HISTORIA I ŚWIAT 9/2020 ISSN 2299-2464

HISTORIA I ŚWIAT nr 9/2020 Czasopismo naukowe Instytutu Historii Wydział Nauk Humanistycznych Uniwersytetu Przyrodniczo-Humanistycznego w Siedlcach Siedlce 2020 Institute of History, Faculty of Humanities, Siedlce University of Natural Sciences and Humanities. ul. Żytnia 39, 08-110 Siedlce The Scientific Council: Gabriela BELOVA (Neofit Rilski South-West University, Bulgaria), Jarosław CABAJ, Oleh DUCH (Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, Ukraine), Wasyl FUTAŁA (Drohobych State Pedagogical University of name Ivan Franko, Ukraine), Leonardo GREGORATTI (University of Durham, United Kingdom), Michael Richard JACKSON BONNER (Toronto, Canada), Eduard KHURSHUDIAN (National Academy of Sciences of Armenia, Armenia), Sergiusz LEOŃCZYK, Jerzy LINDERSKI (University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, USA), Dariusz MAGIER (Chairman), Robert PIĘTEK, Józef PIŁATOWICZ, Anton POSADSKII (Stolypin Volga Region Institute, Russia), Olga ROMANOVSKA (Saratov Socio-Economic Institute, Russia), Vlada V. SOKYRSKA (Pavlo Tychyna Uman State Pedagogical University, Ukraine), Maria STARNAWSKA, Władysław STRUTYŃSKI (Chernivtsi National University, Ukraine), Walentyna TUGUŻEKOWA (Khakassia Institute of History, Syberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Abakan, Russia) Editorial Board: Katarzyna Maksymiuk (Editor in Chief), Adam Lech Kubik (Editorial Assistant), Dorota Wereda (Subject Editor), Beata Spieralska-Kasprzyk (Editor - French), Iwona Czyżak (Editor - English), Konrad Harasim, Rafał Roguski Web page: http://www.ihism.uph.edu.pl/historia-i-swiat © Copyright by Siedlce University of Natural Sciences and Humanities, Siedlce 2020 All the illustrations and figures included in this volume are particular authors’ responsibility ISSN 2299-2464 Typesetting and text makeup: Katarzyna Maksymiuk, Ed. I Size B-5 The golden clasps from burial 3. The National Museum of Afghanistan, Kabul, no. 04.40.245 (drawing by Eleonora Skupniewicz), cover design: Adam Lech Kubik Print: ELPIL, Siedlce TABLE OF CONTENS ARTICLES ACTA MILITARIA IRANICA Parsa GHASEMI (University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France) Reza NORUZI (Bu-Ali Sina University, Hamadan, Iran) Aziz REZAEI (MCTH, Fars, Iran) Mosayeb AMIRI (MCTH, Fars, Iran) Ebrahim GHEZELBASH (MCTH, Fars, Iran) Čāhārbāzār, the Largest Archaeological Site in the Sasanian Province of Ardašīr-Xawarreh, Farāšband, Iran …………………………………………………….. 11-22 Gholamreza KARAMIAN (PIASt, Poland / Azad University, Tehran, Iran) Katarzyna MAKSYMIUK (Siedlce University, Poland) Patryk SKUPNIEWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Farzad ASTARAKI (Azad University, Tehran, Iran) Kaveh FARROKH (Methodologica Governance University, Paris, France) Preliminary report of Māhūr tomb, a Mithraism relic at Dezfūl, Southern Iran …….…….. 23-36 Meysam LABBAF-KHANIKI (University of Tehran, Iran) Castles, Walls, Fortresses. The Sasanian Effort to Defend the Territory …………...…….. 37-59 Ilkka SYVÄNNE (Finland) Holy War and a Place in Paradise? Development of the East Roman Holy War from the 4th until the 11th Century …………………………………...…………. 61-81 Adam Lech KUBIK (Siedlce University, Poland) Medieval lamellar armour plate from the Penjikent. A contribution to the study of Mongol armour ………………………….…………..…….. 83-92 ACTA HISTORICA Punsara AMARASINGHE (Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna, Pisa, Italy) Some Remarks on the Eurocentricism and Imperialism in the Construction of International Law ……………………………….…………...…… 95-111 Józef PIŁATOWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Jewish Students at the Lviv Polytechnic until 1939 (statistical statement) …………….. 113-126 Jarosław CABAJ (Siedlce University, Poland) The Polish-Czechoslovakian Conflict over Cieszyn Silesia, Spiš and Orava in the years 1938-1939 as Reported by the Polish Provincial Press published in Siedlce ………………………………………………….…………………. 127-145 Mikhail STEPANOV (Katanov Khakass State University, Russia) Forced migration of labor resources (on the example of deportation of Germans to Khakassia) ……..…...………….....…… 147-154 Page | 5 REVIEWS AND POLEMICS Erich KETTENHOFEN (University Trier, Germany) Ilkka Syvänne and Katarzyna Maksymiuk, The Military History of the Third Century Iran. Scientific Publishing House of Siedlce University, Siedlce 2018, ISBN: 978-83-7051-894-3 …………………………………………………………..….. 157-161 Anita SMYK (Siedlce University, Poland) Michael R. Jackson Bonner, The Last Empire of Iran. Gorgias Press, Piscataway 2020, ISBN: 978-1-4632-0616-1 ………..……………….... 163-164 Józef PIŁATOWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Metamorfozy społeczne 22: Wokół nowej syntezy dziejów Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej, red. nauk. Włodzimierz Mędrzecki. Instytut Historii PAN, Warszawa 2019, ISBN: 978-83-65880-61-1 ……………...............................................................….….... 165-167 SOURCES Rafał ROGUSKI (Siedlce University, Poland) Report of the State Police Headquarters in Małopolska for January 1920 ……...…...…. 171-180 WITNESSES OF THE PAST OF EARTH SIEDLCE (BIOGRAPHIES) Graliński Zygmunt, Krzypkowski Stefan, Lulewicz Henryk, Matusak Piotr, Tomaszkiewicz Ignacy ……………………………………………………………......…183-202 MESSAGES Gholamreza KARAMIAN (PIASt, Poland / Azad University, Tehran, Iran) Historical Metal works named Warsaw in Iran ……………………...………...……….. 205-218 Anna MADEJ (Siedlce University, Poland) A report on the scientific conference ‘Polish Army on the eastern frontiers of Poland – history and modern challenges’ (Siedlce, 4th-5th September 2019) …………….….…. 219-222 Anna MADEJ (Siedlce University, Poland) Report on the conference ‘Administrative reforms in the Polish People’s Republic in the years 1972-1975. System-related, clerical and archival aspects’ ……….....….…. 223-226 Page | 6 SPIS TREŚCI ARTYKUŁY ACTA MILITARIA IRANICA Parsa GHASEMI (University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France) Reza NORUZI (Bu-Ali Sina University, Hamadan, Iran) Aziz REZAEI (MCTH, Fars, Iran) Mosayeb AMIRI (MCTH, Fars, Iran) Ebrahim GHEZELBASH (MCTH, Fars, Iran) Čāhārbāzār, the Largest Archaeological Site in the Sasanian Province of Ardašīr-Xawarreh, Farāšband, Iran …………………………………………………….. 11-22 Gholamreza KARAMIAN (PIASt, Poland / Azad University, Tehran, Iran) Katarzyna MAKSYMIUK (Siedlce University, Poland) Patryk SKUPNIEWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Farzad ASTARAKI (Azad University, Tehran, Iran) Kaveh FARROKH (Methodologica Governance University, Paris, France) Preliminary report of Māhūr tomb, a Mithraism relic at Dezfūl, Southern Iran …...…..….. 23-36 Meysam LABBAF-KHANIKI (University of Tehran, Iran) Castles, Walls, Fortresses. The Sasanian Effort to Defend the Territory …………...…….. 37-59 Ilkka SYVÄNNE (Finland) Holy War and a Place in Paradise? Development of the East Roman Holy War from the 4th until the 11th Century …………………………………...…………. 61-81 Adam Lech KUBIK (Siedlce University, Poland) Medieval lamellar armour plate from the Penjikent. A contribution to the study of Mongol armour ………………………….………...….…… 83-92 ACTA HISTORICA Punsara AMARASINGHE (Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna, Pisa, Italy) Some Remarks on the Eurocentricism and Imperialism in the Construction of International Law ……………………………….…………...…… 95-111 Józef PIŁATOWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Jewish Students at the Lviv Polytechnic until 1939 (statistical statement) …………….. 113-126 Jarosław CABAJ (Siedlce University, Poland) The Polish-Czechoslovakian Conflict over Cieszyn Silesia, Spiš and Orava in the years 1938-1939 as Reported by the Polish Provincial Press published in Siedlce ………………………………………………….…………………. 127-145 Mikhail STEPANOV (Katanov Khakass State University, Russia) Принудительная миграция трудовых ресурсов (на примере депортации немцев в Хакасию) ……..…...………………………..…… 147-154 Page | 7 RECENZJE I POLEMIKI Erich KETTENHOFEN (University Trier, Germany) Ilkka Syvänne and Katarzyna Maksymiuk, The Military History of the Third Century Iran. Scientific Publishing House of Siedlce University, Siedlce 2018, ISBN: 978-83-7051-894-3 …………………………………………………………..….. 157-161 Anita SMYK (Siedlce University, Poland) Michael R. Jackson Bonner, The Last Empire of Iran. Gorgias Press, Piscataway 2020, ISBN: 978-1-4632-0616-1 ………...……………….... 