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Kosovo has one of the most decentralized unitary governments in the world, with highly conflicted understandings over the nature of power-sharing. The paradox of conflict resolution in deeply divided societies is that it almost always creates new problems while attempting to solve old ones.
Universum Institute for Economic and Social Studies
Power sharing: The Case of Kosovo2010 •
After l5 months of unsuccessful United Nations sponsored negotiations to reach a political settlement about the status of Kosovo between Serbia and Kosovo, the UN Secretary General Special Envoy for the Future Status Process for Kosovo, Martti Ahtisaari, on 26 March 2007 prepared a Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (hereinafter Ahtisaari Proposal) and recommended a supervised independence for Kosovo.75 The Ahtisaari Proposal was approved by the UN Secretary General, but neither the Security Council nor Serbia accepted it. Subsequently, attempts were renewed to establish an additional 6 months of negotiations between Albanian and Serbian political leadership in order to unlock the process. Although the renewed negotiations did not yield any result, Kosovo declared independence on 17 February 2008. Since then, Kosovo has been recognized by 69 of the 192 UN countries and by 81 percent of EU countries and much of its efforts have been directed towards building diplomatic relations and lobbying for more recognition from Africa, Latin America and Asia. While a lot of energy is directed toward the recognition of Kosovo, it should be very clearly emphasized that Kosovo still represents a clear case of a deeply divided society: a division which still has not been addressed properly. However, since Kosovo is an independent and sovereign country, there is an urgent need to address the real needs of the minority communities in Kosovo properly. A clear integration strategy, which integrates the interests of all the minority communities in Kosovo, needs to be implemented as a long term policy by the Kosovar government, in cooperation and consultation with the minority communities in Kosovo and the international community.
Journal of Peace, Conflict and Development
Decentralisation in Kosovo: A Challenge to Deal With?2011 •
The decentralisation process in Kosovo emerged as a pathway to integrate the Serbian community. This article investigates the evolution of this process and by so doing underlines the key characteristics of this process since Kosovo was declared an independent and sovereign state on 17 February 2008. The article also argues that whilst the two largest ethnic groups in Kosovo have tried to take advantage of the decentralisation process, there is no other realistic alternative to decentralisation, except the partition of Kosovo’s territory that might start a domino effect throughout the Balkan region. There are two key documents that are essential to understanding the limits and scope of the decentralisation process in Kosovo – The Kai Eide Report and the Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement delivered by the UN Secretary General’s Special Envoy for the Future Status Process for Kosovo, Martti Ahtisaari. In order to prevent the atomization and the fragmentation of the Kosovo society through the decentralisation process, the article concludes that, civil society in Kosovo should be empowered to play the ‘middle ground’ role between Kosovo state authorities and the Serbian community affected by the decentralisation process.
Power-sharing, known also as a consociational democracy, is increasingly being adopted as a useful approach for conflict transformation and for promoting ethnic diversity in post-conflict and divided societies. This article explores power-sharing arrangements and their impact on interethnic relations and state legitimacy. It is based on the case study of Kosovo. This is done by the assessment of its key attributed dimensions, namely government coalition, segmental autonomy, proportional electoral system, and veto right. Moreover, it raises the question whether or not the existing constitutional and institutional design supports incentives to overcome rigid ethno-political identities. One of the major assumptions made in this article is that the current corporate model of power-sharing challenges state building and does not encourage the emerging of a shared identity. In order to promote ethnic diversity and support state legitimacy, a more liberal type of consociational democracy is required—a democracy which is more representative and which serves all the citizens.
2007 •
Journal of Conflict Transformation & Security
State-Building in Kosovo: 'Stuck in the Mud'2012 •
This paper argues that the state-building process in Kosovo does not resemble a Weberian model, rather it can be characterized as having multiple centres of authority and personalized institutions which derive their legitimacy from patron-client relationships. The paper argues that as a consequence apparently formal Western-type institutions are in fact a façade as political functioning continues to extensively differ from Western models. The paper concludes that the current arrangements for governance in Kosovo have to develop a ‘bottom up’ approach and without a broad societal consensus, inner political cohesion, judicial sovereignty, a free and fair market economy, impersonal loyalty to institutions and internal party democracy, the Kosovo state is challenged to remain - ‘stuck in the mud’.
Published by: Kosovar Institute for Policy Research and Development
European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research
Global Effects and Conditions of Governance in an Independent KosovoGlobal processes between 1990 and 2013 have initiated essential changes in the institutions, legal structure, economy, information, values, attitudes, decisions, and action. Additionally, global effects, depending on regions and countries, have taken specific characteristics. Specific effects were noticed in the transition countries. The crisis and reforms in these countries and societies were a result of local efforts to change the conditions in all levels. In order to achieve these goals, transition countries, needed support from developed countries and global organizations. Even though, global processes were advanced, global organization and international law were unreformed and inefficient. The activity and the determination of the Kosovo society to overcome the situation compelled the International Community towards establishing attitudes, making decisions and acting, among others, in the case of Kosovo. Kosovo, as a country that belongs to all communities and citizens, is a sp...
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