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OPEN ACCESS
Journal of Economics, Management and Religion
Vol. 3, No. 2 (2022) 2250001 (27 pages)
© The Author(s)
DOI: 10.1142/S2737436X22500017
Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors∗
Monica Roman
Bucharest University of Economic Studies
monica.roman@csie.ase.ro
Klaus F. Zimmermann
UNU-MERIT & Maastricht University
Global Labor Organization (G L O)
Centre for Economic Policy Research (C E P R)
klaus.f.zimmermann@gmail.com
Aurelian-Petrus Plopeanu
Department of Social Sciences and Humanities
The Institute of Interdisciplinary Research
Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi
aplopeanu@gmail.com
Received 10 September 2021
Revised 5 January 2022
Accepted 5 January 2022
Published 12 April 2022
While under communism the identity-providing religion was suppressed, religiosity is
strong today even among the youth in post-communist countries. This provides an appropriate background to investigate how external and internal religiosity relate to risky behaviors
like smoking, drinking, and drugs among the young. This study shows that not religion as
such or internal religiosity, but largely observable (external) religiosity prevents them from
∗ Corresponding author.
This is an Open Access article published by World Scientific Publishing Company. It is distributed
under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 (CC BYNC-ND) License which permits use, distribution and reproduction, provided that the original work is
properly cited, the use is non-commercial and no modifications or adaptations are made.
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M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
wallowing in those vices. While this is found strongly for both males and females, those
females doubting or reflecting religion show a somewhat smaller risky activity.
Keywords: Addictive behavior; orthodox; external and internal religiosity; youth; smoking;
drinking; drugs; Romania.
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JEL Classifications: I12, N34, Z12
Introduction
While it has been established that religion associates negatively with risky health
behaviors such as smoking, drinking, and drug use (Arani et al., 2019; Russell et al.,
2020; Yonker et al., 2012; Brown et al., 2014), we study the role of religiosity, the
intensive margin. Therefore, we focus on the two main facets of the multidimensional concept of religious behavior: external and internal religiosity (Minton et al.,
2016), separated by intrinsic beliefs and external practices or experiences. “Internal
religiosity or faith is defined as belief in God and a trusting acceptance of God’s
will. External religiosity refers to all observable activities that are undertaken in a
religious context, most conspicuously when going to church.” Frey (2018, p. 60).
Is it religious denominations, internal or external religiosity? With non-believers
as the reference group, we aim at decomposing the behavioral contributions of the
diverse facets of religiosity.
Post-communist Orthodox Romania is a natural case for such an analysis. After
several decades of forced secularization under an oppressive communist regime
with a powerful persecution of external religiosity almost until its extinction (Stan
and Turcescu, 2007), Romanians again freely expressed their religiosity. Romania
reported the highest level of church construction in Europe (Andreescu, 2007), a
sign of revival of visible religiosity, the strongest among all Orthodox countries in
the region (Voicu, 2019; Gheorghe, 2018). The young Romanians show a very high
Orthodox affiliation and are found to be highly spiritual (Vincett et al., 2014). Both
types of religiosity play an essential role in Orthodoxy, being the core of a rich,
sincere, and active religious life (Fontaine, 2017).
The transition induced substantial changes in young people’s lifestyle and high
pressures were also resulting in a strong rise of risky health behaviors (Roberts et al.,
2012) including smoking, drinking, and drug misuse. The rise of both, religion and
such behaviors, may be seen as a contradiction of the known negative relationship
between religiosity and risky behavior. But it is in line with secularization theory1
1 While classical secularization theory was predicting the end of the relevance of religion in social life,
more recent developments of religious revival in many countries and global religious tensions have
also caused a significant rise in academic research in the social sciences (see Smith (2008); Gorski
and Altınordu (2008); Iyer (2016); Zhirkov and Inglehart (2019)).
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Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors
suggesting a strong positive relationship between human insecurity and religiosity
(Inglehart, 1997; Barro and McCleary, 2003, 2005; Inglehart and Norris, 2012;
Iyer, 2016). While over longer periods across countries globally, a rise in human
(economic and physical) security through economic and societal development, education, urbanization, and social institutions has caused a decline in religiosity, this
trend was weaker under communist regimes and in particular very strong among
countries under Orthodox Christianity (Zhirkov and Inglehart, 2019). This suggests
that religiosity remained strong in Romania under communism and during transition, but its rising visibility during the transition was also supported by the then
rising economic insecurity. This beneficial mechanism deals with what has been
called the insurance effect of religion as a stress-absorbing buffer compensating
adverse effects of life (see Popova and Otrachshenko (2021), for a review of related
literature), now applied to the transition challenges (Popova, 2014). However, religion is not the only way to respond to human insecurity, risky behavior being an
alternative: in economic terms, both are substitutes. So, we should expect to confirm
that in the Romanian context.
Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to investigate how the facets of a strong
religiosity have dealt with the challenges of transition in Romania, using smoking as
an important indicator of risky behaviors. Smoking among Romanian youth reached
alarming levels and raises concerns among public health authorities. The degree of
smoking exposure was higher, especially among 15 year old male teenagers (OECD,
2012), while more than three quarters of the smokers started by the age of 18, and all
by 26 years old (Berrick, 2013). The Eurobarometer 2017, regarding the attitudes
towards tobacco and electronic cigarettes, placed Romania as the 9th country in the
European Union in terms of smoking prevalence among the population aged 15 and
over. The Global Adult Tobacco Survey for Romania (GATS, 2011) emphasized
that 26,7% of the Romanian population aged 15+ were current smokers at that
time, while 24.3% were daily ones (almost 4.5 million persons). Moreover, this
study revealed that 17.1% of Romanian daily smokers aged 15+ started this daily
vice until they were 15 years old, mainly in the case of those belonging to rural
communities. A more recent study (2017) conducted by the National Institute of
Public Health (INSP) revealed that especially the male individuals aged 18 to 35
years from the rural areas indicated the episode related to the first smoking under
14 years of age, while the female ones from the urban regions started to smoke
between 15 and 18 years old.