163-164 Józef PIŁATOWICZ (UPH Siedlce, Polska) Metamorfozy społeczne 22: Wokół nowej syntezy dziejów Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej, red. nauk. Włodzimierz Mędrzecki. Instytut Historii PAN, Warszawa 2019, ISBN: 978-83-65880-61-1 ……………...............................................................….….... 165-167 ŹRÓDŁA Rafał ROGUSKI (UPH Siedlce, Polska) Sprawozdanie Komendy Policji Państwowej na Małopolskę za styczeń 1920 r. ………. 171-180 ŚWIADKOWIE PRZESZŁOŚCI ZIEMI SIEDLECKIEJ (BIOGRAMY) Graliński Zygmunt, Krzypkowski Stefan, Lulewicz Henryk, Matusak Piotr, Tomaszkiewicz Ignacy . ……………………………………………………………...… 183-202 KOMUNIKATY Gholamreza KARAMIAN (PIASt, Poland / Azad University, Tehran, Iran) Historical Metal works named Warsaw in Iran ……………………...………...……….. 205-218 Anna MADEJ (UPH Siedlce, Polska), Sprawozdanie z konferencji naukowej „Wojsko Polskie na wschodnich rubieżach Rzeczypospolitej – historia i współczesne wyzwania” (Siedlce, 4-5 września 2019 r.) …………………………………………………….…… 219-222 Anna MADEJ (UPH Siedlce, Polska), Sprawozdanie z konferencji „Reforma administracyjna PRL w latach 1972-1975. Aspekty ustrojowe, kancelaryjne i archiwalne” ………………….…………………….. 223-226 Page | 8 ACTA MILITARIA IRANICA HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Parsa GHASEMI (University of Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, France) Reza NORUZI (ICAR, Iran) Aziz REZAEI (MCTH, Fars, Iran) Mosayeb AMIRI (ICAR, Iran) Ebrahim GHEZELBASH (ICAR, Iran) Čāhārbāzār. Preliminary Report on the Identification of a Large Archaeological Site in Farāšband, in the Sasanian Province of Ardašīr-Xwarreh, Iran https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.01 Abstract: As a result of field survey and remote sensing of aerial photo and satellite imagery, a large archaeological site, probably belonging to the Sasanian period, was identified in Farāšband. This site covers an area of 14.4 square kilometers, very regular and walled, implanted on virgin land. The initial survey shows that it was probably a large geometric city consists of six large almost rectangular shape sections. Based on the archaeological evidence, this site has never been completed nor filled with population and had some gardens. Key words: The Čāhārbāzār site, Bačun, city, garden, Sasanian period, Farāšband, Iran Introduction The archaeological site of Čāhārbāzār is located about 11 km east and northeast of Farāšband, 28 km from the ancient city of Gōr (Ardašīr-Xwarrah, commonly known as Firuzābād), in the Bani-Qatār plain of Bačun. The highest level  ORCID iD 0000-0003-0010-9615. parsa.ghassemi@gmail.com; Ph.D. in Archaeology.  Iranian Center for Archaeological Research. rnoruzi@yahoo.com  Ministry of Cultural Heritage, Tourism and Handicrafts. razizallah@gmail.com  Iranian Center for Archaeological Research. amiri_m27@yahoo.com  Iranian Center for Archaeological Research. Candidate Page | 11 of this site is in the northern part and is about 1118m a.s.l. Nārak village is located 2.7 km east of this site and Bačun village is located about 3 km north of it. The area is in the southern Zagros mountain range, which has a semi-arid climate with hot summers and cold rainy winters. The average annual rainfall in this area is 280 mm. The highest peak of the region is located in the north of Bačun with 2600m a.s.l. [Fig. 1]. Because the Farāšband region is located in the heart of Fars, many archeological sites have been identified so far, the most important of which are the structures known as čahār-ṭāq (‘four arches’)1. Thus, the plain is in the heart of the Sasanian Empire, in the region of Ardašīr-Xwarrah province where Ardašīr I (?-242 CE.), the founder of the Sasanian empire, built the city of Gōr along with a palace after he defeated the last Parthian king. It seems that the close proximity of this plain to Gōr city (about 28 km) and its more suitable climate, compared to that of surrounding plains, had been attractive to Sasanians from the beginning of the period. Fig. 1. Location of Čāhārbāzār site, northeast, and east of Farāšband city, southwestern Fars, Iran. For comparison of the site with other ancient as well as new settlements, all are shown according to their actual size. Drawing by Parsa Ghasemi using ArcGIS (SRTM 90m resolution, data available from the U.S. Geological Survey) 1 VANDEN BERGHE 1961. Page | 12 The site had already been marked as a castle on the topographical maps of Iran that were generated in 1955 with a scale of 1/100,000. The last decades have seen many visitors to the site, but they have reported only a few visible buildings, such as a quadrangular building which was reported as a caravanserai, and the central building (kušk). Surprisingly, they saw only a small part of this site2, because they couldn't see the full site, and they thought it was just the area of pavilion, which will be mentioned below. These incomplete reports show that the site was completely underestimated and misunderstood until now. The Remains of the Čāhārbāzār Site on the Bani-Qatār Plain, Bačun Our initial ground survey of the site took place in December 2018, and then by remote sensing. Aerial photos and satellite images show that the Čāhārbāzār site is rectangular in plan with an area of 14.4 square kilometers, about 4 km long in the north-south direction, and 3.6 km wide in the east-west direction. The site was constructed on a gentle slope that allows water to reach all of its area [Figs. 2, 3, 4]. It is enclosed by a wall, that has four entrances, one at each of the directions. The inner part of the site is in the shape of a cross-axes, the four main streets of which, 50 meters wide, intersect in the southern one-third of the site. In addition to the main streets, there were probably two other side streets, between the northern sections (E, F; C and D) that are much less wide; evidence of this is now visible in aerial photographs as a southeast-northwest longitudinal line, which could be also interpreted as a wall. These main streets and the secondary limit formed six large rectangular sections within the enclosing wall. All major architectural structures on the site are situated at the intersection of the four southern sections. This includes an internal fortification with a square courtyard, and the main building larger than a pavilion (kušk) cross-shaped in the plan. This main complex of the site is within a square fortification wall with dimensions of about 550 by 550 meters, its general form of fortification looks similar to the wall of the temple complex at Takht-e Soleymān, although it is four times the size of the Takht-e Soleymān temple’s wall complex3. The fortification wall has four entrances of the same width as the entrance to the main streets; based on Google Earth images, it has many (14 semi-circular and 4 two-third circular) towers on its exterior face but most of them destroyed by modern earthmoving. The outer wall of this fortification is made of cobblestone and gypsum mortar and is 2 meters thick. 2 3 AMIRI 2003: 235; RAJAEI 2009; NIKNAMI and FAZEL 2016: 129. HUFF 1978. Page | 13 Fig. 2. The oldest satellite image of the site in a Corona declassified archive taken 25 May 1970. Due to modern agriculture and road construction, some of the features seen in this photo no longer exist. This image shows the location of sections and streets and other important structures. Modified by Parsa Ghasemi (data available from the U.S. Geological Survey). On one side of all entrances to this fortification are the remains of a rectangular room/structure measuring 30 by 15 meters; they were probably the forecourt or a guardroom and seems to have been symmetrical on the one side of the other four entrances of this central fortification. however, the forecourt or guard room at the eastern entrance appears to be larger (44 by 38 meters). In the four L- Shape quarters of the interior yard, the Persian garden model (čahārbāḡ or ‘four gardens’, a rectangular garden divided by paths or waterways into four smaller symmetrical sections) is seen symmetrically; only the southeastern one is well preserved, the rest having been destroyed by modern agricultural activity, but their remains were visible on old aerial images [Figs. 2, 5, 6]. Page | 14 Fig. 3. Photographs of different areas of the site, including the foundation wall around the main streets or sections (1, 2, and 4), and the remains of the central part or the pavilion (3). Figs by Reza