This is an electronic reprint of the original article.
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Author(s): Hautala, Jarkko; Hyönä, Jukka; Aro, Mikko; Lyytinen, Heikki
Title:
Sublexical effects on eye movements during repeated reading of words and
pseudowords in Finnish
Year:
2011
Version:
Please cite the original version:
Hautala, J., Hyönä, J., Aro, M., & Lyytinen, H. (2011). Sublexical effects on eye
movements during repeated reading of words and pseudowords in Finnish.
Psychology of Language and Communication, 15 (2), 129-149. doi:10.2478/v10057011-0009-x
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Psychology of Language and Communication 2011, Vol. 15, No. 2
doi: 10.2478/v10057-011-0009-x
JarKKo hautala1, JuKKa hyönä2, miKKo aro1, heiKKi lyytinen1
university of Jyväskylä
2
university of turku
1
Sublexical effectS on eye movementS
during repeated reading of wordS and pSeudowordS
in finniSh
the role of different orthographic units (letters, syllables, words) in reading of orthographically transparent finnish language was studied by independently manipulating the number of
letters (nol) and syllables (noS) in words and pseudowords and by recording eye movements
during repeated reading aloud of these items. fluent adult readers showed evidence for using
larger orthographic units in (pseudo)word recoding, whereas dysfluent children seem to be
stuck in a letter-based decoding strategy, as lexicality and item repetition decreased the nol
effect only among adult readers. the noS manipulation produced weak repetition effects in
both groups. however, dysfluent children showed evidence for word-specific knowledge by
making fewer fixations on words than pseudowords; moreover, repetition effects were more
noticeable for words than pseudowords, as indexed by shortened average fixation durations
on words due to item repetition. the number of fixations was generally reduced by repetition
among dysfluent children, suggesting familiarity-based benefits perhaps at the perceptual
level of processing.
Key words: eye movements, word recognition, word length, number of syllables, reading ability
Introduction
when learning to read one first has to break the orthographic code. languages
differ in how complex the mapping is between the written and spoken language. in
its simplest form each letter corresponds to a unique phoneme and vice versa. in
these kinds of transparent orthographies (e.g. finnish), learning to read is greatly
facilitated when compared to more opaque orthographies such as english (Seymour,
aro, & erskine, 2003). naturally, even in transparent orthographies the mapping
address for correspondence: Jarkko hautala, department of psychology, agora, pob 35, fi-40014, university
of Jyväskylä, finland. e-mail: jarkko.v.hautala@jyu.fi
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must be automatized to attain a fluent reading skill (laberge & Samuels, 1974).
this automatization is well captured by decoding speed (ehri & robbins, 1991;
marsh, friedman, desberg & Saterdahl, 1981a; marsh, friedman, welsch & desberg,
1981b; tunmer & hoover, 1993), i.e. the rate at which one can translate letters and
words into speech when reading aloud. this efficiency in turn contributes to the
experienced pleasure of reading rather than mere recognition accuracy (leinonen
et al., 2001). one strategy to improve reading fluency is to read the same words or
texts several times (laberge & Samuels, 1974), with even a few repetitions producing marked improvement in reading speed (hyönä & niemi, 1990; reitsma, 1983;
Share, 2004, for a review, see ehri, 2005). repeated reading is also used to remediate
reading fluency among dyslexics (chard, vaughn, & tyler, 2002). however, it is not
clear which reading processes are affected by repetition and which orthographic
units (e.g. syllables or words) should be repeated. the latter question is especially
relevant when seeking efficient ways to promote reading fluency especially among
struggling readers.
dual-route theories (e.g. coltheart, rastle, perry, langdon, & Ziegler, 2001)
suggest that words can be recognized either by an analytic letter-to-phoneme
conversion or via a whole-word route. in the former strategy, the reader breaks
down the word into individual letters or groups of letters, thus allowing access to
corresponding phonemic representations. then these phonemic representations are
combined and a phonological representation of the word is accessed. in order to
use the latter strategy, the reader must have developed word-specific orthographic
representations, and little, if any, phonological processing would be required to
access the word identity. in general, sublexical factors are more important when
reading pseudowords or infrequent words as compared to reading frequent words
– a pattern of results supporting the dual-route view of word decoding.
the dual-route theory is mainly based on data on reading simple monosyllabic
words. in many languages, long and complex words are common, containing complex consonant clusters and/or multiple syllables and morphemes. it seems plausible
to assume that even in fluent reading these types of words are not recognized as
whole words but via smaller units. thus, the recognition units in reading may be
viewed as a continuum from small-size letter/phonemic units via multi-letter units
to complete words (duncan, Seymour, & hill, 2000; thaler et al., 2009). it is known
that dyslexics are highly affected by sublexical factors, possibly because they have
problems in forming or retrieving larger orthographic representations and thus
have to rely on a sublexical reading strategy (Zoccolotti, de luca, di pace, Judica,
& Spinelli, 2005). for these readers, repeated reading may thus improve reading
speed by supporting the formation of larger orthographic representations.
