbogoni, 2005). However, religious sentiment had their part in the polemic political rhetoric and campaigns and debates revolving around the possible OIC membership and the establishment of the Kadhi (Muslim) Courts. For example, the pastoral letter released by the Roman Catholic Church to urge members to make informed choices before the 2010 election was interpreted to influence voting decisions of members in favour of the opposition and against CCM. In reaction to this, an Islamic group Barazakuu issued a circular drafted by over one hundred imams from all over the country urging Muslims to vote for a candidate who would look after the interest of the Muslim community. For example, Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) is believed to be Christian-dominated in terms of party leadership structure and as well elicit more supports from Christians than Muslims or other religious groups. Actually, CHADEMA has a slight over representation of Christians in terms of party leadership structure, MPs and administration, and is more popular in Christian-dominated regions than in the country on average. Based on the 2010 elections, for example, CHADEMA on average had a slight inclination towards Christian-dominated regions and was unsuccessful in Muslim dominated regions. There seems to be some considerable convergence between CHADEMA’s political agenda and the electoral issues highlighted by the church (Gahnstrom, 2012). Political Socialization The conventional agents of political socialization in Tanzania are the family, the schools, the media, religious groups; interest groups, political parties, among others. During the period of Ujamaa, the family (both nuclear and extended) and TANU were very instrumental in the propaganda and propagation of the ideology. The TANU youth league branches in schools were mandated to ensure that the students and teachers were closer to Tanzania’s socialist thinking. The ruling political, TANU was divided into cells in order to reposition it to be effective in carrying out the role of political socialization and mobilization. People were encouraged to form cultural troupes to propagate the Ujamaa policies (Wangwe, 2005). The state control of the media, schools, political party, civil society organizations and suppression of trade unions and interest groups during the period of ujamaa, helped in the tasks of national integration, national unity and nation-building. During this period the role of interest groups was seriously downplayed. The school has remained one of the most important agents of political socialization in Tanzania even in the post-Ujamaa Tanzania. The Tanzanian government has ensured continuous relevance of school as a process of internalizing vital national values and ideologies through the curriculum (Mhlauli, 2012). For instance, a major contributing factor to the successful construction of national identity in Tanzania is the use and promotion of Swahili as a national language and language of instruction in primary schools. As a result of compulsory use of Swahili in primary schools, it has facilitated national and political integration and nation building. This has helped in fostering the development of national political culture. It has also facilitated inter-elite and inter-ethnic communication (Gahnstrom, 2012). During the Ujamaa period, the state nationalized many private schools, large number of which belonged to the Catholic Church. By nationalizing the schools the government intended to ensure that, one, a secular socialist education would be provided to students, and two, create educational opportunities for Muslims. The curriculum of civic education in primary and secondary schools was geared towards educating citizens to be patriotic and nationalistic. It was also aimed at promoting unity and ideology of Ujamaa and other national values. The public school curriculum during Ujamaa period was fashioned and aggressively employed as a nation-building tool. The curriculum stressed common Tanzania history, culture and values, and inculcates students with a strong sense of national and pan-African identity. Political education was also included in the curriculum to inspire pan-Africanism and socialist political philosophy adopted by Julius Nyerere with emphasis on Tanzania national identity. The policy of education for self reliance was formulated in order to ensure that education was in line with the principles in Arusha Declaration or ideology of Ujamaa or African socialism. Universal Primary Education (UPE) free education and adult education enabled government to facilitate political socialization and mobilization (Wangwe, 2005). Another notable agent of political socialization is religious groups. For example, Christian Churches played a substantial role in the run-up to the 2010 elections by