Putting Fishers’ Knowledge to Work: Conference Proceedings, Page 68 THE ROLE OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE IN DEPLETING A LIMITED RESOURCE – A CASE STUDY OF THE BUMPHEAD PARROTFISH (BOLBOMETOPON MURICATUM) ARTISANAL FISHERY IN ROVIANA LAGOON, WESTERN PROVINCE, SOLOMON ISLANDS. RICHARD J. HAMILTON University of Otago C/o P.O. Box 132, Munda, Western Province Solomon Islands Email: rickdoryhamilton@hotmail.com ABSTRACT This study highlights the way in which new technological and economic inputs into indigenous artisanal exploitation systems can have negative ecological effects on a fishery, and the fact that traditional ecological knowledge is not always used sustainably. The fishers of Roviana Lagoon (Western Province, Solomon Islands) fished Bumphead Parrotfish (B. muricatum or topa in the Roviana language) for generations, using a targeting strategy based on precise knowledge of its aggregating behaviour built up over centuries. During certain moon phases at specific shallow water sites where the fish aggregated to sleep at night, fishermen speared them from dugout canoes by the light of dried burning coconut leaves. Catch rates were well below the maximum sustainable yield. When the underwater flashlight became widely available in Roviana Lagoon, however, this traditional fishing method was quickly replaced by night-time spear fishing using goggles and a steel hand-held spear. With this method, fishers could easily take four to five times as many topa as before. In the late 1980's, new pressures were placed on the topa stocks when local markets developed, ironically under the umbrella of NGO sustainable development projects. Today artisanal spear fishers use their sophisticated indigenous knowledge of topa behaviour and ecology to move from one known aggregation site to another, spearing as many topa as possible in a night. A Catch-Per-Unit-Effort (CPUE) survey of night-time spear fishing trips in Roviana Lagoon reveals that this resource is heavily overfished, with the majority of topa caught today being juveniles. Extensive interviewing with past and current spear fisher’s reveals that this modern fishing method has caused major declines in topa numbers. The introduction of simple but new technologies coupled with small scale economic restructuring has thus thrown the system out of equilibrium. INTRODUCTION The concept of a traditional marine conservation ethic existing among indigenous coastal people (Hviding 1996, Ruddle et al. 1992) is one that has been losing favor in recent years. An increasing amount of anthropological, archaeological and marine biology literature suggests that subsistence fishing communities are also implicated in the problems of environmental degradation and resource depletion (Foale and Day 1997, Jackson 1997, Aswani 1998, Foale 1998, Jackson et al. 2001, Wing and Wing 2001). In some ways this was to be expected, as the original romantic assumptions that all indigenous people had an intrinsic conservation ethic that allowed their societies to remain “in balance” with nature, is a naïve and somewhat patronizing oversimplification of indigenous life ways. There is however, a real danger in lumping all subsistence fisheries back into the unsustainable basket. If we do this, fisheries biologists and managers, who are often pessimists by nature, may overlook many of the potential management values of Customary Marine Tenure (CMT) and Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) systems that are a common component of many coastal subsistence communities (Johannes 1988, Foster and Poggie 1993, Hviding 1991, Johannes et al. 1993, Lalonde and Akhtar 1994 and Christie and White 1997). It would also be an over simplistic response to an extremely complicated situation. In the last 50 years globalization has brought new technologies and new markets to virtually every remote society on earth (Suzuki and Dressel 1999). This, coupled with an exploding global population has put unprecedented pressure on all the world’s resources. It is little wonder then, that small-scale indigenous fisheries have also began to show signs of ecological stress. In this case study, I focus on the Bumphead parrotfish (Bolbometopon muricatum) fishery in Roviana Lagoon, Western Province, Solomon Islands. An overview of this species biology and global conservation status is given, and an historical overview of the topa fishery in this region is provided. Particular attention is brought to highly detailed and elaborate body of TEK of topa that is contained within Roviana spearfishing communities, and the way in which this TEK is used by Roviana spearfishermen to capture nocturnal aggregations of topa. The current status of the Roviana topa fishery is assessed using a combination of ethnographic and scientific data. The issue of whether or not Roviana fishers possess a traditional Page 69, Hamilton: Depletion of the Bumphead Parrotfish Fishery, Solomon Islands