the present study was conducted to gain more insight into fluent and dysfluent
word decoding by studying the independent effects of the number of letters (nol)
and number of syllables (noS) during repeated reading of words and pseudowords.
eye fixation patterns on words and pseudowords were used as online indices of deBrought to you by | Jyväskylän Yliopisto University
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coding fluency during reading aloud. the reading-aloud task was selected to ensure
that the readers engaged in proper decoding of the target items. the nol effect,
commonly termed as the word length effect, provides an indicator of small-unit
decoding, whereas the noS effect, or the syllabic length effect as termed by ferrand
(2000), indicates a possible contribution of larger-unit processing. repeated reading
provides a dynamic window to the use of sublexical units: sublexical effects should
diminish as words or pseudowords become increasingly familiar due to repetition.
it was expected that fluent adult readers are able to rapidly form new orthographic
representations as indexed by a significant reduction in nol and noS effects in the
pseudoword condition. on the other hand, as hypothesized above, dysfluent child
readers may be unable to quickly acquire new orthographic representations, and
thus no reduction in sublexical effects was expected.
using the eye tracking methodology, we were in a position to obtain detailed
information about how the studied effects manifest in on-line processing of words
and pseudowords. during reading the eyes make stationary stops (fixations) lasting
a few hundred milliseconds, during which visual information is acquired. between
fixations the eyes make rapid movements called saccades, during which vision is
greatly suppressed. the number of fixations made on a word or pseudoword indicates if the lexical item is recognized instantly during a single fixation or whether
recognition is spilled across several fixations (see rayner, 1998 for a review of eye
movements in reading). hawelka, gagl and wimmer (2010) have recently provided
an excellent account of how eye movement measures may be understood from the
dual-route perspective of reading. essentially, if several fixations are made on a
single word during its initial encounter, a sublexical unit, instead of the whole word,
may be recognized during each fixation. if this is the case, a connection between
the number of sublexical units and the number of fixations would be found. with
respect to item repetition, a reduced number of fixations due to repetition would
indicate a shift to more parallel processing, whereas a decrease in average fixation
duration would imply an increase in processing efficiency (reichle, vanyukov,
laurent, & warren, 2008). finally, familiar stimuli may receive fewer and shorter
fixations than infrequently encountered stimuli. nazir et al. (2004) and maloney et
al. (2009) have suggested that this kind of familiarity effect may be non-linguistic
in nature and related to perceptual processes.
letters are self-evident small-size units of reading and necessarily decoded
during the course of word recognition. the amount of processing devoted to
each letter in a word is captured by the word length (in letters) effect. if words
are recognized solely by the whole-word strategy, no word length effect should
be observed. in line with the dual-route theory, the pseudoword length effect is
demonstrated to be much stronger than the word length effect, which may even
be absent in the word naming latencies among adult readers (de luca et al., 2002;
frederiksen & Kroll, 1976; martens & de Jong, 2008; weekes, 1997; Ziegler, perry,
Jacobs, & braun, 2001). more commonly however, also adult readers show a small
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but nonetheless reliable word length effect, as reviewed by new, ferrand, pallier
and brysbaert (2006). the word length effect has also been apparent in readers’
eye movement (calvo & meseguer, 2002; bertram & hyönä, 2003; de luca et al.,
2002; hutzler & wimmer, 2003; hyönä & olson, 1995; Just & carpenter, 1980;
Kliegl, grabner, rolfs, & engbert, 2004; macKeben et al., 2004; rayner, Sereno,
& raney, 1996, but see Joseph, liversedge, blythe, white, & rayner, 2009). the
effect among fluent readers is mainly caused by increased refixations on longer
words, but also to some degree by increased fixation durations on words read
by a single fixation.
developmentally, a substantial decrement in the word length effect is seen
during the early school years (martens & de Jong, 2006; 2008; Spinelli, de luca,
mancini, martelli, & Zoccolotti, 2005; Zoccolotti et al., 2005). on the other hand,
a prolonged word length effect is the most striking behavioral manifestation of
dyslexia, presumably indicating the continued use of a letter-by-letter reading
strategy (de luca et al., 1999, 2002; hutzler & wimmer, 2003; Zoccolotti et al.,
2005; martens & de Jong, 2006a, 2008; thaler et al., 2009). in the aforementioned
eye movement studies, the length effect among beginning and dyslexic readers is
also seen in fixation frequency measures, providing strong evidence for the use of
small recognition units in reading.
there is also some evidence for the role of sublexical units larger than letters
in word decoding. in irregular orthographies recognition of specific letter combinations is motivated by the unique pronunciation they may code (paap, noel, &
Johansen, 1992; rastle & coltheart, 1999). for example, in german there is evidence
for consonant clusters working as perceptual units (marinus & de Jong, 2008; thaler
et al., 2009). in many languages, words are formed as combinations of a relatively
limited number of syllables. an effect of the number of syllables in naming and
lexical decision latencies for visually presented words has been shown in english
(an irregular but not syllable-stressed language; Jared & Seidenberg, 1993; new
et al., 2006), in french (an irregular and syllable-stressed language; ferrand, 2000;
ferrand & new, 2003), and in german (a regular but not syllable-stressed language;
Stenneken, 2007). additional support for the involvement of syllables in reading
comes from syllable frequency studies conducted in Spanish (Álvarez, carreiras,
& perea, 2004), german (hutzler, conrad, & Jacobs, 2005), and english (macizo &
van petten, 2007; ashby & rayner, 2004).