providing voters’ education to their members. The church leaders have emphasized their role in educating people to choose the right leaders. The bishop’s document had guided the congregation in educating people to elect leaders with the right qualities or to vote for the right person (Heilman and Kaiser, 2002). Even the Islamic groups have not been left out the task of politically educating members. Just before 2010 elections, an Islamic group Barazu Kuu released a circular drafted by about one hundred Imams educating Muslims to vote for the candidates who will represent their interest. The Islamic religion provides political education and mobilization during Friday prayers urging members to vote for Muslim candidates regardless of a party affiliation. There have been campaigns in the Mosques where members were taught to vote for the ruling party, CCM (Heilman and Kaiser, 2002; Gahnstrom, 2012). Mass media is also vital in political education and mobilization in Tanzania. These include the newspapers, magazines, radio and television stations in short both print and electronic media. During the period of Ujamaa, mass media which was wholly owned by the state were used in propagating and promoting the ideology. For example, the Radio Tanzania Dar es Salaam (RTD) as an instrument of political socialization, political mobilization and propaganda was embedded in its functions such as to inform, educate, mobilize, unite and promote national values, ideology and objectives. Since political liberalization, there are twelve registered radio stations in the country, of which only radio Tanzania is state-owned or national and run by the government. The Radio Tanzania has traditionally been used for educating the people on various issues. While Radio Tanzania is good for reaching rural audiences, the privately owned Radio One is an alternative to target the Dar es Salaam audiences as much more people seem to be attuned to it. All the up-country radio stations are run by churches except two commercial radio stations in Arusha and one in Mwanza (Lange, Wallevick and Kiondo, 2000). Thus, in the post-Ujamaa Tanzania, the mass media have continued to play a vital role in political education with the liberalization of the sector. Political parties make use of the media for political campaign. The new and latest dimension to media is the social media with the use of internet made possible through the ICT revolution. The number of newspaper has exploded since political liberalization. On the side of Swahili newspapers, there are about nine dailies and 41 newspapers that are issued one to eight times a month. The largest daily is Majira with a circulation of 30,000 copies. The state-owned Uhuru which was before political liberalization the only accepted newspapers, has a circulation of 11,000 only, while Daily News and the Guardian have 12,000 each. The press is said to constitute the real political opposition in Tanzania often publishing stories on fraud and mismanagement on the side of politicians. The press does not still operate completely independently, because of the attempts to censor cartoons (Large, Wallevik, and Kiondo, 2000). There are seven television broadcasting companies in the country, all established from 1994 onwards. The last television station to be launched was the National Television which became operational only in 1999. Five of the stations are based in Dar es Salaam, the two others are in Morogoro. In addition, there are nineteen cable television networks, all but one of them are based in the northern part of the country. All the major stations feature news in Swahili and several of them produce debate programme on current issues which are also used in awareness programmes (Lange, Wallevik and Kiondo, 2000). 5. POLITICAL RECRUITMENT So far political recruitment in Tanzania is primarily through the political parties not from military coup d’etat. During the one party system, political recruitment into political offices at the national level and Tanzania mainland was only through the state party, TANU and in Zanzibar through ASP, and later through the CCM. But with liberalization and expansion of political space leading to the first multiparty elections in 1995 since 1964, other political parties joined CCM in the role of political recruitment. The political recruitment remains restricted due to the dominance of the ruling party CCM though better and more competitive than the era of one-party system at least at the local level and parliamentary elections. In the presidential election political recruitment still remains exclusive preserve of the ruling party CCM which continues to produce the president and form the government to the exclusion of other parties (Mutahabu and Okema, 1990). In other words, during the period of one-party system, political recruitment