Increased participation in religious services or at least a regular church attendance
has been considered a protective factor against tobacco use among high school
students or other young adults (Atkins et al., 2002; Albert-Lorincz et al., 2019).
Complementary research among US adolescents by Longest and Vaisey (2008)
found that external religiosity has a safety effect on previous bad habits only when
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M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
internal religiosity is high enough or sufficiently internalized. While we focus in the
paper on the smoking-religiosity nexus studying the role of internal versus external
religiosity, we also use data on other risky activities such as drinking and drug use
for robustness checks. To the best of our knowledge, this issue has not been studied
before in our context.
We also suggest a new strategy to investigate the impact of religiosity: a crossclassification of young individuals by their responses to questions concerning their
“believe in God” and “church attendance” allows identifying those with internal and
external religiosity and to separate them from those doubting, reflecting or refusing
religion. Faced with severe challenges of life, those individuals with internal religiosity derive support and orientation only from their closeness and their belief in
god. Those with external religiosity obtain strength also through their identification
with and through the advise and moral support from the community of believers.
Risky behaviors are not in line with religious rules and god’s expectations. External
religiosity makes such behavior more transparent to others who care or create additional misbehavior and guilt through attempts to hide behavior. Those who follow
external religiosity value are to be seen and respected during and for their service
for the belief. Misbehavior under internal religiosity has to be debated with god,
who may be asked to forgive. The additional visibility to religious peers might be
a more powerful monitoring force, and losing face much more painful for the soul.
We consistently find that external religiosity is behind the negative association with
smoking and not religion per se. This understanding is confirmed when we study
drinking and drug openness as alternatives to smoking.
Risky behaviors have been investigated in other contexts than religion, e.g. as a
health phenomenon or labor issue, also identifying “pressures” as potential causes,
among others like societal norms, rules and traditions. For instance, Artz et al. (2021)
showed that those young workers in the US confronted with performance pay react
with higher alcohol and drug use, revealing that stress and effort are higher with this
payment mechanism. Baktash et al. (2021) confirmed this for German workers aged
22–59 for various forms of alcohol use in a country with mandated health insurance.
However, these studies do not explore the role of religion, possibly because it is less
of a factor of life than in Romania.
The religion and risky behavior research fits well with the findings on the effects
of religion on health in general. For instance, Chiswick and Mirtcheva (2013) confirmed previous research on the impact of religion on the health of adults for young
people. They validated that religious beliefs (religiosity) and religious affiliation
are positively connected to better overall health among children and adolescents
(including their psychological health component), mainly due to the regulative effect
of religion that discourages unhealthy traits and habits for both children and their
parents. In line with this, Fruehwirth et al. (2019) revealed that usually, religiosity is
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Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors
beneficial in establishing and maintaining the mental health status (e.g. depression).
Quite striking, they concluded that no matter how religious a person is, it seems
religiosity is significant and much more useful among more depressed adolescents
rather than among the least depressed.
Section 2 informs about religiosity after the Romanian revolution, and Sec.
3 reviews the literature on the association between religion and addictive behaviors. Section 4 explains the data and the concept to separate external from internal
religiosity. Section 5 presents the core econometric analysis, and Sec. 6 contains
robustness tests. Section 7 concludes.
The Rise of Religiosity in Post-Communist Romania
The purpose of this paper is to study the association between religiosity and risky
behavior among Romanian youth, three decades after the transition from a totalitarian regime to democracy in 1989.2 This change has had a significant impact
on Romanian society and the behavior of individuals, as the freedoms brought by
democracy and market economy allowed to freely express religious beliefs and
diversify consumption preferences, including those related to risky behaviors.
The relation to religious faith, rites, and practices in Romania under communism
was very different compared to the current state in society when religious freedom is
not a privilege but a natural fact and practiced formally and informally. Before 1989,
external religiosity was brutally forbidden, therefore the validation and identification
with God and His teachings and principles were done in the private sphere, especially
in the family sphere, informally (Bucur, 2011). Before 1990, the same barrier was
put in publicly practicing the religious faith in countries such as Hungary, Poland, or
East Germany (Gautier, 1997). Especially in Romanian rural communities, formal
religiosity and ritualism (e.g. related to the cult of the dead) received much more
liberty, being accepted by the Marxist political leadership (Kligman, 1988). This
previous thesis received other validations from scholars, demonstrating once again a
kind of continuity of religious practices (e.g. ritualistic ones regarding the traditional
wedding ceremony) in the countryside under communism (Verdery, 1999; Graur,
1976) and emphasizing a decoupling of this area from the struggle between religion
and political power (Heintz, 2004). Further, to control and reduce to extinction
of this sensible and powerful institution, the communist regime infiltrated secret
police employees among the clergy and even ordered the demolition of churches,
monasteries, and other worship places (Videnie, 2006).
2 The communist regime ended with the Romanian Revolution in December 1989; a democratic
constitution was adopted in 1991.
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M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
After the fall of communism, under the auspices of democracy and transition
to market economy, empowered with a large set of civil rights and liberties, many
of the post-communist societies from Central and Eastern Europe witnessed and
experienced a revival and recrudescence of both formal and internal religiosity
(Froese, 2003). Romania did not make the discordant note, recording a growing
emergence of religion in social life (Rusitoru and Kallioniemi, 2018). According to
Pollack (2001), despite the oppression and persecution exercised by the communist
leadership, after 1989, Romania became one of the most religious countries in
Europe. On the other hand, other countries like the Czech Republic and Estonia
recorded a religious retrogression in social life (Andreescu and Andreescu, 2009),
denoting a divergent pattern among post-communist countries and large variations
of the levels of religiousness.
The number of Orthodox churches, an indicator of external religiosity, increased
substantially after 1989. For instance, Andreescu (2007) documented that in 2003,
the number of worship places was 14.177, compared to 13.627 in 1999, while, using
other sources, the number was 12.200 in 1990 and 12.500 in 1992. According to
the State Secretariat for Cults, at the end of 2015, it became 16.403,3 denoting a
significant rise of public places for worship.