Noruzi and Aziz Rezaei In the center of this fortification, or at the intersection of the main streets, is a square, measuring 300 by 300 meters, in which the four main streets meet. In the center of this square is the main building (pavilion/kušk), which has a square plan with the interior cross-shaped, measuring 132 by 132 meters. This kušk has four equal arms or side corridors (probably barrel-vaulted corridors or ayvāns), each measuring 50 by 30 meters, and are situated symmetrically in the direction of the four main streets. Four square rooms/court (?), each measuring 50 by 50 meters (less likely vaulted), are built around the side corridors. Apart from the main complex within the central fortification, the remains of residential structures, terraces, regular geometric plots with pools, and regular irrigation canals are visible in the other parts of the six sections along pathways [Fig. 4]. Page | 15 Fig. 4. Location of Čāhārbāzār site, on Bani-Qatār plain, southwest and west of Bačun village. Drawing by Parsa Ghasemi using ArcGIS (background Google Earth 2016) In addition to the central fortification, about 100 meters east of it, there is a rectangular piece of land enclosed by a wall (?) that measures about 250 by 100 meters, (Figs. 5 and 6, n.1). On the northeastern side of the interior, the remains of a ruined building measuring 127 by 120 meters with a large courtyard can be made out [Fig. 6, n. 3]. The building has a circular pool of approximately 24 meters in diameter. According to the construction material and architectural evidence, the building is one of the first buildings in this site. In the middle of its courtyard is, a quadrangular building very looks like a residence building, measuring 25.50 by 25.50 meters. it was built in the Islamic period with materials from Sasanian-period buildings and gypsum mortar [Figs. 2, 5, 6]. Construction of a building in front of a pool or pond occurs at many Sasanian period sites, the nearest example to Čāhārbāzār being is the palace of Ardašīr in near Firuzābād. Page | 16 Fig. 5. Plan of the central fortification and the remains of the main streets (on Google Earth 2015 image) which form the main square of the site and are surrounded by the remains of terraces and four gardens. In the center is the pavilion (kušk) (n. 4). The location of the oldest part of the building (no. 3), and the quadrangular building of the Islamic period (no. 2), are shown. Drawing by Parsa Ghasemi using ArcGIS. Additionally, outside the outer enclosure, another irregular-rectangular enclosed (?) field (section G) is visible on a CORONA satellite imagery (taken 25 May 1970) and Google Earth 2015. Interestingly the eastern street or pathways continues until the middle of this walled (?) field (probably extending to the end of the field but destroyed by modern agricultural activities and road construction). Approximately in the center of this field, where the street disappears or is cut off by the modern road, is the remains of a rectangular building built of stone and gypsum mortar. This building was destroyed by the landowner who has cultivated its center; based on surface finds of potsherds, it dates to the late Sasanian period. If the foundation of the wall (?) around section G belongs to the Sasanian period, then it might be assumed that this building in the middle of this land was constructed at the same time [Fig. 4]. Page | 17 Fig. 6. Plan of the central fortification and the remains of the main streets, which form the main square of the site and are surrounded by the remains of terraces and four gardens. In the center is the pavilion (kušk) (no. 4). The location of the oldest part of the building and the quadrangular building of the Islamic period, are indicated by (no. 2) are shown. Drawing by Parsa Ghasemi using ArcGIS. Water Resources The Bani-Qatār plain has one of the richest aquifers thanks to its alluvial fans in the north of the plain. The Barm-e Farhād, and Bačun springs, seem to have been the most important source for the site’s permanent water supply. Many open surface canals brought the water to the site from the northern side of the plain. The site is built on a fertile plain that is rich in surface and aquifer water; this is likely the reason why no qanats were dug at the site, in contrast to the surrounding plains’ extensive use of the qanat system to supply the water for residents and agriculture. (The only qanat near the site has been dug in its western corner at a lower level; this directs the water to the outer lands west of the site and probably dates to Islamic times). A large number of circular pools, with an average diameter of 20 meters, has been built with cobblestone and sarooj mortar (sarooj is a local water-resistant mortar used in water-related structures such as pool, cistern, dam, etc.) in different sectors to conserve water. Page | 18 The Site Function Having described this large regularly-planned site in detail, we now must explore its purpose. Was it to accommodate a large population, either one from the region or some forced transfer of people from some captured region? Since it seems to have included several gardens, might the entire site have been a large royal or aristocratic estate with palatial buildings among trees and farmlands? Based on the available data – albeit before future excavation and field surveys – we may consider this hypothesis: The site was a large-scale walled city, built on an axial geometric plan. In the center of the south of the city, inside a fortification, at the intersection of the main streets, was built a large pavilion surrounded by a Persian garden. The lack of much evidence for structures and building construction material on the surface, as well as scarcity of surface evidence of material culture within the six rectangular sections may be explained if part of the planned construction did not occur, and most parts of the city were never built. After the site was abandoned, in some later periods such as in the middle Islamic period, the courtyard of the abandoned Sasanian building was used to build a quadrangular building. An alternative hypothesis to the aborted project of construction of a city that would have been several times larger than Bīšāpūr (about 1.5 square kilometer) or the city of Gōr (about 3.14 square kilometers) is to consider that it might have had some large sections for agriculture; or less likely it has been used as a large garden with few palaces probably in the same period or the later, due to the abundance of water and fertile land. It is worth mentioning that in some Sasanian cities, such as Bīšāpūr, Gōr, and Ayvān-e Karḵa, the interior spaces have not been completely filled with structures, which probably were empty spaces devoted to gardens. In Čāhārbāzār, the six sections are mostly empty of structures, and the dearth of potsherds and other material culture remains. The built area is only inside the central fortification (that is, the kušk). A surrounding ditch, which was an important means of protection for most cities of this period is absent: the location of the site on a plain enclosed by mountains and near the alluvial fans might strengthen the hypothesis that it was an unfinished city and had gardens designed for agriculture as well as arboriculture, used for royal entertainment such as hunting and the enjoyment of various indigenous trees. Therefore, the site of Čāhārbāzār with this unusual size and careful geometric plan might have been intended for other purposes than only resettling a population. Section G, was probably used as a garden area, outside the main wall [Fig. 2]. According to the historian al-Ṭabarī (839-923 CE), Mehr-Narseh (the great vizier of several 5th- century Sasanian kings) established in his birthplace (Abrovān village) in the Dašt-e Bārin and Jereh – the region in which Čāhārbāzār is located – villages, fire temples, and three large gardens (twelve thousand palms, twelve thousand Page | 19 olive trees, and twelve thousand cedars)4. This is the only historical evidence that shows that there were many large-scale agriculture fields and settlements in this region which were built by aristocrats; further information must come from archaeological surveys. The presence of a central kušk and the axial pathways leading to it, as well as the four gardens around it, of course, recalls the only previously known Persian garden (čahārbāḡ), at Pasargadae