conservation ethic and use TEK to ensure sustainability is addressed. Environmental background The Solomon islands are a double-chained archipelago lying east of Papua New Guinea that extend over 1,400 kilometers across the South West Pacific (Figure 1). The islands display remarkable diversity in both terrestrial and marine environments. The Solomon Island archipelago comprises 0ver 900 islands, mostly volcanic in origin. Extensive lagoon systems occur in the Western Province. The population of the Solomon Islands is approximately 400,000, the vast majority live in rural villages, with their livelihood depending on subsistence production. Roviana Lagoon where I was based, consists of a string of raised coral islands stretching for approximately 40km down the southwest coast of New Georgia Island. Between the outer islands and the mainland of New Georgia lies a shallow coastal lagoon of approximately two to three kilometers width (Sheppard et al. 2000). The lagoon system supports a high degree of biodiversity, through a wide range of habitats, such as: mangroves, coral atolls, barrier reefs, passages, marine lakes and sea grass beds. Scattered throughout the lagoon are a dozen small subsistence villages, whose inhabitants rely on the lagoon resources as a means of survival. The town of Munda is located at the western end of Roviana Lagoon, and is the only developed area in this region. Topa (B. muricatum) The topa, Bolbometopon muricatum, is the largest of all parrotfish, reaching over 50 kilograms and living to an age of at least 40. It is an herbivorous fish that feeds on corals. It forms mixed sized schools during the day and is extremely vulnerable to overfishing. Recent work by Dulvy and Polunin on this species’ abundance in the Lau Islands in Fiji suggests that “the Bumphead parrotfish is highly vulnerable to exploitation and already extinct at some locations” (Dulvy and Polunin in revision). Figure 1. The Solomon Islands Nation. The New Georgia Group, in the Western Province, is made up of 9 main islands that extend for approximately 270 kilometers. The largest island, New Georgia, is fringed by Roviana Lagoon to the southwest and Marovo lagoon to the northeast. The majority of this research was conducted in Roviana Lagoon, and studies were also carried out at the uninhabited island of Tetapare (Figure 2). The reason I focused on these two areas is that they provide an interesting insight into the ecological impacts of human subsistence and artisanal fishing systems. Roviana Lagoon represents a heavily fished area, while the uninhabited island of Tetapare represents a lightly fished area. Dulvy and Polunin attribute these local extinctions in the Lau group to overfishing by nighttime spearfishers, and reports that; “some young fishers (<25yr) had never seen an individual of this species and the last recorded captures varied from the 1980s to as long ago as the 1960s” (Dulvy and Polunin in revision). Topa is a highly prized food fish in Roviana Lagoon, and this is reflected both through the detailed ecological knowledge base of this species and the existing folk taxonomy for this fish. In the Roviana language, the Bumphead parrotfish is referred to as lendeke, kitakita, topa and topa kakara, where each respective name refers to an increasing size range of this fish. Traditional ecological knowledge of topa Previous research in the Roviana region has shown that TEK contained within Roviana Customary Marine Tenure systems is extremely detailed and precise (Aswani 1997, Hamilton 1999). The TEK of Roviana communities is directed towards identifying environmental and behavioral patterns that maximize capture success. Putting Fishers’ Knowledge to Work: Conference Proceedings, Page 70 Figure 2. The New Georgia Group, with Roviana Lagoon to the North of Rendova Island, and Tetapare Island to the South East of Rendova Island. Such knowledge requires an understanding of the influence that daily tides, tidal seasons, lunar stage and annual seasonality have on fish behaviour. This TEK is built up over generations and is cemented in Roviana culture through folk taxonomy, folklore and local place names. Roviana fishers draw upon this body of knowledge to decide when and where they will focus their fishing efforts (Aswani 1997, Hamilton and Walter1999, Johannes et al. 2000). The indigenous knowledge on the behaviour and ecology of topa is one such example. It includes knowledge on; diet, feeding times, schooling behaviour, juvenile nursery areas, spawning, the influence of the lunar stage on nocturnal behaviour, predation by sharks, nocturnal aggregations, individual color changes at night, spatial and temporal distributions, population changes over time and fleeing behaviour. A full description of Roviana TEK of topa is beyond the scope of this paper, but three aspects of this knowledge need mention, as they relate directly to the nighttime capture of this fish. The most pivotal component of this