Religion and Risky Behaviors
In general, religiosity, especially the internal one, together with acculturation, plays
a protective role against risky sexual behaviors, while external religiosity has a
potentiating effect (Smith, 2015). Fletcher and Kumar (2014) found that different
forms to capture the degree of personal religiosity, both intrinsic and extrinsic,
such as religious attendance, frequency of praying, and importance of religion,
manifest certain roles in influencing risky health behaviors (e.g. the use of licit
and illicit substances, from cigarettes and alcohol to heroin or cocaine). In this
sense, they concluded that the most significant role in fighting and combating the
dependence on addictive substances (e.g. binge drinking and marijuana) during
adolescence is played by the intrinsic religiosity, while the extrinsic one loses its
effect in the long run. Also, it was suggested that religiosity mitigates psychological
stress and various types of external shocks (Popova, 2014), some of them being
linked to childhood abuse or maltreatment that may have been affected the mental
health among adults (Homan and Hollenberger, 2021). On the other hand, gender
differences, especially due to genetic and biological factors, may influence the
level of personal religiousness and, therefore, if women are more religious, they
consequently tend to be more risk averse (Collett and Lizardo, 2009).
3 http://culte.gov.ro/?page_id=130.
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Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors
The etiology and epidemiological research of young adults’ smoking behavior of previous literature identified explanations related to the socio-economic status of parents (Droomers et al., 2005) and their level of education (Soteriades
and DiFranza, 2003). Other research has placed particular emphasis on efficient
inhibitors of the level of social cohesion, informal social norms, and social interaction with smoking behavior (Yamamura, 2010). The role of cultural beliefs can
influence this dependence (Kemppainen et al., 2002). Also, the level of participation
in organized activities could predict such behavior (Holloway et al., 2008).
Previous literature provides evidence that active religious behavior prevents risky
behaviors that adversely affect people’s health, such as smoking and alcoholism
(Brown et al., 2014). The association of religion with smoking habits has been
reflected in numerous studies (Karlsen and Nazroo, 2010; Ford and Hill, 2012;
Garrusi and Nakhaee, 2012; Anthony et al., 2013). Regardless of country of origin,
culture or dominant religion, young people smoke less when religious (Alexander
et al., 2016). Similarly, Hussain et al. (2019) found that non-religious young and
adult people smoke more compared to religious individuals, regardless of whether
they are Christians or Muslims. Higher levels of participation in religious services
are considered one of the most important triggers for abstaining high school students or other young adults from tobacco use (Atkins et al., 2002). Arani et al.
(2019) found that religion is a supportive factor in effectively fighting to smoke,
especially in the case of young adults. Religious attitudes and activities prevent
harmful behaviors to health, namely smoking, use of drugs, and alcohol dependence, while improving the quality of life and self-esteem (Turiano et al., 2012). A
study published by Albert-Lorincz et al. (2019) on teenagers from three Romanian
counties revealed that regular church attendance acts as a protective factor against
smoking.
Mendolia et al. (2019) found that among English teenagers a high level of religiosity combined with a strong work ethic is less associated with risky health habits,
such as alcohol, tobacco and cannabis consumption, sexual intercourse, and physical
violence. Prior studies showed that religiosity acts as a protective factor for alcohol
use and abuse (Brown et al., 2001; Willis et al., 2003; Baena et al., 2019). In general,
it is stressed that religiosity and self-control reduce the intention of binge drinking
(McCullough and Willoughby, 2009), but this combination may seem to be valid
only in the case of a majority of adolescent girls, not for all of them (Palm et al.,
2021). Moreover, other scholars like Meyers et al. (2017) provided evidence according to which higher public religiosity has a powerful effect on health problems,
lowering the likelihood to be affected by alcohol use disorders. Other prior research
has shed light on the positive and active role played by religiosity in preventing
and/or delaying alcohol consumption (re)initiation and persistence (Hsien-Chang
et al., 2020). Analyzing undergraduate religious and secular students, Isralowitz
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M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
et al. (2018) found that religious female students consumed less tobacco, alcohol,
cannabis, and non-medical prescription drugs compared to the secular ones who,
moreover, were more prone to excessive alcohol drinking. Other scholars emphasized the aforementioned relationship between religiosity and alcohol use among
adolescents, but find that only the presence of increased filial piety or parental
obedience has a protective effect on alcohol drinking behavior (Tran et al., 2019).
Regarding substance use, a study conducted among college students demonstrated that those highly religious had the lowest degree of substance use (Dennis
et al., 2009), especially with marijuana (Nguyen and Newhill, 2016). Thomson Jr.
(2016) pointed out that religion is an effective social institution, since religiosity
seems to have the power to reduce the consumption of substances, independently
of other influences related to family and peers’ attachment, religious affiliation,
and socio-demographic and socio-economic variables. In the case of high-school
students who had been victims of different forms of bullying, various scholars
emphasized that the ones with lower religiosity levels are much more predisposed
to substance consumption when feeling bullied (Afifi et al., 2020). The protective
role of religiosity and spirituality against drug use disorder is also stressed in other
studies (Rezende-Pinto et al., 2018; Van der Meer Sanchez et al., 2008), complemented with reasons based especially on the internalization of moral standards due
to a religious upbringing during childhood (Regnerus and Burdette, 2006). SalasWright et al. (2017) indicated that private religiosity had a moderating effect on the
relationship between key risk factors and substance use among adolescents. Other
research underlined that those adolescents who exhibit religious salience experienced lower depression, fewer binge drinking, and less marijuana use, where these
experiences were acting as a coping mechanism during crisis events (Theda et al.,
2015). For young people of different ethnicities, Theda et al. (2016) documented
a negative relationship between religious importance and religious attendance and
substance use. In this context, Varma et al. (2017) emphasized that religiosity has
a deterring effect in connection to initial and subsequent marijuana use through the
intermediation of a perceived risk. The same relationship is documented by Livne
et al. (2021), for the external manifestation of religiousness (frequency of religious
service attendance) in connection to substance use and substance use disorders.