in the Achaemenid period5. The existence of this example indicates the continuation of the čahārbāḡ palatial garden tradition from the Achaemenid period into Islamic times6. Chronology In what period was this site established? Sasanian, Post-Sasanian, or early Islamic? Our initial field survey based on the surface pottery and construction techniques show that a Sasanian building was constructed within a large rectangular space west of the central fortification [Figs. 5 and 6, n. 3]. Although this building is not located inside the main central fortification, its presence beside the central fortification is important. As already noted, potsherds are rare on the surface of this huge site; however, those that have been found belong to the Sasanian period. The rectangular plan with regularly laid-out streets and interior geometric divisions shows that this large-scale site was probably built by the Sasanians. This type of plan was first used in the Sasanian period by Šāpur I (239-270 CE) in Bīšāpūr (around 266 CE)7. There is however no textual or other evidence to show that here in Čāhārbāzār it was designed and executed by Šāpur I or one of his successors. Its dating to the Sasanian period at this stage thus remains conjectural. However, there is also no reliable evidence to indicate that it was designed in the post-Sasanian or early Islamic period. The only evidence for an Islamic date is the quadrangular building, [Figs. 4-6, n. 2], which, due to its resemblance to other the quadrangular building in this region, can be dated between the 11th and 15th centuries. Thus, there is not enough evidence to prove that the main site was planned during the Sasanian or early Islamic period. But certainly, if implemented in Sasanian times, this geometric plan cannot date earlier than Šāpur I. The city or garden areas, if built during the Sasanian period, must have belonged to a king or a leading noble who wanted to create a masterful rectangular city according to Roman models mixed Ṭabarī 2004: 626 and 280. STRONACH 1995. 6 For more information about Islamic Garden, see GOLOMBEK 2012. 7 GHIRSHMAN 1971. 4 5 Page | 20 with Persian elements, such as the Achaemenid four-garden design, near the circular city of Gōr. Conclusion Only with further study of this large site will we be able to understand its main function and its date of establishment. Whether it was created to resettle other populations or it was a sizable agriculture/arboriculture estate, it was a large-scale imperial project that at that time would have been an ambitious and costly undertaking. The creation of a large site, with wide streets, the construction of external and internal fortifications, required precise engineering, skilled design, and a large labor force. Thus, it is logical that this site was built by the Sasanians. Their skill in managing and implementing large urban and engineering projects helped their empire flourish. Future study of the site should yield a detailed picture of its function, date, and site pattern. It is necessary to mention that most of our current knowledge is based on remote sensing of aerial images carried out by the first author (Parsa Ghasemi); to expand this knowledge it will be necessary to conduct systematic archaeological ground surveys and excavation. Acknowledgment I would like to thank Dr. Remy Boucharlat, Dr. Judith Lerner, Dr. Francois Villeneuve, and Dr. Alastair Northedge for their advice, helpful and critical comments, and corrections on the draft version. All errors are, of course, those of the principal author, Parsa Ghasemi. Page | 21 Bibliography AMIRI S.R. (2003), History and Culture of Farāšband People, Research on the Qashqai Tribe, Shiraz. GHIRSHMAN R. (1971), Bichâpour I, Fouilles de Châpour, Paris. HUFF D. (1978), ‘Recherches archéologiques à Takht-i Suleiman (Iran), centre religieux royal sassanide’, Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 122ᵉ année, N. 4, 774-789. GOLOMBEK L. (2012), ‘Garden ii. Islamic period’, Encyclopedia Iranica, X/3, 298-305 [available online at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/garden-ii (accessed on 30 December 2012), in Fārsi] NIKNAMI K, FAZEL L. (2016), ‘Šenāsāei va morefi-y masir-e bāstāni Bīšāpūr -Firuzābād dar doreye Sāsāni va qoron-e avalieyeh eslāmi [The Identification of the Bīšāpūr – Firuzābād route in the Sasanian and Early Islamic Periods]’, Pazhohesh ha-ye Bāstān Šenāsi Iran 6, 117-134. [in Fārsi] RAJAEI M. (2009), Fasl-e aval-e barasi bāstān šenasi šahrestān-e Farāšband [The First season of Archaeological Survey of Farāšband County], Cultural Heritage of Fārs: [unpublished report in Fārsi]. STRONACH D. (1995), ‘Čahārbāḡ’, Encyclopedia Iranica 4.6, 624-625. Ṭabarī, M.J. (2004), Ṭabarī’s History, (Tārīḵ-e- Ṭabarī / Taʾriḵ al-rosol wa’l-molūk), 2, 5th edition, translated into Fārsi by A. PAYANDEH, Tehran: Asātir Publications. VANDEN BERGHE L. (1961), ‘Récentes découvertes de monuments sassanides dans le Fars’, Iranica Antiqua 1, 163-198. Page | 22 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Gholamreza KARAMIAN (PIASt, Poland / Azad University, Tehran, Iran) Katarzyna MAKSYMIUK (Siedlce University, Poland) Patryk SKUPNIEWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Farzad ASTARAKI (Azad University, Tehran, Iran) Kaveh FARROKH (Methodologica Governance University, Paris, France) Preliminary report of Māhūr tomb, a Mithraism relic at Dezfūl, Southern Iran https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.02 Abstract: Tomb of Māhūr is located at a village called Mahur Berenji, district of Sardasht a part of Dezfūl, Khuzestan province, Southern Iran. This tomb has been discovered by Karamian and Astraki in 2018. There is a four-legged cross symbol in the above part of the tomb entrance. Key words: Iran, Māhūr Tomb, Khuzestan, Parthian period, Sasanian period, Mithra Introduction Tomb of Māhūr is located at a village called Mahur Berenji, district of Sardasht a part of Dezfūl, Khuzestan province, Southern Iran. This important structure has been discovered by Karamian and Astraki in 2018. Unfortunately before this study, the tomb has been looted by illegal excavators, however, authors could record some information for future researchers.  ORCID iD 0000-0003-4200-2592. karamianreza@yahoo.com; Polish Institute of Advanced Studies.  ORCID iD 0000-0001-8709-0333. szapur2@poczta.onet.pl; Institute of History. The results of the research carried out under the research theme No. 107/20/B were financed from the science grant granted by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education  ORCID iD 0000-0002-8119-5449. patryk.skupniewicz@gmail.com; Institute of History. The results of the research carried out under the research theme No. 107/20/B were financed from the science grant granted by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education  Department of History and Archaeology, gilanifarzad@gmail.com  ORCID iD 0000-0001-5732-2447. manuvera@aol.com Page | 23 Area of the study The tomb is located in the area which includes a vast area of the archaeological complex, the chronology of the site is somehow problematic, however, the very well known Sasanian town of Gondēšāpur is located 16 km far from Māhūr tomb. Gondēšāpur is placed south of Šāhābād (modern Eslāmābād; a village situated 14 km southeast of Dezfūl), in Khuzestan province, southwest Iran. Characteristics of GPS Surveying of the Māhūr tomb are: 32°22'45.8 N 48°38'40.9 E; 296 meters above the sea level. It is situated 100 meters at the southwestern part of Mahur Branji Olia village. It is placed in the natural rock a part of mountains region of this area. A seasonal river is located in the western part of the village, it used to be the permanent river in ancient times [Fig. 1]. There is another Sasanian monument in vicinity, called Papilan bridge, located 6 km from Māhūr tomb. The specification of the bridge, the materials used for its construction (it is made of unshaped stone and gypsum mortar) and its architectural style support Partho-Sasanian origin. These monuments indicate the importance of the region in terms of archeological research during the historical periods of Iran. Fig. 1. Location of Māhūr tomb, district of Sardasht a part of Dezfūl, Khuzestan province, Southern Iran Page | 24 Specification of the tomb Tomb is carved in rock, around 1 meter above the surrounding modern-day ground, the light of the entrance is rectangular, 