was restricted or limited to the state party. Even during the current era of multiparty system, political recruitment is still restricted to over twenty political parties with no room for independent candidate. Yet many of these political parties currently have not been able to recruit candidates into political offices, only few have been able to do so. There has never been military coup in Tanzania, so the political party through election has always been the only means of political recruitment yet few people have been recruited into Tanzanian apex political leadership just four since independence due to the restrictive political recruitment role of the one party system from 1964 to 1995 with unlimited term of office which ensured that Julius Nyerere remained in office for 21 years from 1964 to 1985 when he voluntarily resigned from office, and subsequently, Mwinyi who succeeded him in 1985. It was only because of multiparty system with limited term of office that Benjamin Mkapa and Jakaya Kikwete from CCM had been recruited through electoral process to occupy the office (Dagne, 2011). 6. INTEREST GROUPS Trade Unions The history of trade unions in Tanzania can be traced since 1920s when various associations such as the Kilimanjaro Motor Drivers Associations (KMDA), the Tanganyika African Government Servants Association, African Association (1929) and the Union of Shop Assistants were formed. However, these trade unions were subjected to the control of the Trade Union Ordinance No. 23 of 1932 which conferred much power to the registrar of trade unions (Tordoff, 1967; Babeiya, 2011). Interest groups or pressure groups like the trade union and other non-governmental organizations and community based organizations (CBOs) formed the civil society groups. Interest groups like CSOs, CBOs and trade union in Tanzania influence policy processes through advocacy, Lobbying and politicking. For instance, the trade union was instrumental in achieving independence in Tanzania when they joined forces with TANU in exerting political pressure on the colonial administration. During the era of one-party system and Ujamaa, trade unions and other civil society organizations were restricted and put under the control and whims of the ruling party. In 1955, trade union movement in Tanzania entered into a new phase after the formation of Tanganyika Federation Labour (TFL). In order to contain trade unions, the government abolished TFL in 1964 and established the National Union of Tanganyika Workers (NUTA) which was made the affiliate of the ruling party. It therefore had no power to confront the state in terms of defending worker’s interests like workers’ welfare, wage increase, minimum wage and other conditions of service (Friedland, 1969; Mihyo, 1970). With the liberalization of Tanzanian political sphere, NUTA was followed by other trade unions such as Jumuiya ya Wafanyakazi Tanzania (JUWATA) in 1997, Organization of Tanzania Trade Unions (OTTU) in 1990 and the Tanzania Federation of Trade Unions (TFTU) in 1995. Yet all these trade unions were not autonomous and their activities restricted due to strict state control. It was not until 1998 when the OTTU Act was repealed by the Trade Unions Act No. 10 of 1998 that trade unions became legally autonomous. Subsequently, the Trade Union Congress of Tanzania (TUCTA) was established in 2001 legally replacing OTTU (Mallya, 2005; Babeiya, 2011). Thus, even with the reintroduction of multiparty system, trade unions were still not legally recognized as autonomous and other civil society groups had no recognizable political role like interest articulation until 1998 when the Trade Union Act No. 10 was passed by the parliament. Yet the interest groups participation in political process like lobbying, policy making, election observing, etc, remained restricted. In spite of this, trade unions in Tanzania are still politically inactive. Thus, the role of trade unions in democratic political processes in Tanzania has been minimal or non-existent. Some of the factors that militate against trade unions’ active participation in political processes include lack of enabling legal framework, lack of trade unions’ internal democracy, poor working conditions, policies unfriendly to workers, low wages, etc (Babeya, 2011). Civil Society Organizations (CGOs) On the other hand, other civil society groups like non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are politically active in spite of being restricted to participate in politics by the NGOs Act of 2002. Some of the civil society organizations that have been politically active include Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC), Hakielimu, and Research and Education for Democracy in Tanzania (REDET). These civil society organizations have been using various strategies to influence