Data and Methodology
The data set used (“FES Youth Studies in East Europe”; Umbreş et al. (2014)) provides a representative sample of 1,302 respondents from the Romanian population
aged 15–29, mostly born, but all raised after the end of the communist regime in
1989. The rich questionnaire includes topics related to, among other things, youth
leisure and lifestyle; religion and social affiliations; family and friends; concerns and
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Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors
aspirations; and education and employment. The data set contains detailed information about religious behavior and allows a distinct analysis of the two dimensions
of religiosity: religious beliefs and religious practices.
The religious denomination of young Romanians is similar to that of the general population: they are mainly Orthodox (85.3%), followed by Catholics (7.1%),
Protestants, and neo-Protestants (5.8%), and 0.3% other religions. Only a small
share (1.5%) is atheist or without religion. Religiosity is measured using external and
internal indicator variables counting for religious activity, as an engaged expression
of respondents’ beliefs. We use “frequency of going to church/mosque/synagogue
to attend a religious service” with responses “regularly”, “often”, “sometimes”
or “never” to measure external religious activity (eRA). Internal religious activity
(iRA) is captured by the belief of the respondents that “there is God” with alternatives “believe”, “doubt” or “do not believe”.4 We do not follow a common approach
to consider eRA and iRA as measures of external religiosity (Re) and internal religiosity (Ri). In this paper, we suggest the interaction of both, eRA and iRA, to
capture appropriate understandings of Re and Ri. This approach may provide a
deeper and more detailed understanding of religiosity, based on the identification
of more specific classes of respondents.
The external/internal (eRA × iRA) cross-tabulation of activities has entries X i j
(see Table 1). Similar to Voicu and Constantin (2012), we find that Romanian youth
is largely engaged in religion: the vast majority believes in God and Christian values
and attend church services. Only 12.2% “doubt or do not believe” and “never go to
church” (X 32 + X 33 ), they are refusing. Differently than other approaches, external
and internal religiosities are specifically expressed by those who believe in God, as
one needs to clearly believe in God to express religiosity. About 79.7% “believe in
God” (X 11 + X 21 + X 31 ), which we decompose in “never go to church and believe” as
internal religiosity (X 31 , 17.8%), “sometimes go to church and believe” as reflecting
(weak external, X 21 , 37.7%) and “often or very often go to church and believe” as
external religiosity (X 11 , 24.2%). Those remaining (X 12 + X 13 + X 22 + X 23 , 8.0%)
go to church, but are doubting.
This classification enables us to decompose the association of those variants with
the risky behaviors under study, in particular the conjecture that mainly external
religiosity drives the reduction. The focus is on the first column X i1 , the group of
those believing in God and with high iRA. Our central research hypothesis is that
external religiosity is the one that is negatively associated with youth risky behaviors.
It is driven by the social pressure experience from the peers for not following
4 Our data set has three more variables for both external and internal religious activities, but these
two selected are dominant. As a robustness check, we use all available data in Sec. 6 to confirm our
analysis.
2250001-9
M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
Table 1. Religiosity: Cross-tabulation of internal and external religious
activities.
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Go to church/
Believe in God
Often or very often
Sometimes
Never
Total
I believe
I doubt
I do not believe
Total
310
485
229
10
84
101
0
9
57
320
578
387
1,024
195
66
1,285
Note: Activity indicators are “believe in God” (internal) and “go to
church” (external) to define internal and external religiosity through
the classification below:
External
Reflecting
Internal
Doubting Doubting
Doubting Doubting
Refusing Refusing
We expect no effect from internal religiosity as well as from doubting
and refusing individuals, a weak negative from reflecting and a strong
negative effect from external religiosity.
RELIGOSITY AND ADDICTIVE
B E H AV I O R S
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%
0%
82%
61%
71%
65%
50%
55%
50%
43%
21%
full external refusal
full external refusal
full external refusal
sample relig
sample relig
sample relig
smoke
alcohol
drugs
Fig. 1. Religiosity and addictive behaviors in Romania.
Source: Own calculations on the basis of a representative data set for Romania (“FES Youth Studies
in East Europe”; Umbreş et al. (2014)), see also Sec. 4 of this paper.
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Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors
religious and social norms. We expect no effect from internal religiosity as well as
from doubting and refusing individuals, a weak negative response from reflecting
and a strong negative effect from external religiosity all concerning risky behaviors.
Risky behaviors: Smoking is measured with a dummy for regular or occasional
smoking (with value 1) versus non-smoking (and value 0). 43.2% of the respondents are smokers. Similarly, we use alcohol consumption (“alcohol”) with those
reporting “no, almost never” = 0 and 1 “else” or yes (65.5%), and drug openness
(agreement on “it is fashionable to use drugs”), with “disagree” = 0 and “agree”
or “partly agree” = 1 (55.8%). Figure 1 exhibits the raw data concerning risky
behaviors (smoking, drinking and drug-openness) comparing the full sample with
two important subgroups. Individuals with external religiosity are substantially less
affected than those refusing religion supporting our major conjecture.
Table 2. Descriptive statistics.
Young adults (18–29)
Teenagers (15–17)
Variable
Obs.
Mean
Std.
Dev.
Min. Max. Obs.
Mean
Std.
Dev.