finnish – the language of the present study – has a perfect one-to-one mapping
between letters and phonemes, enabling an excellent opportunity, particularly for
poorer readers, to make use of the letter-by-letter decoding strategy. in fact, there is
evidence that word length effects are particularly pronounced in transparent orthographies (Ziegler et al, 2001). also the syllable seems like a suitable sublexical unit
in finnish, as syllables are salient units in spoken finnish, with the initial syllable
of a word always being stressed (Suomi, toivanen, & ylitalo, 2002). Syllabification
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serted at syllable boundaries in first-grade abc books, and a common instructional
approach is to read words aloud syllable by syllable. finnish syllables consist of
one to four letters and are only approx. 3000 in number. because of inflectional
and agglutinative morphology, words have numerous forms; word compounding
is also very productive. for these reasons finnish words are typically long. due
to restrictions of visual acuity (the foveal vision extends about 2 degrees of visual
angle) finnish words often require multiple eye fixations to be successfully identified (see e.g. bertram & hyönä, 2003). thus, it seems plausible to think that even
in fluent decoding of finnish sublexical units are in use.
to date, only few studies have examined sublexical effects during repeated
reading. martens and de Jong (2008) studied the effect of repetition in a naming
task with reference to word length (number of letters) and lexical status (word or
non-word) in dutch. they found that the magnitude of the lexicality effect was
reliably decreased by repetition. there was a reduction in the length effect in absolute values, but the reduction was found to be proportional to the improvement
in overall reading speed, and therefore it was concluded that the relative influence
of the word length remained similar across repetitions. the reduction in the lexicality effect was similar for dyslexics, chronological age- and reading age-matched
controls. the chronological age-matched controls, surprisingly, did not show even
a pseudoword length effect, thus preventing a repetition effect from manifesting
itself. Judica, de luca, Spinelli and Zoccolotti (2002) did not find reduction in the
length effect among dyslexic readers after extensive practice with rapid presentation times, while hayes, masterson and roberts’s (2004) case study demonstrated
a reduction in the length effect in a dyslexic subject. finally, Katz et al. (2005)
showed that a sublexical regularity effect (the difference in response latency between words with regular versus irregular spelling-sound correspondences) could
be cancelled by repetition in the lexical decision task but not in the naming task
where pronunciation was required.
a couple of eye movement studies have examined the effects of repeated reading among adult readers. hyönä and niemi (1990) studied repeated reading of a
single text and found a general facilitation effect due to repeated reading, which
was reflected in a decrease in the summed fixation time, average fixation duration, the number of progressive and regressive fixations, as well as in an increase
in average saccade length. raney and rayner (1995) demonstrated that rereading
had a uniform effect for reading high and low frequency words, suggesting that
repetition may exert a general facilitatory effect on word recognition so that few
repetitions are not sufficient to cancel out the frequency effect.
a handful of studies has examined if repetition effects generalize to reading of
non-repeated items containing the same sublexical parts with the practiced ones.
reitsma (1983) found that repeated articulation of words produces a transfer effect generalizing to homophone spellings, suggesting a phonological locus of the
training. berends and reitsma (2006) demonstrated a generalization of training
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JarKKo hautala, JuKKa hyönä, miKKo aro, heiKKi lyytinen
effect to orthographic neighbor words only when the training had an orthographic
locus (a semantic task did not produce a generalized training effect). in a series
of studies, huemer and her colleagues trained children to read syllables (huemer,
aro, landerl, & lyytinen, 2010) and onset consonant clusters (huemer, landerl,
aro, & lyytinen, 2008) and obtained transfer to reading of words and pseudowords
containing these trained units. these studies are encouraging with regard to the
hypothesis that learning to recognize larger sublexical units might promote reading
fluency in dysfluent readers.
the present study was conducted to investigate the extent to which different sublexical units are utilized in reading among fluent adults and dysfluent
children and whether it is possible to enlarge the recognition units by repeated
reading. participants read aloud word and pseudoword lists repeatedly ten times
from a computer screen while their eye movements were tracked. to study nol
effects, bisyllabic items of 4, 6 and 8 letters were used. based on previous studies,
dysfluent child readers were expected to show a nol effect for both pseudowords
and words with no effect of repetition, whereas adults were expected to show
mainly a pseudoword length effect with a rapid decrement in the effect size due
to repetition. to study noS effects, 8–letter items containing 2, 3 or 4 syllables
were presented. based on previous studies (Stenneken, 2007; ferrand, 2000; ferrand & new, 2003), a noS effect was expected to be found for adults, whereas
dysfluent children were not likely to demonstrate noS effects even after repeated
exposure, since they seem to rely on relatively persistent letter-by-letter reading
(thaler et al., 2009).