the political processes. For example, some of the CSOs have been adopting a human rights perspective to challenge the government. Other CSOs have escaped state control under the guise of providing civic education to the public (Babeyi, 2011). In 1993, there were 224 registered NGOs in Tanzania, in 1995 it reached 749 local NGOs, later in 2000, the number is 8,499. The Tanzanian socialist state increasingly failed to deliver the promised social welfare services. Consequently, from the 1980s and onwards a number of civil society organizations began to emerge to fill the gap (Lange, Wallevik and Kiondo, 2000). Some of the NGOs that emerged to fill the gap includes the Umoja wa Wanawake Tanganyika (UWT), the Tanzania Media Women Association (TAMWA), Tanzania Women Lawyers Association (TAWLA), Baraza la Wanawake Tanzania (BAWATA), Tanzania Civil Society Consortium for Election Observation (TACCEO), Tanzania Association of the Disabled, Tanzania Association of the Disabled, Tanzania Association of the Mentally Handicapped, Mtandao wa Vikundivya Wakulima Tanzania (MVIWATA), Tanzania Federation of Free Trade Unions (TFFTU), Tanzania Teachers’ Union (TTU), Tanzania Union of Journalists (TUJ), Tanzania Union of Industrial and Commercial Workers, Tanzania Gender Network Programme (TGNP), Women’s Legal Aid Centres (WLAC), Legal and Human Rights Centre (LHRC), Christian Council of Tanzania (CCT), Muslim Council (BAKWATA), etc (Mallya, 2005). Most of the NGOs have voluntarily affiliated themselves to either of the two national umbrellas of NGOs; namely, the Tanzania Association of Non-governmental Organizations (TANGO) and the Tanzania Council for Social Development (TACOSODE). TANGO was established in April 1988 by twenty two founding member NGOs with the objective of strengthening and promoting corporation and networking among the member NGOs. By June 1999, TANGO had 341 affiliated NGOs which operate throughout the twenty regions of the country, though more than half are concentrated in Dar es Salaam. TACOSODE, on the other hand, was initially started in 1965, as a quasi-government organization known as National Council on Social Welfare Services. It was transformed into an umbrella NGO by twenty five founding-member NGOs in 1987 thereby shifting its focus from social welfare to social development. By 1999, it has about 125 affiliated member-NGOs which are spread throughout the 20 regions in the country. Since the political, social and economic reforms of the 1990s, NGOs have been playing vital role in the development of the country’s economy as well as in provision of social services. As the government’s capacity to meet the needs of its citizens increasingly reduced by economic constraints, NGOs have come to be increasingly involved in provision of social services such as employment generation, environmental concerns, gender issues and action, policy advocacy, poverty alleviation issues, public enlightenment, promotion of democratic and good governance, election observation, legal rights aid, and human rights protection. For a summary of strengths and weaknesses of the civil society organizations in Tanzania, see Table 3 below. Table 3: A Summary of Strengths and Weaknesses of CSOs in Tanzania CSO Types Major Strengths Major Weaknesses District development trusts Local funding Undemocratic Patron-client relationship Religious organizations Organizations skills Mass involvement Good urban-rural links Danger of destabilizing community Community development activity Grassroots involvement Often donor dependent Lack organizational management skills Organizations working for the rights of their members Forum for less privileged Potential for popular involvement Often donor dependent Lack organizational management skills Elite-based advocacy organizations that work for others Competent and well educated personnel. Successful lobbying on certain issues Use of the media Donor dependent Urban bias Working for the people, not with them. Source: Culled from Lange, Wallevik and Kiondo (2000:16). 7. POLITICAL PARTIES AND ELECTORAL SYSTEM Political Parties and Party System The Tanzania government under CCM funds all the registered political parties though the recipient parties insist that the funds are inadequate. Conventionally, political parties based on a regional ethnic or religious constituency are not eligible to register. New parties are expected to demonstrate that they have a nation-wide membership in order to register. Yet parties like the NCCR-Maguezi and the CUF have overtime and perhaps unintentionally been confined to narrow regional following (Chege, 2007). Although currently Tanzania has a multi-party system, the rules governing political competition are hardly different from the one party system. For example, out of the fourteen registered political parties in 1995 