70 cm in height and 50 cm in width. The rock above the entrance was, seemingly, artificially flattened to create vertical rectangular panel (currently badly weathered) or was grounded later and thus erasing the depictions. In the lower part of the elaborated area, a deep concave cross was carved in the rock, with the horizontal arms slightly longer from the vertical ones. Over the left horizontal arm the convex Greek letters: Theta and Pi were placed [Fig. 5]. A short, 1 m long corridor leads to the tomb chamber. The chamber is almost square in plan 2,3 m by 2,25 m. The chamber is 2 m high. The ceiling is flat, the edge where the walls support it is rounded. In the center of the chamber there is the gravel pit 80 cm long and 60 cm wide with 20 cm deep. The size of the gravel pit suggests that the human bones were deposited there [Figs. 2; 3; 4]. There were several forms of burials during the Parthian and Sasanian periods. Among them, there are two types possible to reconstruct for Māhūr tomb, cremation or leaving of the dead in the open air, usually at the tops of the sacred mountains to enable the scavenger birds, like vultures and crows, eating the soft tissue of the dead, then placing the remaining bones inside the tombs. The pit inside the tomb, suitable in size for the remnants deposit, advocates the latter form of the burial practices. Fig. 2. Southern view of the Māhūr tomb; fot. G. Karamian 2019 Page | 25 Fig. 3. Southern view of the Māhūr tomb with scale; fot. G. Karamian 2019 Fig. 4. Inside of the Māhūr tomb; fot. G. Karamian 2019 Page | 26 Fig. 5. Stylized cross symbol and two Greek letters Theta and Pi in the upper part of the entrance of Māhūr tomb; fot. G. Karamian 2019 Discussion In opinion of current Authors, the tomb belongs to the ancient Iranian cult of Mithra. The religion which inspired Roman mysteries cult and is impossible to believe that it completely disappeared from its land of origin. The recent archaeological excavations provide direct evidence of popularity of Mithraic cult in Iran which is far from surprising, however has not been revealed so far 1. Although the Roman Mithraism underwent its own evolution and must be treated, in its developed form, as an eclectic creed within Roman system of beliefs, it must have included large number of traits from its genuine source2. It is not the place to discuss the possible roads of transition of, now lost, Iranian mystery religion to the Roman soil. The general idea of the Authors is to argument belonging of the Māhūr tomb to Mithraic religion, still vivid in Parthian and Sasanian Iran. The main argument would employ the symbol of cross present over the tomb entrance, which, as evidenced below, would not belong 1 ALIBAIGI et al. 2017; SHEKARI NIRI 2019. Presentation in: CHALUPA 2016: 67-75; GORDON 2017: 281-286; interesting perspective in SÀNCHEZ 2019: 131-132. 2 Page | 27 to Christian system of beliefs. The most plausible form of burial in Māhūr would be exposure of the body on a hilltop, bones being cleaned by the scavenging animals and bones placed in the special basin carved in the floor of the tomb. Thus, the tomb would act as a large, rock carved astōdān3. Possibly, the portable ossuaries could be placed inside as well. This form of burial in not typical for the Christians, rather reminds of the rock carved tombs of the Achaemenid kings who must have followed the guides of the Iranian religion4. It is true that in the Parthian period alternative forms of burial are recorded5 however it is impossible to asses their cultural or religious consequences. Parthian slipper-coffins might be limited to Semitic population and rich grave inventories do not negate possible cleaning of the soft tissue before deposition6. Continuation of the ‘sky burial’ in some forms Lamaism allows to suppose that the idea of cleaning the bones from the soft tissue was of Central Asian origin and might have been exercised the most strict way, far from Semitic and Hellenic centres. Māhūr tomb seems to follow the typically Iranian burial type and thus must be associated with the Iranian system of beliefs. Neither Mazdaism nor Zoroastrianism provide the explanation for the cross decorating the entrance to the tomb. It can be explained on the ground of the clues deducted from what is known about original Mithraism. Mithraic symbolism or visual language remains obscure, despite two centuries of research of Western Mithraism and more recent attempts to research original, Iranian version of the religion7. The main difficulty comes from shortage of sources and their ambiguity. Also, relation between Roman Mithraism and its Iranian origin is assessed differently by different scholars. From denial of any deeper connection to almost uncritical acceptance of mutually interchangeable elements. The latter are usually represented by the students of Iranian history like Bivar8 and Soudavar9 who tend to draw far reaching conclusions based on sophisticated interpretation of the limited sources. Although it seems impossible that the Roman religion which took the name of Iranian god and some utensils, did that from the mere taste for exoticism10. Therefore discussion of the Mithraic semantics should be carried in balance between scant available data and vast material of the images or meanings common in various cultures which not necessarily are related with actual Mithraism. Instead, the focus is 3 SHAHBAZI 1987; RUSSEL 2000; GRENET 2000; KHOSRAVI, ALIBAIGI, RASHNO 2018. Naturally the ossuaries were used both by Jews and, possibly, Central Asian Nestorians, however their function was far less important than in case of the Persians. Also, the funerary rite was radically different – the corpses were deposed in the tombs and only after natural decomposition, were cleaned and stored in ossuaries. 5 RUSSEL 2000; GRENET 2000. 6 RUSSEL 2000. 7 BIVAR 1998; BIVAR 2005; CHALUPA 2016, 67-75; GORDON 2017, 281-286; SOUDAVAR 2017. 8 BIVAR 1979; 1998, 2005. 9 SOUDAVAR 2017. 10 CHALUPA 2018, 67-75; GORDON 2017, 281-286. 4 Page | 28 made on what is specific to Mithrea/Mehr and what can be associated with the visual culture shared between Roman followers of Mithras and Iranian followers of Mehr. The Sasanian seals with the depictions of crosses can hardly be found related to Christianity11. The seal No 67, represents the ram and the cross, but there is no basis for Gyselen’s assumption that the cross is Christian [Fig. 6]12. The seal dates back to the 6th century, but without any inscriptions13. The ram in native Iranian religions is one of ten symbols of xwarrah (glory)14. The connection between Miθr and xwarrah is confirmed by the Mihr Yašt (Yašt 13.95), where hamišeh-bahār (the sunflower) is supported on the dual support of Miθra and Apąm Napāt15. Fig. 6. The seal BM inv. 119857 (drawing by Eleonora Skupniewicz) The depiction of the beribboned ram is distant from the Lamb of God of Christian religion. The picture of the Lamb of God is victim oriented, the victim which is sacrificed in order to protect the God’s people. Leaving aside the age of the animal, which with a dose of misunderstanding might make a ram out of lamb, the animal depicted between the latin crosses on the Sasanian seal does not carry the sacrificial message. The ram is beribboned or rather diademed, as the royal prerogative of the diadem, being a stripe of white cloth worn on the monarch’s head, was still vivid in Sasanian Iran16. Naturally, the Lamb of God remains the King of the Universe in Chalcedonian, trinitarian creed, but there is no such iconography of the Lamb reigning, without any reference to its blood sacrifice or direct innocence, known. If a ram was to represent Christ, we would expect some references in Western Christianity. The monophysitic or Nestorian views would not differ much here as Christ in His victorious epiphany is usually depicted in human form. The Apocalyptic reference to the Lamb of God associates Him with blood and sacrifice while 11 GYSELEN 2006. GYSELEN 2006: no. 67, 56-57. 13 Here we can refer to other seals from the British Museum collection, on which the ram is accompanied by a Pahlavi inscription, e.g. BM inv. 119851 or BM inv. 119846. 14 GNOLI 1999; SOUDAVAR 2009: 425; CRISTOFORETTI, SCARCIA 2013: 342-343. 15 SOUDAVAR 2010. 16 KAIM 2009. 