Method
Participants
the group of fluent adult readers consisted of nineteen participants with a
mean age of 29.4 years (Sd = 6.6). two adult participants were excluded from the
analysis due to their slow performance in a text reading-aloud task (156 s and 143 s,
when group m = 119 s and Sd = 13.6) presented before the experiment. the eighteen
dysfluent child readers were volunteers from a concomitant training study with a
mean age of 10.5 years (Sd = 11 months). the children’s reading level was at least 1
z-score (m = -1.56, Sd = 0.511) below their age-level norms in a standardized reading
task (luKilaSSe; häyrinen, Serenius-Sirve, & Korkman, 1999), while performing
at the normal level in a general intelligence test, raven m = 30.39, Sd = 2.89. all
the children followed the normal curriculum in regular classrooms.
Apparatus
eye movements were recorded by a Smi hiSpeed eye tracker with a 500 hz
sampling rate. participants were comfortably seated in a solid chair in front of a
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height-adjustable table, their foreheads resting on the eye tracking apparatus attached to the table. a 13-point calibration procedure was carried out before the
experiment. participants’ speech during the experiment was recorded by a pc.
Materials
the stimulus materials consisted of 10 phonotactically legal pseudowords and
10 basic form words, either nouns or adjectives. each item was repeated ten times
in different locations on two text lines. there were five types of words/pseudowords matched for word and bigram frequency: cv.cv = 4l (letters) 2S (syllables),
cvc.cvc = 6l2S, cvvc.cvvc = 8l2S, cv.cvc.cvc = 8l3S, cv.cv.cv.cv = 8l4S.
the set of 4l2S, 6l2S and 8l2S items was used to examine the word length
effect independent of the number of syllables, which was held constant (i.e. two
syllables). the set of 8l2S, 8l3S and 8l4S items was used to study the effect of the
number of syllables independent of word length, which was held constant (i.e. eight
letters). pseudowords and real words were presented in separate blocks so that the
pseudoword block was read before the real word block.
Procedure
the computer screen was located at a distance of 66 cm from the participant’s
eyes. the stimulus items were displayed on two lines in courier new 18 pt font,
in which one letter corresponded to 0.43° of visual angle. prior to the presentation
of each stimulus screen, a fixation cross appeared at the beginning of the first text
line. the first word on both text lines was a filler word not included in the data
analyses. the inclusion of these filler words was done to exclude noisier data in the
eye movement record due to stimulus appearance (the first word of the upper text
line) and return sweeps (the first word of the second text line). participants were
instructed to read aloud all the words on the screen as fast and accurately as they
could. the experimenter manually controlled the appearance and disappearance of
the stimulus screens contingent on the participant’s gaze and reading aloud. the
experiment lasted approximately 15 min.
Eye movement data handling
raw eye data were parsed into fixations and saccades by Smi’s velocity based
detection algorithm using a peak velocity threshold of 30 °/s. periods of unstable
data or inaccurate calibration were coded manually and excluded from the analysis. only fixations longer than 50 ms were included in the analysis. each stimulus
item served as an area of interest. fixations were assigned to these areas of interest,
and the eye movement measures were averaged for each stimulus category. values
deviating more than 3 Sd from the condition average were replaced by the value
of m + 3 Sd. this correction was made separately for each dependent variable. the
ten repetitions were split into two halves by averaging the first five repetitions into
block 1 and the last five repetitions into block 2.
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Statistical analyses
repeated measures anovas were performed on the data using a 2 (group) x
2 (block) x 2 (lexicality) x 3 (number of letters or number of syllables) design (the
last three variables were within-participants variables). the following dependent
variables were used: gaze duration (i.e. the time spent fixating a stimulus item during its initial encounter, i.e. first-pass reading), the number of first-pass fixations,
and average fixation duration during first-pass reading. the gaze duration reflects
overall processing time of the item. the fixation frequency measure reveals whether
a letter string can be processed during a single fixation or whether a refixation is
needed to complete its recognition. average fixation duration indexes the relative
ease of processing during individual fixations.
Results
to attain equal variances between groups and to prevent proportionally equal
effect sizes from producing artificial interactions in both between- and within-group
analyses, logarithmically transformed values were analyzed (Salthouse & hedden,
2002). for producing a significant interaction in logarithmically transformed values,
the studied effects are likely to differ also in proportional values (martens & de Jong,
2008). for example, if the magnitude of the word length effect in absolute values is
200 ms in pseudoword reading and 100 ms in word reading, the word length effect
is 100 ms greater for pseudowords. however, if the average reading time for words
is 500 ms and for pseudowords 1000 ms, the proportional magnitude of the length
effect is the same for words (100 / 500 = 0.2) and pseudowords (200 / 1000 = 0.2).
the results are reported separately for the nol and noS manipulation. a separate section is also devoted to the lexicality effects. as lexicality was a common
factor in both manipulations, all pseudowords and words were included in this
analysis. the repetition effects, if not interacting with nol and noS, are reported in
the lexicality section. for the sake of simplicity, only the highest-level interactions
involving nol, noS, lexicality and repetition are reported in the results section,
and the more redundant main effects and interactions are listed in the appendix.
the means for the nol and noS manipulations are reported in figure 1 and the
means for the lexicality effects are reported in figure 2.