knowledge, is the recognition that topa, which are a wary fish that are almost impossible to approach during the day, are easily approachable at night, when they are asleep up against coral structures. It is also well known that the spatial distribution of sleeping topa is not random. Topa fishermen understand that there are specific sleeping zones such as sheltered bays and certain passage areas where topa sleep. Secondly, the lunar cycle is recognised as playing a very important role in topa behaviour. As in many parts of the Pacific, Roviana inhabitants have a traditional lunar calendar and many predictable fish behaviours are pinpointed using this (Aswani 1997, Hamilton 1999). Roviana fishermen know that several days immediately following new moon, and once the new moon had set, topa will be fast asleep up against coral, and thus easily approached and speared. Roviana fishermen also understand that if the moon is up, topa will not sleep properly. Instead they will be moving slowly about and are easily disturbed. Finally, it is well known that topa do not normally sleep in solitude, but rather, a group of topa will sleep in the same small area. Roviana fishermen knew that the largest nighttime aggregations occurred during the new moon period, and that it is at this time that many of the topa sleep in very shallow water. Traditional fishing methods The traditional method of fishing for topa, hopere pana bongi, took place during tada sindara, the new moon period. Fishermen would paddle a wooden canoe to a shallow reef area where topa where known to aggregate to sleep. Once reaching their destination, fishermen would light one of many plaited dried coconut fronds that they had previously made and stored in the bottom of the canoe, and use the light to search for topa (Figure 3). This method needed at least two fishermen, one at the front of the canoe to hold the hand spear and burning coconut fronds and search for topa, while the Page 71, Hamilton: Depletion of the Bumphead Parrotfish Fishery, Solomon Islands fishermen at the rear of the canoe would paddle. Once a sleeping topa was seen, the paddler would position the canoe above the sleeping topa and the fisherman at the front of the canoe would throw his spear at the topa, attempting to strike it in the head. the heavy machinery and ammunition was left behind or dumped in the sea. As well as leaving behind bombs and barges, the Americans also discarded large amounts of diesel. Hopere pana bongi fishermen quickly saw the potential of this diesel as a source of light, and discarded burning coconut fronds in favour of a piece of reinforcing steel that had an old copra sack wrapped around one end of it. Fishermen would soak the copra sack in diesel, and then set the diesel alight. Flames from the burning diesel were used as a light source to search for sleeping topa. Fishing methods similar to this continued to be used up until 1970, when electric flashlights became readily available. These were not waterproof, but fishers found it easier to simply stand in the canoe with a flashlight and a spear, and search for topa in this manner. Figure 3. The traditional method of fishing for topa. This fishing method, which had been used explicitly for capturing topa for generations, harvested topa well below the maximum sustainable yield. Evidence of this is apparent from the fact that this fishing method stayed culturally stable over time and that the same aggregation sites were continually fished with no noticeable effect. One of the old topa fishermen that I interviewed said to me: “In the old days, when we used traditional methods, no matter how many years we fished in the same places, there was always an abundance of topa there” (pers. comm., Ezara, Nusabanga village, December 2000. Translated from Solomon island Pidgin by the author). Of six older topa fishermen interviewed, all agreed that this method would capture less than ten topa in a night. Changes in technology and markets The first changes to this traditional method occurred following World War II. The Second World War left a big impact on Roviana Lagoon, with thousands of American soldiers and their war machines moving in and developing the area as an air force base in their fight for control over the South Pacific. When the war ended, most of The means for over-exploitation arrived with the introduction of underwater flashlights to Roviana Lagoon in the mid 1970s. Nighttime spearfishing quickly took off. Fishers interviewed reported discovering they could easily spear 5070 topa a night around the new moon period with just a handheld spear, a pair of goggles and an underwater flashlight. The huge catches produced by this method effectively spelled the end of the traditional method of spearing topa at night from a canoe. It is important to note that from the mid 1970sright up until the end of the 1980s there were no cash markets for topa, so although a spearfishing party could take 