Smoke
Alcohol
Drugs
964
978
878
0.501
0.707
0.563
0.500
0.456
0.496
0
0
0
1
1
1
RELIGIOSITY
External
Internal
Reflecting
Doubting
Male
Age
983
983
983
983
983
983
0.228
0.183
0.354
0.086
0.505
23.308
0.420
0.387
0.478
0.281
0.500
3.386
0
0
0
0
0
18
EDUCATION
Low Education
Medium Education
Higher Education
982
982
982
0.152
0.624
0.224
0.359
0.485
0.417
SOCIAL CLASS
Low social class
Working class
Medium Social class
Upper social class
Married
Child
Trust
954
954
954
954
978
981
983
0.063 0.243
0.494 0.500
0.345 0.476
0.099 0.298
0.422 0.494
0.173 0.379
48.141 13.90
318
318
288
0.223
0.497
0.545
0.417
0.501
0.499
0
0
0
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
1
29
319
319
319
319
319
319
0.270
0.154
0.429
0.056
0.476
16.03
0.444
0.361
0.496
0.231
0.500
0.837
0
0
0
0
0
15
1
1
1
1
1
17
0
0
0
1
1
1
318
318
318
0.884
0.116
0
0.321
0.321
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
23
1
1
1
1
1
1
135
306
306
306
306
319
319
319
0.092 0.289
0.503 0.501
0.301 0.459
0.105 0.307
0.056 0.231
0.003 0.056
51.90 23.841
0
0
0
0
0
0
24
1
1
1
1
1
1
135
2250001-11
Min. Max.
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M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
Control variables used are gender (“male”), age, age squared, education
(“medium”, “high”, with reference “low”), social class (“working”, “middle”,
“upper”, with reference “low”), family (dummy variables for “married” and
“child”, if children), and trust (an index of the number of positive responses to
respective questions, see below).
Descriptive statistics for all used variables are provided in Table 2 for the two
distinct age groups young adults (18–29, our main data set) and teenagers (15–
17, comparison group). Trust is a variable that sums the values of the responses
to the following questions: How much trust do you have in the following: Parliament, Political Parties, Government, Mayor, General attorney, Police, Judges,
Media, Trade Unions, NGOs, Church. The answers were coded from 1 (very much)
to 4 (not at all). Education counts for the highest education level by the respondent.
Low education level corresponds to primary education, medium education covers
lower and upper secondary education, as well as vocational studies, while higher
education level includes graduate and post graduate studies. Social class refers to
the self-assessed parent’s social class on a scale ranging from 1 (lower class) to 4
(upper class) and it may be regarded as a proxy for the financial status of the young
individuals.
As revealed in Table 2, the religiosity structure between both age groups is not
very different, and the same holds for drug openness. Young adults smoke and drink
more, while most of the other differences result implicitly from age: they are better
educated, more married, with kids, and have a somewhat lower level of trust.
Results
We analyze variables smoking, alcohol and drugs through
yi = µ + α Ri + γ X i + εi ,
(1)
where yi covers risky behaviors, Ri represents the religiosity variables, X i denotes
the controls, and εi is the error term. The estimation method is OLS with robust
standard errors. We focus on smoking using the other addictive behaviors as robustness checks. We further include only those of age 18–29, employing the younger
(15–17) as controls for a robustness test.
Table 3 measures religiosity association effects referring to those who clearly
refuse a religious affiliation (reference group). Column 1 for smoking including
only those variables finds that the internal religiosity effect is negative, but not
statistically significant while external religiosity substantially is. Visibility together
with true belief matters a lot in avoiding the vice. This is already the core observation
the data reveal. Those reflecting have a marginally more negative association, also
than those doubting (but attending church). All in all: external religiosity stands out
2250001-12
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Table 3. Religiosity and smoking.
Variables
External religiosity
Internal religiosity
Reflecting
Male
Age
Age−squared
Medium education
Higher education
(2)
Smoking
(3)
Smoking
(4)
Alcohol
(5)
Drugs
−0.406***
(0.0493)
−0.0668
(0.0539)
−0.152***
(0.0479)
−0.129*
(0.0675)
−0.346***
(0.0514)
−0.0789
(0.0543)
−0.129***
(0.0487)
−0.101
(0.0668)
0.171***
(0.0320)
0.0310
(0.0709)
−0.000309
(0.00150)
−0.0887**
(0.0450)
−0.147***
(0.0549)
−0.355***
(0.0523)
−0.0891
(0.0547)
−0.137***
(0.0496)
−0.142**
(0.0683)
0.174***
(0.0324)
0.0237
(0.0725)
−0.000198
(0.00153)
−0.0585
(0.0478)
−0.0949
(0.0596)
−0.184***
(0.0456)
−0.0582
(0.0437)
−0.109***
(0.0389)
−0.0596
(0.0551)
0.252***
(0.0289)
−0.0200
(0.0662)
0.000414
(0.00140)
0.103**
(0.0463)
0.169***
(0.0547)
−0.252***
(0.0554)
−0.259***
(0.0582)
−0.189***
(0.0504)
−0.191***
(0.0692)
−0.0188
(0.0349)
0.0445
(0.0820)
−0.000990
(0.00173)
0.0546
(0.0536)
0.0154
(0.0667)
(6)
Religiosity
(7)
Smoking
(8)
Smoking < 18
−0.152***
(0.0268)
−0.142**
(0.0626)
0.00293**
(0.00133)
0.0988***
(0.0378)
0.105**
(0.0486)
−0.262***
(0.0786)
−0.00217
(0.0746)
−0.117*
(0.0705)
−0.0240
(0.0920)
0.122**
(0.0544)
0.0216
(0.123)
−7.27e−05
(0.00255)
−0.192***
(0.0706)
−0.251***
(0.0841)
−0.205**
(0.0920)
−0.154
(0.104)
−0.0624
(0.0941)
−0.0746
(0.137)
0.169***
(0.0461)
−0.767
(1.616)
0.0284
(0.0507)
0.0840
(0.0856)
Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors
2250001-13
Doubt
(1)
Smoking
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Variables
(1)
Smoking
(2)
Smoking
Working class
Medium class
Upper class
(3)
Smoking
(4)
Alcohol
(5)
Drugs
(6)
Religiosity
(7)
Smoking
(8)
Smoking < 18
−0.112*
(0.0631)
−0.0437
(0.0649)
0.0345
(0.0796)
0.0369
(0.0630)
0.0584
(0.0642)
0.00420
(0.0778)
−0.0193
(0.0658)
−0.0386
(0.0684)
0.130
(0.0828)
−0.00476
(0.0599)
−0.0481
(0.0609)
0.0390
(0.0728)
0.0195
(0.0807)
−0.0625
(0.0829)
0.0568
(0.102)
0.251
(0.828)
935
0.129
0.773
(0.760)
948
0.124
0.246
(0.936)
850
0.034
1.923***
(0.717)
953
0.049
−0.160*
(0.0868)
−0.119
(0.0908)
0.0320
(0.107)
0.198***
(0.0566)
0.111**
(0.0465)
−0.0707
(0.0530)
−0.0555
(0.0631)
0.00175
(0.00186)
0.179
(1.455)
425
0.207
Alcohol
2250001-14
Drugs
Married
Child
Trust
Constant
Observations
R2
0.671***
(0.0394)
964
0.077
0.102
(0.814)
963
0.119
5.238
(12.84)
304
0.189
Notes: Columns (1)–(7): 18–29 years old; (8): 15–17 years old. Robust standard errors in parentheses. Statistical significance
at level 10% (*), 5% (**), and 1% (***). Reference groups in parentheses: The four religiosity variables as explained in
the text (those who never go to church and doubt or do not believe in God); education (low); parents’ social class (lower)
are all 0,1 dummies like smoking, alcohol, drugs = drug openness, married, and child. Trust is an index of the size of trust
measured according to 11 variables as explained in the text.