elections, only five political parties are represented in the National Assembly. After the 1995 elections, all opposition parties suffered internal crisis leaving the opposition parties weak and thus leading to a very poor performance in the 2000 elections. The result is that the ruling CCM enjoys unlimited power and runs politics as was the case during the one-party era. Tanzania thus becomes de facto one party state. As a result these parties are widely considered to have not real chance of gaining political power apart from the ruling party, CCM (Shayo, 2005). In Tanzania’s one-dominant-party system, opposition political parties tend to be small, fragmented and ineffectual in providing a credible alternative to the ruling party in ideological and policy terms. While CCM took 59 percent of the votes cast in the 1995 elections and secures 186 of 232 seats followed by National Convention for Construction and Reform-Maguezi (NCCR-Maguezi) which took 22 percent of the total and garnered only 16 seats confined to Dar es Salaam and Mount Kilimanjaro region. The third party, the CUF, found most of its support in Zanzibar and Pemba wining about 6 percent of the votes cast nationally, and 24 seats. The United Democratic Party (UDP) managed a mere 3 percent of the total votes and took three seats (Mmuya, 1996; Chege, 2007). The NCCR-Maguezi, the largest of the opposition parties in 1995, split into two factions in 1998. In 2000 elections, the CCM presidential candidates Benjamin Mkapa won approximately 70 percent of the votes. The opposition became weaker and an attempt to forgo alliance between the opposition parties in 2003 was aborted when the CUF refused to participate. Subsequently in 2005 election, the presidential candidate of CCM, Jakaya M. Kikwete was elected with approximately an overwhelming 80 percent of the votes. For presidential and parliamentary elections in Tanzania, 1995-2010 see Tables 4 and 5 below. Table 4: Presidential Results in Tanzania, 1995-2010 (in Percentage) Political Parties 1995 2000 2005 2010 CCM 61.8 71.7 80.3 61.2 CUF 6.4 16.3 11.7 8.1 CHADEMA NA NA 5.9 26.3 NCCR-M 27.8 NA 0.5 0.3 TLP NA 7.8 0.8 0.2 UDP 4.0 4.2 NA NA Turnout 76.7 84.4 72.2 42.8 Gap Point1 34.0 55.4 68.6 38.4 Gap Point2 123 341 586 1321 Source: National Electoral Commission of Tanzania culled from Gahnstrom (2012). 1Gap point is the percentage point difference between leading candidate and runner-up. 2Gap percent is the leading candidate votes as percentage of runner-up votes. Table 5: Parliamentary (National Assembly) Election Results in Tanzania, 1995-2010 Political Parties 1995 2000 2005 2010 CCM (% Votes) % Seats 59.2 79.6 65.2 87.1 70 86 60.3 75.5 CUF (% Votes) % Seats 5.0 10.4 12.5 7.5 14.2 9.8 10.5 9.0 CHADEMA(% Votes) % Seats 6.2 1.5 4.2 1.8 8.2 3.6 23.9 13.4 NCCR-M (% Votes) %Seats 21.8 7.1 3.6 0.4 2.2 0 2.5 1.2 UDP (% Votes) % Seats 3.3 1.5 4.4 1.4 1.4 0.3 1.5 0.3 TLP (%Votes) %Seats 0.4 0 9.2 1.8 2.8 0.3 0.7 0.3 Turnout (%) 76.7 73.8 69.6 42.2 Source: Tanzania National Electoral Commission culled from Gahnstrom (2012). Following from the above tables, in 2000 presidential election, CCM candidates President Mkapa won with 71.7% of the votes. In 2005 presidential election, Jakaya Kikwete won with 80.28 percent of the total votes cast, followed by Prof Ibrahim Lipumba of CUF with 11.68 percent and Freeman Mbowe of CHADEMA with 5.88 percent. In the 2005 National Assembly Elections CCM got 206 seats out of 232 seats, CUF garnered 19 seats, CHADEMA secured 5 seats and TLP and United Democratic Party (UDP) won one seat each. In 2010 presidential election, the CCM candidate, President J.M. Kikwete was reelected with total votes of 5,276, 827 out of 8,398,394 of total valid votes cast. Another aspect of political parties in Tanzania is that they have become platforms of the founding leaders, who have constructed structures whose rules become null and void if and when they conflict with the founder’s conceptions or ideas. Most founders of the opposition parties are individuals who were disaffected members of the TANU/CCM and have carried with them personal rivalries and animosity into the opposition parties. Thus, the survival and prospects of most of these opposition political parties are tied to their founders’ fate. Perhaps one other essential feature of the opposition parties is lack of internal democracy. This is because most party founders have excessive powers, and therefore, literally handpick candidates. On the contrary, the ruling political party, CCM, was internally more democratic in the 1995 and 2000 elections and offered a more competitive internal system in candidate nomination. CCM appears to have a systematic programme for the selection of party candidates (Nyirabu, 2002; Chege, 2007). For instance, between 1992 and 2004, the National Electoral Commission (NEC) registered 16 political parties in Tanzania, of which most were splinter groups whose members defected from the ruling CCM to form opposition parties. There was little divergence or difference in the stated policy missions and manifestoes of the parties. Rather than being ideologically distinct elite networks, many opposition parties tend to emerge out of patron-client networks (Shayo, 2005; Msekwa, 2006; Philips, 2010). As long as Julius Nyerere was alive (even after he ceased to be president in 1985), he wielded overwhelming influence over the operations and philosophy of the CCM. It was at his suggestion in 1991 that the party decided to return Tanzania to multiparty competition. Today, CCM leadership comprises mainly business elites who sponsor the party financially. The CCM’s membership includes the majority of state bureaucrats and other state groups like the police and military, village traditional leadership who were incorporated first into the colonial state and later into Ujamaa leadership, and a broad mix of the general public (Shayo, 2005; Phillips, 2010). CCM is now barely recognizable from its early incarnations as a socialist party. In spite of this, the party still follows the principle of democratic centralism entrenched during the one-party system. The highest decision or policy making body is the National Executive Council (NEC) which meets once every five years. Most often, the President through the party NEC decides who will ultimately become a party candidate (Karume, et al, 2004; Philips, 2010). The Civic United Front (CUF’s) popular base lies largely on the isles, especially Pemba, where CUF secured all 18 of the island’s parliamentary seats in 2005 elections. CUF did not win a single parliamentary seat on the mainland in 2005 election. CUF’s members are mostly Pemba Nationalists, anti-Union activists, anti-Zanzibar revolution activists, and a more mainstream Muslim constituency. A few Christians and women in its leadership are used as proof that the party has no religious agenda (Shayo, 2005). Out of the three parties that offered the strongest and most vocal opposition to CCM in 2005 elections such as the CUF, CHADEMA and the Tanzanian Labour Party (TLP); the CHADEMA held five seats in the parliament in 2005 elections. The party led by Kilimanjaro native, Freeman Mbowe, appeals to a non-state-sponsored business and agriculture elite in Tanzania. CHADEMA has been particularly successful in Northern Tanzania and is believed to be dominated by and likely to serve the interests of a notably prosperous ethnic group, the Chagga. While the Tanzania Labour Party (TLP) led by charismatic Augustine Mrema won only one parliamentary seat in 2005 elections (Shayo, 2005). Elections and Electoral System The President of Tanzania and the members of National Assembly are elected for a five-year term through the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system in a multi-party or plural party electoral system. The president is limited to a maximum of two terms. For National Assembly election, Tanzania is divided into 239 single member constituencies of which 189 are on the mainland and 50 are in Zanzibar. Also, in line with affirmative action, there are 102 reserved seats for women with seats allocated to political parties on a proportional representation depending upon their share of the vote (Meena, 2003; Mushi, 2003; Massoi, 2005). The President of Zanzibar and the Zanzibar House of Representatives are as well elected through the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system for a five-year term of office. There are 50 single member constituencies for the Zanzibar House of Representatives. Also, Zanzibar Constitution provides for reserved seats for women allocated to political parties on a proportional basis to ensure that 30 percent of the total memberships of the House of Representatives are women. The entire country is as well divided into a series of wards for the purposes of local elections with each ward electing a representative for local councils (Mushi, 2003). Tanzania electoral system makes no allowance for independent candidates thus only persons being a member of a political party are able to stand as candidates for the election. For presidential election, the candidates must be a citizen of Tanzania and at least 40 years of age. Other criteria include the signed support of at least 200 registered voters from at least ten regions out of which at least two are in Zanzibar. Also, the presidential candidates are required to make a financial deposit of one million Tanzania shillings. For the National Assembly elections the candidates must be a citizen, at least 21 years of age, submit signatures of 25 registered voters from that constituency and pay a deposit of TS 50, 000 (Commonwealth Observer Group, 2010). Under the 1992 Parties Registration Regulations, prospective political parties are required to pay the Registrar of parties’ fee and are as well required to among others (a) have at least 200 members aged above 18 years (b) have support from at least ten regions two of which must be from Zanzibar and Pemba (Mushi, 2003; Shayo, 2005). 