50-70 topa in a night they rarely did, as this was far more fish than the village could possibly eat. Large catches of 50-70 topa where normally only ever made for special occasions such as weddings and funerals. The slow but steady move of rural Solomon island communities towards a cash based society, and the provinces’ desires for greater financial development, saw the opening up of a small, EEC-funded community based fishing centre in Munda in 1988. Although this development failed after several years due to financial problems, it set the way for numerous future fisheries projects in Munda and Roviana Lagoon. Pressure on stocks increased as tops became the most sought after fish in Munda. By the mid 1990’s, topa fillets were being bought at a higher price than any other fish. Putting Fishers’ Knowledge to Work: Conference Proceedings, Page 72 MATERIALS AND METHODS Size of female maturity in topa Ethnographic data To determine the size of female maturity, female gonad weight in grams was plotted against fork length for 169 female topa sampled in this study. A plot of gonad weight on size reveals an exponential curve. The point of inflection on this graph indicates the size at which maturity is achieved. (Howard Choat, pers. comm.). The size at maturity is to be checked through histological analysis. The field component of the research was carried out from early August 2000 until late July 2001. During this period the author resided at Nusabanga village, where he participated in the daily life of the village and worked regularly with the local fishers, to gain as wide an understanding as possible of the topa fishing system. Formal interviews were conducted with 21 nighttime spear fishermen from the villages of Dunde, Nusa Roviana, Nusabanga, Sasavalle, Baraulu, Bula lavata and Nusahope in Roviana Lagoon. These fishermen were selected according to their recognized status of nighttime spearfishing experts within their respective villagers. When possible, the interviewer sought out older spearfishing experts that had lived in their respective villages for their entire life and remained active in nighttime spearfishing over a long period of time. These older individuals had some of the richest TEK bases on topa ecology and most importantly, older fishers were able to give detailed information on the changes that have occurred in this fishery over the last 30 years. The interviewer covered a set number of questions that pertained to the history of the subsistence topa fishery in Roviana Lagoon, fishermen’s knowledge of the ecology and behaviour of this fish and changes in this fishery over time. All interviews were conducted in Solomon Island Pidgin. During this research period the author actively participated in over 50 nighttime spearfishing trips with fishermen from numerous Roviana villages. Scientific data Catch Per Unit Effort survey: A CPUE survey of Roviana nighttime spearfishing trips was carried out from August 2000 to July 2001 in order to establish the importance of topa in the catch and the size distribution of the topa being captured. 82 nighttime spearfishing trips were recorded in Roviana Lagoon. Fish speared were sorted to family level and species level where possible and weighed to the nearest 10 grams. For all topa caught in the CPUE survey, fork length and total weight measurements were recorded, sex was noted, and gonads were weighed. In most instances otolith and gonad samples were also collected. A CPUE survey of nighttime catches was also carried out at Tetapare Island. The author recorded catches from four nighttime spearfishing trips at Tetapare island in 2001. RESULTS Ethnographic data All 21 spearfishermen that the author interviewed from throughout Roviana Lagoon reported major declines in topa catches in the past 10 years. Out of 15 current spearfishermen interviewed, all reported that the most topa they had ever caught in one night in the past 2 years was between 5-16, and that the average number of topa they caught on a topa spearfishing trip was around 2-8. This contrasts with the mid 1970s and early 1980s when spearfishermen sometimes took as many as 70 topa in a night. Furthermore, all fishermen mentioned a very marked decline in the abundance of topa kakara, the large terminal phase males in recent years. Finally, several of the 15 current spearfishermen that were interviewed, reported that they have increased their spearfishing efforts in the inner lagoon, exclusively targeting juvenile topa that sleep in these inner lagoon areas. These inner lagoon areas were rarely fished in the past, and are being more heavily exploited now due to the marked drop in catches at traditional outer reef and passage areas. Scientific data Size of female maturity in topa Female gonad weight (g) was plotted against fork length (mm) for 169 female topa (Figure 4). It is clear from Figure 4 that some individuals as small as 610mm have significant gonad development, and by 620mm, at