12 Page | 29 the personage dressed in white represents victorious Christ. Naturally, the dogma identifies both pictures, but the context approximates human hypostases with victory while the Lamb with sacrifice and protection. The shift to make the Lamb a ram and switch its semantics from sacrificial to royal does not seem justified. What is more, Aries, or Ram, is the sign marking the mid-way between Capricornus and Cancer, the signs of Winter and Summer solstices. So, the Ram or Aries is naturally placed between the solar extremities. What is important here is, that the Mithrea had symbolic entrances in Cancer and Exits in Capricornus marking the solstices. The fact that the Spring solstice actually comes, now, in Pisces is less relevant here as the solar equinoxes and solstices are not exactly synchronised with the movement of the constellations at ecliptic. Nominally, it is Aries which is placed in between of the solstices. To the possible explanation of the symbolism of the latin cross, with the horizontal bar exceeding in length the vertical one17. It is equally impossible to match the mark of the latin cross with the figures of the scorpions as depicted on another Sasanian seal, with the Christian symbolism. Fig. 7. The seal BM inv. 120354 (drawing by Eleonora Skupniewicz) According to Gyselen the seal is the Christian one [Fig. 7]18. Two scorpions and two crosses separated by inscription are placed on the seal. Both in Christianity and orthodox Zoroastrianism, the scorpions represented devilish danger and taking an assumption that, allegedly, the Scorpions were, in some Near Eastern lore, related to fertility19, keeps them away from the Christian understanding of the cross, as much as from another ancient fertility symbol – a goat. Also, an ambiguity of the scorpions need to be mentioned, as they might, occasionally appear as the fertility symbols but also accompanied Nergal, Oriental equivalent of Hades. Equally strange seem two crosses accompanying the scorpions. If the reference was made to the cross of Christ’s martyrdom, then doubling would not make any sense. Two crosses might, with mind’s 17 On far more complicated astrological identifications of the elements of the Western Mithraic iconography, see: NAGY (2015); these views, although greatly interesting seem to ignore any possibility of vivid connection between Iranian and Roman Mithraisms 18 GYSELEN 2006: no. 97, 62-63; GIGNOUX 1976: 145. 19 GYSELEN 2006: 36. Page | 30 great effort, refer to a kind of docetic denial of real suffering of God on a cross, so one might be a cross where human Jesus died while the second might represent the sign of eternal salvation brought by Christ, however docetism denied any positive function of cross. Not to mention that the latin crosses do not remind the tools of crucifixion. There is no need to remind here in detail how popular symbol was a cross and svastika among pre-Christian societies globally20. Simplicity of the pattern might direct the interpretation to any pagan solar cult, however the solar per excellence deity in Iran was Mehr/Mithra, whose Roman hypostases was named Sol Invictus, Invincible Sun. Relation of Miθra with the sun is clearly marked in Yašt 10.1321. Despite the fact that in Avesta Miθra is not identified with ten sun, in the Parthian era Miθra was turned into a solar deity22. On Kushan coinage Miθra is depicted with the atribute of Greek Sungod Helios23. Direct identification of Miθra with Helios is also found on inscriptions of Antiochos I of Commagene at Nemrud Dağı24, as well as in iconography of the site (Miθra is surround by the sun’s rays on his Phrygian cap)25. It must be also admitted that the Roman Mithraic culture reveals certain dose of ambiguity. On one hand Mithras is identified with Sol Invictus, on the other hand, in mithraic iconography sun on the chariot is depicted separately from the bull-slaying god, thus denying direct and simplistic identification. In Roman mithraistic iconography the scorpions accompany the tauroctony, placed below the bull, often attacking beast’s testicles26. The latin crosses accompanying the scorpions in Iranian cultural environment would rather associate with Mithra than Christ. Important are also proportions on the seals with the crosses, which are significantly smaller from the scorpios. If the former were to represent the Christian signs they would occupy either the central position or would otherwise be marked as more important than the insects. The seal from the Mohsen Foroughi’s collection [Fig.8]27 repeats the motif of two scorpions with the crosses, this time, flanking the hand with forefinger and thumb linked and what appears a diadem around the wrist. Again, the symbolic weight of the crosses is secondary, they are placed at the side of the depiction as one of two elements flanking the main depiction. Such marginal position of the cross would not suit Christian idea of the Cross marking central point in history and God’s plan of salvation. Naturally, in magical thinking, the religious symbols might appear in order to strengthen the power of intention. This, however, excludes the crosses on 20 SOUDAVAR 2017: 80: “the four-legged cross is an ancient symbol of the Sun that Iranians called chalipā”. 21 SCHMIDT 2006. 22 FOLTZ 2013: 171. 23 BIVAR 1979: 741-743. 24 CROWTHER, FACELLA 2003: 47; ROSE 2013. 25 BURILLO-CUADRADO, BURILLO-MOZOTA 2014: 32, Fig. 3. 26 See, e.g. seal from Yale University, no. NCBS 914; bronze plaque from Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. 1997.145.3; marble statue from British Museum, inv. 1825,0613.1. 27 GYSELEN 2006: no. 62, 56-57; GIGNOUX, GYSELEN 1982: 10.40. Page | 31 the seals from purely Christian interpretation and, subsequently, requires reconsideration of the possible origin. Especially if the central depiction represents the veneration gesture known from Sasanian rock reliefs and other Sasanian seals28, additionally symbolically reinforced by the fillet or diadem29. The main semantic trait here is that the combination of a scorpion with a cross was a motif attested in sigillography and that they were used to envelope the central message. This might suggest an abstract, general meaning illustrating the views of cosmic powers intentionally curbed to support the wearer. Fig. 8. The seal from the Mohsen Foroughi’s collection (drawing by Eleonora Skupniewicz) In Iranian imagery the scorpions associate the crosses with mithraistic imagery. It does not seem likely to limit the meaning of the cross to the solar symbol and might mark seal wearers’ sun sign. Duplication of the image and surrounding a core meaning with it suggests more general and deeper semantic content. Also, the presence of the same shape crosses on the discussed tombs without descriptions of the scorpions or other zodiac signs support the idea of more thorough interpretation. In tauroctony images scorpion is shown directly below the bull. When looking at the zodiac, and placing Taurus on the top (Insler30 identified the tauroctony scene as Sun in Taurus), the sign directly below is Scorpio. The idea identifying Mithras with the Sun and the tauroctony as lunar eclipse should be refuted as both the Sun and the Moon are represented in the iconography of Mithraea independently. Also the idea that Mithra represents Leo fighting Taurus does not find support in celestial order (Leo does not border Taurus and no major solar positions occur in both signs) or with the preserved knowledge regarding Roman Mithraism where the lion is identified with Cautes and not Mitra (see below). Then, the axis of Taurus-Scorpio would constitute the vertical beam of the cross. The horizontal beam would spread between Leo and Aquarius. The identification of Cautes with lion might further refer to 28 On the symbolism of the hand in Sasanian iconography see: BRUNNER 2012: 121-122. SOUDAVAR 2009: 435: ten thousand xwarrah. 30 INSLER 1979: 532-538. 