8. THE POLICY PROCESS Government Bills At the national level, there are macro or cross-cutting policies, sector policies and sub-sector policies in Tanzania. Macro or cross-cutting policies are those policies whose implementation involves several ministries or cut a cross several sectors, for examples, the Tanzania National Vision 2025, the National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty (NSGRP) and several other economic policies. The responsibility for formulating these policies lies with organs like the President’s Office, the Vice President’s Office, the Prime Minister’s Office, Ministry of Finance or Ministry of Planning, Economy and Empowerment. Macro or cross-cutting policies are usually introduced to the National Assembly by the Attorney-General (Mattee, 2007). The design and formulation of sector policies is the responsibility of respective sector ministries. In other words, these ministries have the mandate to formulate sector policies and to monitor their implementation and impacts. The approach used in the formulation of sector policies is supposed to be participatory or bottom-top. A department within a sector ministry may also within the framework of sector policy formulate a subsector policy on a particular aspect as need arises (Mattee, 2007). Generally, policies in Tanzania are first considered at ministerial level and subsequently send to higher policy making organs like the cabinet secretariat where they are discussed in depth before being forwarded to the Inter-Ministerial Technical Committee (IMTC) which comprises permanent secretaries from all ministries. The role of IMTC is to ensure that the proposed policy is in harmony with other policies that are currently operational in other sectors. With the recommendation of the IMTC, the policy papers is submitted to the Cabinet which can be accompanied by appropriate research documents for cabinet and parliament members to read alongside the policy paper (Mallosa, 2004; Mattee, 2007). The cabinet discusses the policy paper and takes a common position, which becomes a blueprint for implementation. Once the policy is approved by cabinet it is submitted to parliament for information, although parliament may comment on the policy and advise the government should there be need to improve the policy. The Cabinet may also feel that the proposed policy contravenes existing laws or there is a need to enact a law to implement the policy. The cabinet may then decide to refer the decision to the parliament to either enact or amend exiting law (s) (Mattee, 2007). The government bill is introduced into the National Assembly by a minister or Attorney-General. After the Bill has been approved by the cabinet it is published in the official gazette with a statement of its objects and reasons, signed by the minister responsible for introducing the bill in the National Assembly. It must be published in at least two issues of the gazette at intervals of not less than seven clear days. The first publication of a Bill must contain its full text, and must be published at least twenty one days before it is introduced in the National Assembly for first reading. The second publication of the Bill is deemed to have been made by the insertion of a notice in gazette naming the title of the Bill plus the number and date of the gazette in which it was first published (Walsh, 2007). The above mentioned procedure for publication may be dispensed with in respect of a government bill, if a certificate under the hand of the President is laid on the table of the National Assembly by a minister or Attorney-General stating that the relevant Bill is of such an unusually urgent nature that time does not permit compliance with the prescribed procedure. The parliament then debates the Bill submitted by the executive (or cabinet) and may either approve or reject it. But before the bill is presented to the full parliament or on the floor of parliament, it is first considered by the relevant parliamentary committee which reviews it in detail and advises the parliament on any shortcomings that may need to be addressed before passing it. The parliamentary committee may organize a public hearing where it receives memos, views, opinions, recommendations, suggestions, proposals or objections on the Bill from interested publics, stakeholders, groups or organizations. Once the parliament has enacted the law and the Act assented by the president, it can only be interpreted by the judiciary in an