least 50% of the population have gonads of a significant weight. Thus, the size of maturity for female topa in Roviana Lagoon can be taken to be 62cm. Page 73, Hamilton: Depletion of the Bumphead Parrotfish Fishery, Solomon Islands T a b le 1 . S p e c i e s t h a t m a d e u p 1 % o r m o r e o f t h e R o v ia n a C P U E s u r v e y . S p e c ie s Gonad w eight (g) 1000 800 600 400 200 0 0 200 400 600 800 1000 Fork length (mm) P e rc e n ta g e o f c a tc h B . m u r ic a t u m P . a r e o la tu s N a s o litu r a t u s A . n ig r ic a u d a g r e e n t u r t le P a in te d c r a y fis h C . u n d u la t u s h a w k e s b ill tu r t le A . lin e a tu s 3 6 .6 % 1 0 .9 % 3 .5 % 3 .3 % 2 .6 % 2 .2 % 1 .8 % 1 .5 % 1 .4 % 50 Figure 1. Fork length versus gonad weight Female Figure 4. Fork length versus gonad weight forfor 169169 female topa topa 45 40 35 25 20 15 10 5 0 105-109 95-99 85-89 75-79 65-69 55-59 45-49 35-39 What is also obvious from Figure 5 is that very few topa captured in this survey were over 100cm. Only 3% of the catch was made up of topa 100cm or more, a size range referred to as topa kakara in the Roviana language. In Roviana, the average number of topa shot on a nighttime spearfishing trip was 2.9. Figure 6 shows a good night’s catch in Roviana Lagoon in June 2001. This particular fishing trip was organized to collect fish for a funeral, and it involved four spearfishermen who were diving for four hours. Most of the catch is topa and these topa are almost all juveniles, being between 50-60cm in length. 30 25-29 The species that made up the most of the catch by weight was topa, accounting for 36.6 % of the total catch (Table 1). The size distribution of 239 topa recorded in the Roviana CPUE survey is shown in Figure 5. The mean size of topa speared in this survey was 63.2cm. Analysis of gonad data reveals that the size at which female topa mature is around 62cm, thus, 56% of all topa recorded in this survey can be considered juveniles. Frequency Results of CPUE survey in Roviana Lagoon Size class (cm) Figure 5. The size distribution of 239 topa recorded in the Roviana CPUE nighttime survey. Results of CPUE survey at Tetapare The species that made up the most of the catch by weight was topa, accounting for 86% of the total catch (Table 2). The size distribution of 65 topa recorded in the Tetapare CPUE survey is shown in Figure 7. The mean size of topa speared in this survey was 89.5cm. 5% of the Tetapare catch were juveniles and 35% of the catch were topa kakara, being 100cm or over. Topa 110cm or over where recorded at Tetapare 6% of the time. At Tetapare, the average number of topa shot on a nighttime spearfishing trip was 16.3. Figure 8 is a good night’s catch at Tetapare in April 2001. This particular fishing trip was Figure 5. A good night’s catch in Roviana Lagoon organized to collect fish for later sale at Munda town. The topa shown here were speared by four spearfishermen over a two hour period. In this short timeframe, almost 400 kilograms of topa were collected. This entire topa catch is made up of mature adult fish. Table 2. Species that made up 1% or more of the total catch at Tetapare Island Species Percentage of total catch 86 3 1.8 Frequency B. muricatum Green turtle C. undulatus 20 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 105-109 95-99 85-89 75-79 65-69 55-59 45-49 35-39 25-29 Size class (cm) Figure 7. The size distribution of 65 topa captured at Tetapare Island. Figure 7. A good nights catch at Tetapare Island. DISCUSSION The ecological impacts of new technologies and changing markets on topa populations in Roviana Lagoon have been profound. Roviana Putting Fishers’ Knowledge to Work: Conference Proceedings, Page 74 spearfishermen interviewed in this study unanimously agree that catch rates have declined strikingly in the last two decades, and topa kakara (large terminal phase males) which were once the dominant component of the night catch, are rarely captured these days. These changes have all occurred in only three decades, and coincide with the introduction of the underwater flashlight and the commencement of nighttime spearfishing in Roviana Lagoon. Scientific support for these anecdotal claims comes by comparing the heavily spear fished region of Roviana Lagoon with the only recently spear fished island of Tetapare. In Roviana Lagoon, the mean number of topa caught on a spearfishing trip was 2.9, the majority of topa captured were juveniles (56%), the mean size of all captured fish was 63.2cm, only 3% of the catch was over 100cm and no topa in the 110-114cm size class were ever captured. In comparison, at the lightly fished island of Tetapare, the mean number of topa caught on a spearfishing trip was 16.3, only 5% of the catch were juveniles, the mean size was 89.5cm, 35% of the catch were topa kakara, being 100cm or over, and the size class of 110-114 cm was well represented, making up 6% of the total catch. Large reductions in