29 Page | 32 mithraistic iconography where Cautes and Cauropates flank the central scene31. Additionally, Lion is the fourth of the seven grades of mithraic initiation which means that it marks exact middle of the vertical ladder of the grades, so exactly where, in visual depiction would get the horizontal bar of the cross32. This identification ignores two other elements – a snake and and a dog, also attacking sacrificial bull. They seem to concentrate on the blood running from the victims neck, semantically related rather with the wound and the sword, thus constituting the other, additional semantic context and belonging to seemingly another complex of meanings (possibly connected to position of Sirius which if identified with Tištriya and played important role in Iranian pre-Islamic religions). Position of Cautes and Cauropates was not strictly fixed as they appear either to the left or to the right in different Mithraea which can easily be explained by difference of perspective affecting the circular movement of the mystery – either from the scene towards the viewers or opposite. Cautes representing Leo and marking south holds his torch up, while in this case Cauropates would reside in Aquarius (the opposite of Leo in Zodiac), represent north and hold the torch down33. This would allow to simplify the tauroctony to the sign of cross, however it must be borne in mind that the position of the torches cannot represent the direction of the movement as from Cancer (where the entrance to Mithraeum was placed) till Capricornus (where the exit was placed) the amount of sunlight diminishes and increases from Capricornus to Cancer. Thus the position of the torches does not illustrate dynamism or direction of the movement but seemingly, rather refers to its extremities. So, the raised torch of Cautes would mark Sun entering Leo in its highest and Cauropates would mark entering Aquarius in its lowest. Lucinda Driven34 convincingly associated Cautes and Cauropates with celestial movement however at the same time they are limited to the side parts of the mystic drama, marking the gates the Sun passes in the annual voyage. Symbolically Cautes or Leo is the keeper/guardian of the entry gate to the Mithaeum while Cauraopates guards the exit gate35. The other flat diagonal line runs between Pisces and Libra where Nauruz and Mihragar are located. Strangely, these two festivals are not recorded in Western Mithraism but remained important part of Iranian culture. Even though the solstices and equinoxes would create regular cross if marked on the circular calendar, they belong to the zodiac signs flanking the Leo-Aquarius line, theoretical horizontal line of the Mithraic cross. That is why the proportions of 31 DRIVEN 2016: 22-24. CHALUPA 2008: 198 33 DRIVEN 2016: 22-24. 34 DRIVEN 2016: 20-26. 35 GORDON 2017, 302; DRIVEN 2016, 23-24. 32 Page | 33 the cross in the discussed tomb emphasise the horizontal line being slightly longer than the vertical one36. Theta (θῆτα, written as θΘ or ϴϑ) is the eighth letter of the Greek alphabet. In its archaic form, written as a cross within a circle, and later as a line or point within a circle. In classical Athens, theta was also known as the ‘letter of death’ because it was the initial letter of thanatos (death). The Egyptians used the sign of a point in a circle to represent the god Ra, the probable origin of his use as an astrological symbol of the Sun37. Theta had the same value in isopsephy as Helios (ΘΗΤΑ = 318 = ΗΛΙΟΣ)38. Theta in Greek numeric system symbolises number 9. In ‘arcanum esoteric roman name’ 9 symbolises the chariot39. According to the Mihr Yašt (Yašt 10.68) Miθra is a warrior driving a chariot40. On the imprint of the Sasanian seal from Berlin (formerly in the Berlin State Museum, now lost) the depiction of the radiate bust above a chariot drawn by a winged horses is accompanied by an inscription hwmtryh ZY p’lswmy (‘perfect friendship’)41, being an allusion to the god’s name. Miθra is personification and deification of the very idea of ‘alliance’(covenant, agreement, treaty)42. It cannot be excluded that theta, marking the middle of the name Miθra written in Greek alphabet would stand for the theophoric name, being its center, not an initial. Why would the Iranians use Greek alphabet in the notation is unclear, however the shape reminding the shield and further, the sun-shield might support the argument. Pi (written Π π) is the 16th letter of the Greek alphabet. In the Greek system of numbers it means 80. This number is assigned to Serapis-Mithras 43. According to Adrian Bivar, Serapis is derived from the Iranian epithet Mithra, xšaθra- pati- (Lord of the Realm), and therefore the cult of Serapis is a continuation of the pre-Semitic, Mithraic religion of the Medes44. Pseudo-Nonnos states that the mithraic trials lasted a total of 80 days. After them the initiated one reached full perfection. This ‘perfection’ is the seventh, highest level of initiation, called ‘father’ (pater). ‘Father’ identified himself with the Sun and gold, that is, with Mithras himself45. Again, it is also possible to associate Π with ‘Pater’or Iranian ‘padar’ which might refer to the grave owner’s status among the initiates. Thus ϴΠ might stand for ‘father in Miθra’ or ‘Miθra’s initiate of “father” level’. Again, selection of Greek might be found awkward when applied to the traditional Iranian creed, however the Greek 36 What requires further research is possible connection between the opposition of European festivals of the nights 31/04-01/05 (Walpurgisnacht) and 31/10-01/11 (Halloween, All Saints Day, Dziady) which coincide with the vertical beam of the proposed cross. 37 BARRY 1999: 73. 38 FIDELER 1993: 224, 359. 39 FLOWERS 1995: 123. 40 BOYCE 1996: 30; ASSASI 2013. 41 GRENET 1993: 89, Fig. 2; CALLIERI 1990: 86-87; Zobacz także SHENKAR 2015: 110-113. 42 POURSHARIATI 2013: 18 (with literature). 43 FLOWERS 1995: 123. 44 BIVAR 1998: 30; BIVAR 2005. 45 CHALUPA 2008: 188. OSEK 2010: 479-480. Page | 34 alphabet and language were widely used in Iran. Naturally, it cannot be excluded that there were more decorations, perhaps painted or plastered which were erased and left the almost empty field above the entrance to the tomb. Although the light effects could not be as elaborated as suggested by Gawlikowski, Jakubiak, Małkowski and Sołtysiak for mithraeum in Dura Europos, the grave in Māhūr is also oriented on North-South axis with the entrance from the South46. In the light of above the cross above Māhūr tomb should be related to the complex of beliefs related to Mithra. Bibliography ASSASI R. (2013), ‘Swastika: The forgotten constellation representing the chariot of Mithras’, in Ancient Cosmologies and Modern Prophets, eds. I. SPRAJC, P. PEHANI, Ljubljana, 407-418. ALIBAIGI S., BISOTUNI A.M., RAHIMI F., KHOSRAVI S., ALIBAIGI H. (2017), ‘The Late Sasanian Treasury of Qouri Qaleh Cave: Votive Offerings for a Mithra Temple in Kermanshah, Western Iran’, Iran 55.2, 227-252. BARRY K. (1999), The Greek Qabalah: Alphabetical Mysticism and Numerology in the Ancient World, York Beach. BIVAR A.D.H. (1979), ‘Mithraic Images of Bactria: Are they related to Roman Mithraism?’, in Mysteria Mithrae: Atti del seminario su la specificatà storico-religiosa dei misteri di Mithra, Leiden, 741-759. BIVAR A.D.H. (1998), The Personalities of Mithra in Archaeology and Literature, New York. BIVAR A.D.H. (2005), ‘Mithraism: a Religion for the Ancient Medes’, Iranica Antiqua 40, 341-358. BOYCE M. (1996), A History of Zoroastrianism. The Early Period, Leiden. BRUNNER CH.J. (2012), Sasanian Stamp Seals in The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York. BURILLO-CUADRADO M.P., BURILLO-MOZOTA F. (2014), ‘The swastika as representation of the Sun of Helios and Mithras’, Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry 14.3, 29-36. CALLIERI P. (1990), ‘On the Diffusion of Mithra Images in Sasanian Iran New Evidence from a Seal in the British Museum’, East and West 40.1/4, 79-98. CHAUPA A. (2008), ‘Seven Mithraic Grades: An Initiatory or Priestly Hierarchy?’, Religio 16.2, 177-201. CHALUPA A. (2016), ‘The Origins of the Roman Cult of Mithras in the Light of New Evidence and Interpretations: The Current State of Affairs’, Religio 24.1, 65-96 CRISTOFORETTI S., SCARCIA G. (2013), ‘Talking about Sīmurġ and Ṭāq-i Bustān with Boris I. Marshak’, in Sogdians, their precursors, contemporaries and heirs. Based on proceedings conference "Sogdians at home and abroad" held in memory of Boris Il'ich Marshak, St. Petersburg, 339-353. CROWTHER C., FACELLA M. (2003), ‘New Evidence for the Ruler Cult of Antiochos of Commagene from Zeugma’, in Neue Forschungen zur Religionsgeschichte Kleinasiens, eds. G. HEEDEMANN, E. WINTER, Bonn, 41-80; DRIVEN L. (2016), ‘A New Interpretation of the Mounted Hunters in the Mithraeum of Dura Europos, in Icon, Cult and Context. Sacred Spaces and Objects in the Classical World, eds. M.K. HEYN, A.I STEINSAPIR, Cotsen, 17-33. FIDELER D., (1993), Jesus Christ, Sun of God, Wheaton, IL. 46 GAWLIKOWSKI et al. 2011: 172-173. Page | 35 FLOWERS