M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
Table 3. (Continued)
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Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors
negatively, while all other types of religiosity have a similar size and only a small
effect in comparison with the refusers.
These findings remain robust when including variables male, age, age-squared
and education (column 2), and respondent’s social class (column 3). Alcohol and
drug openness are the expected substitutes to smoking; hence the basic story prevails with those dependent variables in columns 4 and 5. However, the size of the
coefficients is somewhat smaller for alcohol than for drugs. All religiosity measures
(external, internal, reflecting, doubting) have a much stronger and more equal negative association for drugs than the refusers in the reference group. External and
internal religiosities have the same negative effect parameter for drugs, implying
that taking drugs is not acceptable among those believing in God. The somewhat different results for drugs may have to do with the different respective survey questions
or with differences in the visibility of actual drug use.
While age does not play a role in any of the regressions for the studied risky
behaviors in columns 1–5, it drives external religiosity (see column 6) U-shaped
together with gender (males are less religious) and education, whereas the educated youth exhibit it with higher probability. Social class has no role. The survey
contains no parental information including their religiosity. Not accounting for the
family’s religious background may lead to an omitted variable problem. Religious
education and preference formation are proxied to some extent by age and education as revealed above. But the paper argues from this perspective that it studies
associations and not necessarily causation. As expected, the issue of endogeneity
is difficult to address for the case of religiosity. The paper nevertheless provides
valuable information about the general direction of the effects and the framework
of thinking and analyzing.
A further robustness check adds to the smoking regression of column 3 as controls
alcohol and drug openness, and extra variables married, child and trust. This (see
column 7) does not affect the basic story, although the religiosity coefficients are
smaller in size. Alcohol and drug openness have positive and strongly significant
associations, revealing that there are positive interactions between risky behaviors.
The other extra variables do not matter. We further examine the smoking regression
of column 3 for the younger (15–17 years) cohort, confirming again the basic story:
external religiosity reduces smoking, while all other religiosity variants are not
different from the refusers.
Robustness Analysis
Our data set provides a broader set of variables to measure external and internal
religiosity next to the previously used variables. The complete set is now used for
a robustness analysis, namely
2250001-15
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M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
(1) External religious activity (eRA) is captured by the following ordinal variables: (i) “frequency of going to church/mosque/synagogue to attend a religious
service”, (ii) “frequency of praying”, (iii) “frequency of celebrating religious holidays”, and (iv) “frequency of fasting”. All these variables have responses “regularly”, “often”, “sometimes”, or “never”, which were categorized (1) “regularly” or
“often”, (2) “sometimes” and (3) “never”.
(2) Internal religious activity (iRA) is measured by the following ordinal set
of beliefs of the respondents: (i) “there is God”, (ii) “there is heaven and hell”,
(iii) “God created the world”, and (iv) "God is the source of moral prescriptions
and duties”. These variables have the values (1) “true”, (2) “doubt” or (3) “do not
believe”.
First, we have calculated the sum of the four external and internal measures of
religious activity, E s and Is , for each individual.5 So far, we have used variables 1.
(i) and 2. (i) to represent the affiliation with external and internal religious activities.
Calculating the correlation coefficients between the two variables with the others in
the respective groups and the overall sums (E s and Is ) reveals: The correlation coefficient of “going to religious service” is 0.600 for (1.ii) “praying”, 0.486 for (1.iii)
“religious holidays”, 0.594 for (1.iv) “fasting”, and 0.834 for E s . The correlation
coefficient of the “belief in God” is 0.752 for (2.ii) “there is heaven and hell”, 0.816
for (2.iii) “God created the world”, 0.559 for (2.iv) “God is the source of moral
prescriptions and duties”, and 0.882 for Is . All variables show a substantial degree
of correlation, particularly with the overall sum, implying that the original choice
of variables is quite representative for the whole data, probably revealing similar or
robust findings.
To examine whether this is actually the case, we classified each individual based
on the maximum of answers given into the two-way typology with respect to external
or internal activity suggested in Table 1 to obtain Table 4. Note that in cases of draws
among the four observations for internal and external for each variable, the decision
rule was: draw between “1” and “2”: “1”, “1” and “3”: “2”, and “2” and “3”: “3”. This
makes the distribution a bit broader which likely reduces the observed association
for external religiosity, which is an additional robustness check. The distribution in
Table 4 is broadly similar to Table 1 with the major difference in X 21 as expected.