event of conflict or dispute (Matlosa, 2004; Mattee, 2007). Private Member’s Bills In the case of private member’s bill introduced by any member of parliament (MP) who is not a minister, the MP began by notifying the Clerk of the National Assembly of his intention and submits the name of his bill and describes fully the objects and reasons of the bill. The procedure for printing and publication is exactly the same as for government bills (Walsh, 2007). The legislative deliberations of a bill like in the case of government bills involves first reading, second reading, committee of the whole House, third reading and passing of the bill. The bill is passed by MPs, if not the bill is rejected. Once the bill is passed by the National Assembly, it is submitted by the Clerk of the National Assembly to the President for his assent and if it is assented it becomes an Act of Parliament or a law or a statute. But if the President withholds his assent he must return it to the National Assembly together with a statement of his reasons for withholding his assent (Mallya, 2005; Walsh, 2007). After the Bills is returned to the National Assembly it shall not be presented again to the President for his assent before the expiration of six months since it was so returned. In order for it to be presented again to the President it must be supported by the votes of not less than two-thirds of all the members of the National Assembly. If the Bill which was returned to the National Assembly by the president is passed again by the National Assembly with the support of not less than two-thirds of all the members of the National Assembly, and is presented a second time to the President for his assent then the President is obliged to assent to the bill within twenty one days of its being presented to him, otherwise he must dissolve parliament and call for a new general election (Walsh, 2007). 9. CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL CHALLENGES Tanzania remains one of the few African states that has not experienced incursion of the military into politics though not necessarily for the lack of trying. Some of the contemporary political challenges confronting post Ujamaa Tanzania include political corruption, ethnic politics, religious politics, political repression, electoral fraud and malpractices, consolidation of multiparty system and contraction of democratic political space, post-election violence, ethnic violence and religious violence. Political corruption is worsening as anti-corruption efforts of the government are not yielding result. Political corruption is capable of truncating the multiparty democratization in Tanzania (Heilman and Ndumbaro, 2002). Electoral fraud and malpractices is weakening the opposition parties while the ruling party is becoming more dominant ensuring that Tanzania remains a de facto one party state and CCM a dominant one party. Consequently, the democratic political space is shrinking or contracting instead of expanding. Electoral malpractices are the cause of post-electoral violence in Tanzania with ethnic and religious undertone. As a result the post-election violence is heightening ethnic and religious tensions and possibly ethnic and religious violence (Heilman and Ndumbaro, 2002). Ethnic and religious politics are seriously endangering the national unity and integration in Tanzania. The play of ethnic and religious cards during election campaigns is capable of unleashing ethnic and religious violence. The consequence for consolidation of “multiparty” democracy or “competitive” electoral system is ominous. Some of these challenges must be addressed and tackled by the government if meaningful development must be achieved in Tanzania. 10. CONCLUSION Tanzania has undergone a chequered political history that has seen it transiting from multi-party system to one-party system, and from one-party system back to multi-party system. It has also changed from parliamentary system to presidential system and from liberal economic system to socialist system, a unique brand of African socialism called Ujamaa, and from the socialist economic system back to liberal economic system. But despite these political and economic transformations Tanzania unlike most Saharan Africa countries has not experienced military intervention into politics. Yet like other sub-Saharan African countries which had passed through colonial experience it is confronted with enormous political challenges. So far we have discussed political development in Tanzania with regard to historical origin and development, government structure/institutions, political culture and political socialization, political recruitment, interest groups, political parties and electoral systems, policy process and contemporary political challenges. 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