NoL analyses
gaze duration. a lexicality x nol x group interaction, f(2,30) = 4.86, p = 0.013,
η = 0.136, resulted from only adults showing a steeper pseudoword than word
length effect, as revealed by a significant lexicality x nol interaction for adults,
f(2,15) = 13.25, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.453. in children, the lexicality x nol interaction was
not significant, f < 1. the group x nol interaction was significant only in word reading, f(2,30) = 7.30, p = 0.006, ηp2 = 0.186, but not in the pseudoword condition, f = 1.53,
2
p
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figure 1. results of the first-pass variables including gaze duration (left), average fixation
duration (middle) and number of fixations (right). the upper panels (a) show the results
of the number of letters manipulation and the lower panels (b) the results of the number
of syllables manipulation. for both groups, data are plotted separately for pseudowords
and words in block 1 and 2
indicating that the length effect was proportionally steeper for children only in word
reading. moreover, the block x nol interaction was also significant, f(2,30) = 4.00,
p = 0.023, ηp2 = 0.114, suggesting that the nol effect was generally reduced by repetition. although the three-way interaction of group x block x nol was not significant,
f < 1, figure 1 raises doubts whether the length effect is really reduced by repetition
within the dysfluent child group. an anova computed separately for the two groups
revealed that the reduction of the length effect by repetition was present in the adult
group, f(2,15) = 6.67, p = 0.008, ηp2 = 0.471, but not in children, f = 1.34.
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number of first-pass fixations. in the number of first-pass fixations, a three-way
interaction of lexicality x nol x group was significant, f(2,30) = 8.94, p < 0.001,
ηp2 = 0.224, as only adults showed a steeper pseudoword than word length effect: children did not show a lexicality x nol interaction, f < 1, but adults did,
f(2,15) = 26.13, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.777. the group x nol interaction, indicating a
steeper length effect for children, was significant in word reading, f(2,30) = 10.07,
p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.240, but not in the pseudoword condition, f < 1. the block x nol
interaction, f(2,30) = 5.26, p = 0.008, ηp2 = 0.145, suggests that the nol effect was
generally reduced by repetition. despite the absence of a three-way interaction of
group x block x nol, f = 1.68, the groups showed a somewhat different pattern of
results: a reduction in the length effect due to repetition was present in the adult
group, f(2,15) = 7.22, p = 0.003, ηp2 = 0.311, but not in children, f < 1.
average fixation duration. a block x nol interaction, f(2,30) = 3.18, p = 0.048,
2
ηp = 0.093, resulted from 6-letter items receiving slightly longer fixations than
4-letter items in block 1.
Summary. the most prominent finding was that adults consistently showed a
stronger pseudoword than word nol effect in gaze duration and fixation frequency,
whereas in children the nol effect was equally strong for pseudowords and words.
the word, but not the pseudoword length effect was proportionally steeper for
children than adults. item repetition reduced the nol effect in gaze duration and
number of fixations for adults but not for children in these measures.
NoS analyses
gaze duration. gaze duration showed an almost significant four-way interaction
of group x block x lexicality x noS, f(2,30) = 3.12, p = 0.052, ηp2 = 0.092. the nature of
this interaction is clear: adults, but not children, f = 2.5, showed a three-way interaction of block x lexicality x noS, f(2,15) = 7.62, p = 0.002, ηp2 = 0.323. in adults there
was a significant lexicality x noS interaction for block 1, f(2,15) = 7.33, p = 0.002,
ηp2 = 0.314, but not for block 2, f < 1. trisyllabic pseudowords received longer gaze
durations during block 1, as revealed by a contrast between bi- and trisyllabic pseudowords, f(2,15) = 5.46, p = 0.033, ηp2 = 0.254. children showed a significant interaction
of lexicality x noS, f(2,14) = 3.83, p = 0.047, ηp2 = 0.354, as the number of syllables had
a slightly impeding impact on pseudoword reading and a slightly facilitating effect
on word reading. however, when tested separately there was no effect of noS either
in the pseudoword or word condition, fs <= 1.5. children also showed a block x noS
interaction, f(2,14) = 4.69, p = 0.017, ηp2 = 0.238, as reading of four-syllabic items was
facilitated the most by repetition, f(2,14) = 9.44, p = 0.008, ηp2 = 0.386.
number of first-pass fixations. the block x noS x group interaction,
f(2,30) = 4.68, p = 0.013, ηp2 = 0.131, originates from the children demonstrating
a greater reduction due to repetition in the number of fixations on four-syllable
items, f(2,14) = 4.57, p = 0.018, ηp2 = 0.234, whereas adults did not show the interaction, f < 1. the significant block x lexicality x noS interaction, f(2,30) = 3.99,
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figure 2. results for the lexicality effects. the dotted lines represent the dysfluent child
readers and solid lines the fluent adult readers. error bars of ±1 standard error are also
shown
p = 0.023, ηp2 = 0.114, indicates that slightly more fixations were made on trisyllabic
pseudowords during block 1, f(2,32) = 5.49, p = 0.007, ηp2 = 0.143, but not anymore
during block 2, f < 1.
average fixation duration. the main effect of noS indicates that the shortest
fixations were made on the four-syllable items, f(2,30) = 4.79, p = 0.012, ηp2 = 0.134.