A replication of the three core regressions in the paper table (see columns 3–5)
is provided in Table 5. The results, in particular for the religiosity variables, are very
similar. Only the (crucial) coefficient for the external religiosity group for smoking
is less negative (−0.254 against −0.355), but still dominant and highly significant.
We conclude that our findings are robust against other use of the available data.
5 Zhirkov and Inglehart (2019) constructed their measure of religiosity as a simple mean of all available
internal and external religious activity variables together.
2250001-16
Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors
Table 4. Extended religiosity.
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ERS
1
2
3
Total
IRS
1
2
3
Total
573
269
144
986
36
81
100
217
6
18
75
99
615
368
319
1302
Note: Follows the concept of Table 1, but entries are based on the majority
“votes” of the four respective variables each for both internal religious
activities (IRS, row) and external religious activities (ERS, column). Again,
element (1,1) is external religiosity, (2,1) is reflecting, and (3,1) is internal
religiosity.
A conjecture is that religiosity may show different associations with risky behavior dependent on the social status or the gender the individual has. To examine this
suggestion for smoking behavior with Eq. (3) in Table 3 as the starting point. There
in the linear case, males indeed had a much higher likelihood of smoking, while
social class only provided a small contribution with a negative and slightly significant association for the category “working class”. Column 1 in Table 6 explores
the interactions of the religiosity parameters dummies for “male” and “low social
class”. The extra low social class specification appears to not matter at all, while
the previous linear specification from Table 3 remains stable.
This is different for gender: The linear male dummy disappears, but the interactions are mostly sizeable and statistically significant and reveal important differences. The male effects are consistently less negative than for females. Besides for
the very strong negative (and statistically significant) association of external religiosity, where the male effect is very close to the respective female), the overall male
effects for internal, reflecting and doubting are still negative, but practically close to
zero. In other words, while for females, religiosity in all forms shows some effect,
it is by far strongest for external religiosity. The external religiosity association is
as sizable and even more dominant for the males, who exhibit no effect elsewhere.
While these gender differences are very worthy to note, they do not change the
core message of Section 5 that it is external religiosity that drives the moderating
negative association with risky behavior.
A further valuable statistical critique is that the applied OLS regressions establishing what is called the Linear Probability Model (LPM) cannot be the true
data-generating model (like Probit or Logit specifications), but only a simple
approximation (Wooldrige, 2002, pp. 454–455; Angrist and Pischke, 2009, p. 107;
Greene, 2021). Given today’s computer speed, why would one use LPM’s? The
2250001-17
M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
Table 5. Risky health behaviors with extended religiosity based on Table 4.
(1)
Smoking
(2)
Alcohol
(3)
Drugs
External religiosity extended
−0.254***
(0.0482)
−0.165***
(0.0386)
−0.252***
(0.0479)
Internal religiosity extended
−0.0686
(0.0614)
−0.0413
(0.0503)
−0.294***
(0.0658)
Reflecting extended
−0.114**
(0.0534)
−0.0637
(0.0414)
−0.212***
(0.0543)
Doubting extended
−0.155**
(0.0620)
−0.101**
(0.0506)
−0.240***
(0.0635)
Male
0.185***
(0.0326)
0.254***
(0.0288)
−0.0187
(0.0348)
Age
0.0535
(0.0733)
−0.0106
(0.0653)
0.0657
(0.0817)
−0.000796
(0.00155)
0.000228
(0.00138)
−0.00143
(0.00172)
−0.0663
(0.0484)
0.106**
(0.0460)
0.0422
(0.0536)
−0.107*
(0.0602)
0.172***
(0.0544)
0.00709
(0.0664)
−0.109
(0.0671)
0.0329
(0.0645)
−0.0352
(0.0685)
Medium social class
−0.0429
(0.0687)
0.0524
(0.0658)
−0.0529
(0.0708)
Upper social class
0.0135
(0.0820)
−0.00924
(0.0789)
0.106
(0.0852)
Constant
−0.111
(0.838)
0.659
(0.749)
0.0457
(0.934)
935
0.112
948
0.126
850
0.039
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Variables
Age−squared
Education (Low education as reference)
Medium education
Higher education
Social Class (Low class as reference)
Working class
Observations
R2
philosophical answer is that when there are doubts about the true model, the choice
of the most simple but valid approximation is a powerful principle. When correcting
LPM’s for the implied heteroscedasticity by using robust standard errors and avoiding predictions at the lower or upper end of the (0,1) data range, one typically finds
practically identical marginal effects (parameters and standard errors).6 This is also
6 As Angrist and Pischke (2009, p. 107), write: “. . .while a nonlinear model may fit the CEF (condi-
tional expectation function) for LDVs (limited dependent variable models) more closely than a linear
2250001-18
Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors
true in our case as columns (2) and (3) in Table 6 confirm; the former replicates
the findings of column 3 in Table 3, while the latter confirms the results of column
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Table 6. Smoking. Religiosity interacted with gender and low
social class.
(1)
LPM
(2)
Probit
(3)
Probit
−0.473***
(0.0829)
−0.349***
(0.0502)
−0.463***
(0.0816)
External × male
0.149
(0.111)
—
0.157
(0.110)
External × low class
0.139
(0.265)
—
0.154
(0.278)
−0.223**
(0.0969)
−0.0866
(0.0542)
−0.210**
(0.0914)
Internal × male
0.176
(0.115)
—
0.165
(0.111)
Internal × low class
0.154
(0.258)
—
0.170
(0.279)
−0.267***
(0.0846)
−0.131***
(0.0481)
−0.244***
(0.0797)
Reflecting × male
0.199*
(0.103)
—
0.178*
(0.0990)
Reflecting × low class
0.0539
(0.260)
—
0.0540
(0.274)
−0.308***
(0.112)
−0.137**
(0.0650)
−0.283***
(0.105)
Doubting × male
0.288**
(0.141)
—
0.261*
(0.135)
Doubting × low class
−0.119
(0.309)
—
−0.103
(0.316)
Male
0.00796
(0.0883)
0.169***
(0.0297)
0.0124
(0.0861)
Age
0.0292
(0.0730)
0.0182
(0.0724)
0.0234
(0.0725)
Variables
Religiosity
External
Internal
Reflecting
Doubting
model, when it comes to marginal effects, this probably matters little. This optimistic conclusion is
not a theorem, but as in the empirical example here, it seems to be fairly robustly true.” See also
Wooldrige (2002, p. 454). Greene (2012) makes the case for the true model, but admits that the
LPM has increasingly become the workhorse of applied research with a rise of the use of the LPM
documented by Google Scholar from over 500 articles in 2005 to nearly 3000 in 2015.