CPUE, a high number of juveniles in the catch, relatively few mature females and males in the catch and an absence of the largest size class, are all classical signs of an overexploited fish stock that is under stress. In short, all ethnographic and scientific data collected in this study points overwhelmingly at a fishery that is in need of management. In this study it was possible to evaluate the impact of nighttime spearfishing on Roviana Lagoon by comparing CPUE data from Roviana Lagoon with CPUE data from the lightly fished area of Tetapare. However, there are few places in the world where such a comparison are still possible. As more and more remote maritime locations become exploited, it will become increasingly important to draw on older fishers oral accounts as “sources of information on the histories of their fisheries, often the only link with marine environments and populations of times past” (Johannes et al. 2000). The Roviana and Tetapare data presented in this paper supports research on topa in Fiji that shows that the abundance of topa is negatively related to fishing pressure, and that this is a species that is highly susceptible to overfishing (Dulvy and Polunin). Clearly, Roviana fishers possess a great deal of practical knowledge on topa, much of which is unknown to science, Page 75, Hamilton: Depletion of the Bumphead Parrotfish Fishery, Solomon Islands however this TEK of topa is used in order to maximize capture rates, and there is no evidence of a conservation ethic among Roviana spearfishermen. Although all fishermen interviewed raised concerns and disappointment over the status of the topa fishery since the commencement of nighttime spearfishing, many did not comprehend that overfishing could be a reason for the decline. The few fishermen who did attribute declines in catches to increased fishing pressure were among the youngest of the fishermen interviewed. They also stated that the financial incentives provided by night diving outweighed any environmental concerns. The possibility that globalisation and changing market demands have suppressed a conservation ethic that once existed in Roviana fishermen cannot be ruled out, but I believe the answer is simply that Roviana people never developed a conservation ethic for their reef fisheries because they never needed one. Johannes (1981) defines a conservation ethic as an awareness that one can deplete or otherwise damage one’s natural resources, coupled with a commitment to reduce or eliminate the problem. He points out that in the South Pacific, it is in areas where resources are scarce, and have been for some time, that conservation ethics and resource controls are most developed. “Some islanders, however, were fortunate enough to live in areas where marine resources greatly exceeded their needs; they literally could not deplete them. They were thus unaware that natural limits on the yield of their marine resources even existed” (Johannes in press). Roviana Lagoon inhabitants have always had access to a large marine resource base as well as utilising large areas of New Georgia mainland for shifting horticulture practices. The current population of Roviana Lagoon and the nearby Vonavona Lagoon is 12,235 people (Government census 1999), with these communities having access to over 300 square kilometres of reef. The population numbers in Roviana Lagoon may have fluctuated considerably in the past (Aswani pers. comm.). However, given the limited efficiency of traditional fishing methods, and the absence of western markets, it is unlikely that Roviana fishers ever over-exploited their topa prior to the commencement of nighttime spearfishing. Thus, before the advent of nighttime spear-fishing, topa stocks appeared unlimited in the minds of Roviana inhabitants, and the need to practice conservation measures never arose. The situation today in Roviana Lagoon represents a crossroad between the old and the new. The good old days when reef fishery resources were seemingly limitless and conservation measures was not required, are being replaced with the modern realities of one of the highest population growths in the world and the ecological costs of conforming to ever encroaching westernization. There is an increasing desire among Roviana communities to exploit marine resources for cash, so that they can pay their children’s school fees, buy petrol for their outboard engines and access the wide range of western consumer goods now available to them. Interestingly, the scene appears set for the development and solidification of a conservation ethic in Roviana culture. In the case study here presented, the ecological changes in response to simple new technologies and market demands have been so dramatic and negative, that many Roviana fishermen have witnessed a magnitude of decline in this fishery in their adult life time. Negative impacts of Live Reef Fish Trade operations on spawning aggregations of grouper have been as