Summary. for adults the trisyllabic pseudowords were the most difficult items,
as indicated by gaze duration, but this effect was reduced by repetition. children
did not show consistent effects of noS across measures, except that repetition facilitated the reading of four-syllable items the most.
Lexicality and repetition effects
gaze duration. the three-way interaction of block x lexicality x group was
significant, f(1,31) = 15.35, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.331. in children word reading was
more facilitated by repetition than pseudoword reading, f(1,15) = 9.52, p = 0.008,
ηp2 = 0.338, whereas in adults pseudoword reading was slightly more facilitated than
word reading, f(1,15) = 5.55, p = 0.032, ηp2 = 0.258. both groups showed a robust
lexicality effect during block 1 and 2 (p < 0.001). repetition had a larger overall
effect in children than in adults in word reading, as indicated by a block x group
interaction, f(1,31) = 30.60, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.497, but not in pseudoword reading,
f < 1. finally, the lexicality effect was greater for children than adults during block
2 only, f(1,31) = 12.58, p = 0.001, ηp2 = 0.289.
number of first-pass fixations. the group x lexicality interaction, f(1,31) = 7.08,
p = 0.012, ηp2 = 0.186, suggests a proportionally larger lexicality effect for adult
readers, f(1,31) = 6.89, p = 0.013, ηp2 = 0.177; yet also children showed a robust lexicality effect, f(1,15) = 58.19, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.784. the group x block interaction,
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f(1,31) = 6.00, p = 0.020, ηp2 = 0.162, indicates that reduction due to repetition was
larger for children, f(1,15) = 7.08, p = 0.012, ηp2 = 0.186, than adults.
average fixation duration. the three-way interaction of block x lexicality x
group interaction was significant, f(1,31) = 5.05, p = 0.032, ηp2 = 0.140. children
showed a block x lexicality interaction, f(1,15) = 8.43, p = 0.011, ηp2 = 0.360, whereas
adults did not, f < 1. in word reading children greatly reduced their average fixation
duration as a function of repetition, f(1,15) = 17.24, p = 0.001, ηp2 = 0.535, whereas in
pseudoword reading no significant reduction was present, f < 1. adults did not show
a reduction in average fixation duration due to repetition either in pseudoword or
word reading, fs < 1. the lexicality effect was greater for children both in block 1,
f(1,15) = 5.00, p = 0.032, ηp2 = 0.135, and in block 2, f(1,15) = 12.58, p = 0.001, ηp2 = 0.289.
only children showed a lexicality effect in average fixation duration, f(1,15) = 14.02,
p = 0.002, ηp2 = 0.467 for block 1, and f(1,15) = 29.59, p = 0.001, ηp2 = 0.660, for block 2.
Summary. although children did not show a reduction in the word length
effect (see previous analyses), they could reduce their overall number of fixations
as a function of stimulus repetition and lexicality. repetition also substantially
shortened their average fixation durations on words, but not on pseudowords.
across all measures, the repetition effect tended to be slightly larger for children
than for adults. lexicality effects were robust for both groups in gaze duration
and the number of fixations, whereas only children showed a lexicality effect in
average fixation duration.
Discussion
to study to what extent words, letters and syllables are used as units in fluent
and dysfluent decoding of transparent finnish orthography and how relevant these
units remain when the items become more familiar due to repetition, we measured
eye movements during reading aloud of words and pseudowords, for which the
number of letters and syllables were independently varied. in line with previous
studies (summarized in the introduction), we found a stronger pseudoword than
word length effect in the number of fixations among fluent adult readers, whereas
dysfluent children showed equally strong word and pseudoword length effects. a
more novel finding was that stimulus repetition reduced the length effect especially
in adults by decreasing the number of fixations, whereas children continued to be
affected relatively similarly across repetitions by stimulus length. interestingly,
compared to dysfluent child readers, adults showed a proportionally weaker length
effect in word, but not in pseudoword reading. the number-of-syllable manipulation produced only negligible effects. oddly, adults fixated longest on the trisyllabic
pseudowords, but this effect was reduced by repetition, whereas children reduced
their number of fixations on four-syllabic items. finally, compared to adults, children showed larger overall benefits of stimulus familiarity in terms of lexicality
and repetition effects, particularly in word reading.