2250001-19
M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
Table 6. (Continued)
(1)
LPM
(2)
Probit
(3)
Probit
−0.000305
(0.00154)
−7.29e−05
(0.00153)
−0.000178
(0.00153)
−0.00539
(0.0481)
−0.0943
(0.0598)
−0.0573
(0.0470)
−0.0943
(0.0585)
−0.0542
(0.0468)
−0.0946
(0.0582)
−0.120*
(0.0641)
−0.115*
(0.0629)
−0.119*
(0.0628)
Medium social class
−0.0527
(0.0660)
−0.0471
(0.0646)
−0.0525
(0.0644)
Upper social class
−0.0641
(0.246)
−0.0343
(0.0786)
−0.0685
(0.264)
0.307
(0.832)
marginals
marginals
0.136
0.099/0.198
0.104/0.207
Variables
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Age−squared
Education
(Low education as reference)
Medium education
Higher education
Social Class
(Low class as reference)
Working class
Constant
R 2 ; Pseudo-R 2 : MF/MZ
Note: Number of observations: 935. Column 1 employs the Linear Probability Model = OLS; columns 2 and 3 are Binary Probit models. Robust
standard errors in parentheses; *** p < 0.01, ** p < 0.05, * p < 0.1. R 2 :
OLS. Pseudo-R 2 ’s are MF = McFadden & MZ = McKelvey and Zavoina.
While MF is the standard output in Stata, Veall and Zimmermann (1994,
2006) have shown that MF is structurally limited below 1 and MZ mimics
well the OLS-R 2 calculated for the underlying continuous latent variable.
1 of Table 6. An open issue is the interpretation of R 2 in the LPM, which is well
defined. For the Probit model, there is no uniquely accepted analogue; however,
the McFadden Pseudo-R 2 typically supplied by programs like Stata and applied by
most users has the known disadvantage of an upper bound lower than 1 (see Veall
and Zimmermann, 1994, 2006). Stata now allows its users to calculate a number
of competing statistics, including the McKelvey and Zavoina Pseudo-R 2 , which
mimics closely the OLS-R 2 one would obtain if one would use the (normally unobserved) latent continuous variable assumed behind the Probit model. In our models,
the Pseudo-R 2 of McFadden is clearly smaller than the LPM-R 2 , and the McKelvey
and Zavoina Pseudo-R 2 is twice as large as the LPM-R 2 .
2250001-20
Religiosity, Smoking and Other Risky Behaviors
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Conclusion
The transition of the political system in Romania from a totalitarian regime to
democracy in 1989 created significant challenges for the lifestyle and behaviors of
youngsters. The freedom brought by democracy and the market economy allows
them to freely express their religious beliefs and diversify their consumption preferences, including those related to risky behaviors such as smoking, drinking, and
taking drugs. Drawing on the insights of international research, the paper has focused
on the question of how religiosity has moderated in particular smoking behavior.
Unlike the perceived global trend towards secularization, Orthodox Christian religion has been persistent in Romania under communism and beyond, while transition
allowed for a massive rise in visible religiosity. Therefore, the country is an ideal
choice for studying the impact of deep-rooted religion on risky behaviors.
The transition has elaborated the distinction between internal and external religiosity, roughly understood as faith in God and engaging in observable religious
activities, respectively. Our approach is to classify external religiosity as believing
in God and going to church, while internal religiosity focuses on believe in God
only. Those in between are reflecting, while others are doubting or even refusing
religiosity. Further, it is suggested that these types of religious practices interact
differently with risky behaviors as substitutes in the response to the challenges of
life. We argue to expect no effect from internal religiosity as well as from doubting and refusing individuals, a weak negative response from reflecting, and a strong
negative effect from external religiosity all concerning risky behaviors. The stronger
and the more relevant religious peers are for monitoring behavior and the related
social pressure and possible help during challenges of life, the more effective the
underlying mechanism is.
Data for the deeply religious Orthodox country Romania reveal that, in fact,
active and engaged (external) religiosity and not religion as such nor internal
religiosity is what prevents Romanian youngsters from unhealthy, addictive risky
behaviors. This can be clearly shown to be robust for smoking, and the findings
also remain stable during various examinations including the study of drinking and
openness towards drugs. Findings also remain valid for including other measures of
internal and external religious activities. While the strong negative effect is found
for external religiosity among both sexes, females also associate negatively among
the groups of doubting and reflecting, although only by a smaller size.
Our analysis, based on micro data collected in 2014, has still various policy
implications for our time. The findings underline the general high relevance of
religiosity, in addition to various key economic, demographic and social features,
for risky behaviors in a post-communist Orthodox country. The significant health
issues resulting from risky behaviors have very long-run and costly implications.
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M. Roman, K. F. Zimmermann & A.-P. Plopeanu
For instance, the smoking rate increased after 2014 among young Romanian adults,
after a decade of relative success, due to the measures of the authorities to reduce
advertising and sponsorship of tobacco products (Law no. 457/2004). To control
this problematic development, the Romanian Parliament adopted in 2016 Law no.
15, which banned smoking in any enclosed public spaces. Societal debates about
public health policies could benefit from the inclusion of religious authorities.
Acknowledgment
We thank the Editor-in-Chief, Robert Sauer, and an anonymous referee for many
helpful suggestions on an earlier draft.
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