dramatic and even more recent in this region (Hamilton 1999). Today there is an across the board awareness in Roviana Lagoon that marine resources are not nearly as abundant as they used to be, a growing realization (especially among the educated youth) that is over fishing that has caused this. There have been several encouraging signs that Roviana communities are ready to practice more sustainable measures. The recent establishment of seasonal marine invertebrate refugia in Roviana Lagoon provides one such example (Aswani 2000). Another sign of changing times and changing perceptions is the efforts of the Dunde council of elders to place a complete nighttime ban of nighttime spearfishing around the Munda bar region in June 2001 (pers. comm.). Although the motivations for these conservation attempts may more accurately reflect power struggles between different entitlement groups then a conservation ethic per se (Aswani pers. comm.), it is the growing perception of limited resources that has brought these power struggles and their resulting conservation efforts about. On a broader scale, positive signs are also coming out of other parts of the Pacific, such as Vanuatu (Hickey, 2001), Torres Strait Islands (Mulrennan, 2001) and Samoa (Fa'asili, and Kelokolo, 1999), where traditional reef owners are implementing new management strategies in order to make their marine resources more sustainable. Putting Fishers’ Knowledge to Work: Conference Proceedings, Page 76 CONCLUSION Indigenous fisheries in Melanesia are based on a sophisticated traditional ecological knowledge system that has built up over thousands of years. Over time, these fisheries may have reached a point of equilibrium with the local environments. But it would be a mistake to assume that indigenous fisheries systems are inherently conservation oriented by design. It is frequently the case that customary practices result in conservation of resources, but as this study demonstrates, the concept of maximisation of returns is also an important factor in indigenous fishing systems. In Roviana the indigenous topa fishery was sustainable within the context of the economies and technologies that existed prior to 1945. But globalisation brought new technologies and new markets. The indigenous topa fishing system was so acutely tuned to the subtleties of topa behaviour and ecology that when the Roviana fishers continued the practice of maximising returns, including the expansion of the fishery to previously unfished areas, such as inner lagoon areas and Tetapare, this had an adverse effect on local ecologies. To ensure the future sustainability of coastal resources in the Solomon Islands, there is a need for resource owners to develop management plans that take local fishing patterns, Customary Marine Tenure, local environmental knowledge and scientific expertise into account. The scope for developing fisheries management plans in this region is increasing, as Roviana fishers come to the realisation that their marine resources are limited. From a western fisheries management viewpoint, TEK provides an excellent source of basic data on ecology and the status of the fishery, parameters essential in the design of sound management strategies. But these systems must be understood within the context of contemporary economic realities, which include not only those parts of the economy that articulate with the west, but also the indigenous economic and kinship networks. The existence of CMT and TEK systems within Melanesian fishing communities should not be taken to imply sound management. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to acknowledge a number of people for their support during various phases of this project. In the field I am grateful for the kindness and support of Bailey Kama and family and other members of the Nusabanga and Roviana communities. I am particularly indebted to Warren Kama and Michael Giningele. I would also like to thank the paramount chiefs, Chief Joseph Kama and Chief John Roni , for giving me permission to work in this area. Shankar Aswani provided helpful comments on this manuscript. Financial support for this work was provided by the John D. and Catherine P. Macarthur grant (#60243) headed by Shankar Aswani, University of Santa Babara, The PADI FOUNDATION, The PADI AWARE Project and a University of Otago PhD Scholarship. REFERENCES Aswani, S. (1997). Customary sea tenure and artisanal fishing in the Roviana and Vonavona Lagoons, Solomon Islands: The evolutionary ecology of marine resource utilization. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Hawaii, Hawaii. Aswani S. (2000). Women, rural development and community-based resource management in the Roviana Lagoon, Solomon Islands: establishing marine invertebrate refugia. SPC Traditional Marine Resource Management and Knowledge Information Bulletin, 12, 11-22. Christie P. and White A.T. (1997). 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