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as argued in the introduction, the number of fixations measure reflects the
degree of lexical versus sublexical processing in word decoding, whereas the average
fixation duration measure reflects the efficiency of word processing (reichle et al.,
2008; hawelka et al., 2010). the number of fixations made on the target items seems
to be determined by several factors. first, both groups showed the main effects of
lexicality and repetition in the number of fixations. both effects can be understood
as reflections of stimulus familiarity and possibly sharing, at least partially, the same
cognitive mechanism, perhaps at the visuo-orthographic level of processing (risko,
Stolz & besner, 2010, nazir et al., 2004), as will be discussed later. on the other hand,
the magnitude of the word length effect in the number of fixations may be a more
genuine measure of the quality of orthographic processing. however, the absolute
magnitude of the word length effect is partially dependent on overall reading time,
so proportional values should be analyzed (di filippo et al., 2006; martens & de
Jong, 2008), as was done in the present study. if the proportional length effect in
the number of fixations is reduced by familiarity (i.e. words versus pseudowords),
it is relatively safe to conclude that words are recognized more holistically than
pseudowords. in the present study this was found only among fluent adult readers, but not among dysfluent children, suggesting a specific problem among young
dysfluent readers in forming larger orthographic representations. this interpretation
is further supported by the finding that dysfluent readers showed no reduction in
the length effect due to repetition, whereas adult readers did.
according to the prevalent view, the word length effect stems from sublexical orthographic and phonological processing (Ziegler et al, 2003; coltheart et
al., 2001; weekes, 1997). according to Share’s (1995; 1999; 2004) self-teaching
hypothesis, repeated reading produces word-level orthographic and phonological
representations that bypass sublexical processing, thus relieving the word length
effect. in martens and de Jong’s (2008) naming study repeated reading did not alter
sublexical processing among beginning and dyslexic readers, with the exception
that their fluent readers did not show a length effect at all. the authors discuss
a variety of possibilities for repetition not reducing the length effect, including
also the possibility that a reduction in the word length effect could be partly due
to gradual development of an entire reading system and not primarily emerging
from developing specific word representations. as regards fluent adult readers,
maloney et al. (2009) showed that even few repetitions are sufficient to reduce
the pseudoword length effect. a similar reduction in the word and pseudoword
length effect among fluent readers was observed in the present study. these findings may be taken to support the view of rapid formation of new orthographic
representations among skilled readers (ehri & Saltmarsh, 1995; reitsma, 1983;
Share, 1995; 1999; maloney et al., 2009). finally, it may be possible, as martens
and de Jong (2008) note, that repeated reading facilitates reading via priming.
priming should have quite a general influence on both word and pseudoword
reading, contributing perhaps more to the main effect of repetition rather than to
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changes in processing style. also, even in the priming account one has to assume
that access to holistic representation is improved.
the number-of-syllables manipulation had only modest and not very straightforward effects in both groups, suggesting that the syllable plays at the most a
subtle role in reading finnish. these weak effects were affected by repetition – a
result in line with Katz et al. (2001) who demonstrated a rapid fading of a large-unit
regularity effect in lexical decision tasks, but not in naming. in the current study,
adults fixated the trisyllabic pseudowords the longest, which suggests that some
other factor than noS may be responsible for the effect. however, adults overcame
this difficulty by stimulus repetition suggesting again an ability to rapidly reduce
sublexical processing and form new orthographic representations. children showed
a weak trend of initially fixating longer on the four-syllabic pseudowords than
words, the effect being reduced by repetition, which may be taken as evidence for
the ability for large-unit processing also among dysfluent readers, in addition to
the dominant small-unit decoding.
as also our dysfluent children showed robust repetition and lexicality effects
in the number of fixations, it seems that they have no deficit in taking advantage of
stimulus familiarity. assuming that their orthographic processing style remained
letter-based, it may be that familiarity produces some sort of perceptual facilitation.
generally, perceptual learning is known to be specific to the trained stimuli and the
retinal location, as reviewed by gilbert, Sigman, and crist (2001). nazir et al. (2004)
suggest that perceptual learning may affect early stages of visual processing during
word recognition. in their lexical decision experiment, performance of briefly presented words was degraded as a function of horizontal displacement from fixation
point, whereas pseudowords differing from the words only by the final letter did
not show this sensitivity to horizontal displacement. risko et al. (2010) showed that
repeated words require less spatial attention and suggest that repetition may improve
orthographic feature and letter-level processing. dykes and pascal (1981) even found
that the repetition of the letter c improved the recognition of the visually similar letter
g but not that of the dissimilar letter f. in our study, repetition may have activated
visual representations of words and pseudowords, and these visual representations
may have provided a beneficial context for feature and letter extraction.
even when expected, it is surprising that the dysfluent children could not use
their lexical knowledge to make the laborious sublexical reading procedure easier.
as a very limited set of words was used, one could have adopted a strategy of
guessing the word based on its initial letters.
however, the length effect in the number of fixations was not affected by the
familiarity of lexical items. on the other hand, average fixation duration on words,
but not on pseudowords, was clearly shortened (effect size was ηp2 = 0.54) among
children; this finding was also reflected in the gaze duration measure. Similarly to
the present study, Judica et al. (2002) demonstrated shortened fixation durations as
a response to a speeded word recognition training in normal and dyslexic italian
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children. this was interpreted to suggest that speeded training increased the amount
of visual information gathered by each fixation. an alternative account for these
results would be a more strategic explanation – the dysfluent children may resort
to a sublexical reading strategy even when they have quite a good idea what the
word is. one apparent motive for this strategy would be to avoid mistakes.
in conclusion, the fixation frequency and duration data may be interpreted as
suggesting that dysfluent child readers use a sublexical route even when reading
aloud highly familiar words; an increase in familiarity facilitates perceptual and visuoorthographic processing, but does not introduce a change in the processing strategy.
this may be taken to suggest that dysfluent children seem to have a deficit in rapidly
forming larger orthographic representations as a result of item repetition. further
studies of repeated reading with a more extensive repetition procedure are needed to
find out to what extent the word length effect could be reduced in dysfluent reading.
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Appendix
Significant interactions and main effects redundant to higher-level interactions,
not reported in the results section.
NoL analyses
Gaze duration. group, f(1,31) = 78.81, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.718, block, f(1,31) = 57.79,
p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.651, lexicality f(1,31) = 169.47, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.845, nol,
f(2,30) = 145.00, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.824, block x lexicality, f(1,31) = 5.00, p = 0.033,
ηp2 = 0.139.
Number of first-pass fixations. group, f(1,31) = 78.81, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.718,
lexicality f(1,31) = 186.32, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.857, nol, f(2,30) = 215.13, p < 0.001,
ηp2 = 0.874, lexicality x group, f(1,31) = 7.65, p = 0.009, ηp2 = 0.198, lexicality x
nol, f(2,30) = 8.19, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.209.
Average fixation duration. group, f(1,31) = 18.39, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.372, block,
f(1,31) = 9.38, p = 0.005, ηp2 = 0.232, lexicality f(1,31) = 28.80, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.482,
nol, f(2,30) = 6.14, p = 0.004, ηp2 = 0.165, block x group, f(1,31) = 9.17, p = 0.005,
ηp2 = 0.228, lexicality x group, f(1,31) = 9.69, p = 0.004, ηp2 = 0.238, block x lexicality, f(1,31) = 5.86, p = 0.022, ηp2 = 0.159.
NoS analyses
Gaze duration. group, f(1,31) = 93.91, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.752, block, f(1,31) = 75.64,
p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.709, lexicality f(1,31) = 159.43, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.837, noS,
f(2,30) = 3.22, p = 0.047, ηp2 = 0.094 block x lexicality x group, f(1,31) = 10.31,
p = 0.003, ηp2 = 0.250, block x Syllables x group, f(2,30) = 4.02, p = 0.023, ηp2 = 0.115,
lexicality x Syllables x group, f(2,30) = 4.39, p = 0.016, ηp2 = 0.124, block x lexicality x Syllables, f(2,30) = 4313, p = 0.019, ηp2 = 0.122.
Number of first-pass fixations. group, f(1,31) = 62.64, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.669, block,
f(1,31) = 125.00, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.801, lexicality f(1,31) = 120.39, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.669,
block x group, f(1,31) = 6.37, p = 0.017, ηp2 = 0.171, ηp2 = 0.795, lexicality x group,
f(1,31) = 7.63, p = 0.010, ηp2 = 0.198.
Average fixation duration. group, f(1,31) = 25.40, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.450, block,
f(1,31) = 5.10, p = 0.031, ηp2 = 0.14, lexicality f(1,31) = 28.08, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.475,
lexicality x group, f(1,31) = 17.28, p = 0.000, ηp2 = 0.358, block x group, f(1,31) = 5.08,
p = 0.031, ηp2 = 0.141.
Lexicality and Repetition analyses
Gaze duration. group, f(1,31) = 88.57, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.741, block, f(1,31) = 172.21,
p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.847, lexicality f(1,31) = 93.03, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.750, lexicality x
group, f(1,31) = 14.82, p < = 0.001, ηp2 = 0.323.
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Download Date | 4/15/16 9:18 AM
Sublexical effectS on eye movementS
149
Number of first-pass fixations. group, f(1,31) = 78.81, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.718, lexicality
f(1,31) = 129.42, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.807, block, f(1,31) = 162.66, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.840.
Average fixation duration. group, f(1,31) = 23.26, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.429, block,
f(1,31) = 32.98, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.515, lexicality f(1,31) = 10.02, p = 0.003, ηp2 = 0.244,
block x group, f(1,31) = 16.21, p < 0.001, ηp2 = 0.343, lexicality x group, f(1,31) = 6.89,
p = 0.013, ηp2 = 0.182, block x lexicality, f(1,31) = 5.59, p = 0.024, ηp2 = 0.153.
Brought to you by | Jyväskylän Yliopisto University
Authenticated
Download Date | 4/15/16 9:18 AM