S. (1995), Hermetic Magic. The Postmodern Magical Papyrus of Abaris, Boston. FOLTZ R. (2013), ‘Mithra and Mazda: A Re-assessment of Their Relative Status in Ancient Iran’, Analytica Iranica 4, 161-187. GAWLIKOWSKI M., JAKUBIAK K., MAŁKOWSKI W., SOŁTYSIAK A. (2011), ‘A Ray of Light for Mithras’, in Un impaziente desideriodi scorrere il mondo, eds. C. LIPPOLISE, S. DE MARTINO, Firenze, 169-176. GIGNOUX PH. (1976), ‘Cachets Sassanides du British Museum’, Acta Iranica 12, 125-148. GIGNOUX PH., GYSELEN R. (1982), Sceaux sasanides de diverses collections privées, Paris. GNOLI G. (1999), ‘Farr(ah)/ xᵛarənah’, Encyclopaedia Iranica 9, 312-319. GORDON R. (2017), ‘Persae in spelaeis solem colunt: Mithra(s) between Persia and Rome’, in Persianism in Antiquity, eds. R. STROOTMAN, M.J. VERSLUYS, Stuttgart, 279-315. GRENET F. (1993), ‘Bāmiyān and the Mihr Yašt’, Bulletin of the Asia Institute 7, 87-94. GRENET F. (2000), ‘Burial II. Remnants of Burial Practices in Ancient Iran’, Encyclopaedia Iranica 4.5-6, 559-561. GYSELEN R. (2006), ‘Les témoignages sigillographiques sur la présence chrétienne dans l’Empire Sassanide’, in Chrétiens en terre d'Iran: Implantation et Acculturation, ed. R. GYSELEN, Paris, 17-78. INSLER S. (1978), ‘A New Interpretation of the Bull-Slaying Motif’, in Hommages à Maarten J. Vermaseren, eds. M.B DE BOER, T.A. EDRIDGE, Leiden, 519-538. KAIM B. (2009), ‘Investiture or “mithra”. Towards a new interpretation of so called investiture scenes in Parthian and Sasanian Art’, Iranica Antiqua 44, 403-415. KHOSRAVI S., ALIBAIGI S., RASHNO A. (2018), ‘The Ossuary of Palang Gerd Fire Tmple: New Evidence of Zoroastrian Funerary Practices during the Sasanian Period in Western Iran, Kermanshah’, Studia Iranica 47.1, 51-73. NAGY L. (2015), ‘The Short History of Time in the Mysteries of Mithras: The Order of Chaos, the City of Darkness and the Iconography of Beginnings’, Pantheon 7.1, 37-58. OSEK E. (2010), ‘Juliana Apostaty mit o Heliosie’, Vox Patrum 55, 477-498. POURSHARIATI P. (2013), ‘The Ethics and Praxis of Mehr and Mithras and the Social Institution of the ʿayyārs in the Epic Romance of Samak-e ʿayyār’, Journal of Persianate Studies 6, 15-38. ROSE B. (2013), ‘A New Relief of Antiochus I of Commagene and other stone sculpture from Zeugma’, in Excavations at Zeugma Conducted by Oxford Archaeology, ed. W. AYLWERD, California, 220-231. RUSSEL J.R. (2000), ‘Burial III. In Zoroastrianism’, Encyclopaedia Iranica 4.6, 561-563. SÀNCHEZ M.G. (2019), ‘The dress and colour of Mithraism: Roman or Iranian garments?’, Mannheimer Geschichtsblätter Sonderveröffentlichung 4, 123-134. SCHMIDT H.-P. (2006), ‘Mithra i. Mitra in old Indian and Mithra in old Iranian’, Encyclopaedia Iranica [available online at https://iranicaonline.org/articles/mithra-i (accessed on 30 December 2019)] SHAHBAZI A. Sh. (1987), ‘Astodān’, Encyclopaedia Iranica 2.8, 851-853. SHENKAR M. (2015), ‘Images of Daēnā and Mithra on Two Seals from the Indo-Iranian Borderlands’, Studia Iranica 44.1, 99-117. SHEKARI NIRI J. (2019), ‘Formation of the Mithraic Temples in Northwestern Iran in Comparison with Roman Mithraeums’, Space Ontology International Journal 8.4, 37-56. SOUDAVAR A. (2009), ‘The Vocabulary and Syntax of Iconography in Sasanian Iran’, Iranica Antiqua 44, 417-460. SOUDAVAR A. (2010), ‘Farr(ah) ii. iconography of farr(ah)/xᵛarǝnah’, Encyclopædia Iranica, online edition, 2016, available at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/farr-ii-iconography (accessed on 19 May 2016). SOUDAVAR A. (2017), Mithraic Societies: From Brotherhood Ideal to Religion’s Adversary, Houston. Page | 36 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Meysam LABBAF-KHANIKI (University of Tehran, Iran) Castles, Walls, Fortresses. The Sasanian Effort to Defend the Territory https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.03 Abstract: Defensive structures have been applied as the permanent elements of the Iranian urbanism, from the first phases of sedentism in the Neolithic period onwards. Following the Iranian tradition in architecture, Sasanian fortifications having local features were constructed in adaptation with the regional circumstances. Nevertheless, we can find some similarities in the components of the defensive installations. The defensive structures located within the Sasanian territory turned Iran into the unconquerable fortress providing Sasanians with military, political, cultural, and economic dominance over a vast area of the ancient world for more than four centuries. Key words: Fortress, Defensive Fortifications, Sasanian Period, Iran, Linear Walls Introduction Castles and defensive buildings have been playing an important role in the Iranian history of architecture. As an architectural tradition, almost all the historical settlements in Iran have been enclosed by the massive walls which were occasionally equipped with watchtowers and forts and because of the defensive appearance of the settlements, the modern Iranian villagers call still their settlements ‘Qal‘eh’ meaning castle in Persian. Due to the continuous tradition of defensive architecture over history, it is difficult to apply comparative methods to estimate the date of enclosing or linear walls, towers, and forts. On the other hand, the defensive structures were commonly erected over the ruins of ancient structures and therefore includes the various portions dating back to the different phases. Nevertheless, the historical process has caused some common styles in masonry, spatial organization, form, decoration, and other architectural characteristics of a given cultural period. Geographical condition of the Iranian plateau explains the basics of the formation and development of the different forms of architecture. The Iranian buildings have been affected in both structure and form by the climate and geography  ORCID iD 0000-0001-6292-1663. labbaf@ut.ac.ir; Assistant Professor of Iranian Art and Archaeology in Late Antiquity; Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities. Page | 37 of the Iranian plateau. Accordingly, the buildings in the mountainous region were constructed with stones and those which were established in the plains with bricks. Geography has also affected the form and function of the architectural features in accordance with the lifestyles of pastoral nomadism and/or agricultural sedentism. In contrast to the Sasanian palatial architecture which follows an almost homogenised pattern, the defensive constructions of the same period were diverse in form and structure. Accordingly, it is impossible to suppose a comprehensive formula for the Sasanian defensive architecture defining a unique form and plan for all of the Sasanian fortifications. We, however, shall review the defensive landmarks of the Sasanian Iran and endeavour to extract an appropriate pattern which was followed by the Sasanian architects in the different regions of this extensive territory. A glance on the pre-Sasanian defensive architecture of Iran Due to the special geographical setting of Iran, this plateau has steadily been involved in an outstanding dispute between pastoral nomads and settled people from the Neolithic period onwards. The nomadic people of Iran, following seasonally available resources, travelled regularly through the vast steppes and plains. Due to the prolonged droughts which happened periodically, nomadic pastoral tribes had no way except looting and plundering the settled peoples who were living in villages and cities. As a reaction to the expected invasions, the Iranian inhabitants constructed the huge fortifications around their settlements and established isolated towers and forts to control the roads and borders. Dating back to the 5th-6th millennium BC, the enclosure of the Neolithic settlement of Kara Tepe some 40 km to Tehran is one of the oldest Iranian ramparts which has been ever identified. The Kara Tepe’s wall 1.20 metres in width was constructed with pisé and its length has not ever been identified. Another Neolithic enclosure about 4 metres thick was constructed with mud brick has been unearthed at the ancient mound Sialk in the central Iranian plateau1. 1 MALEK SHAHMIRZADI 1385/2006: 63-64. Page | 38 Fig. 1. An axonometric reconstruction of Tall-e Takht (after STRONACH 1978) During the historical period and the formation age of the powerful governments in Iran, the fortifications enjoyed the support of the Iranian states. The Iranian villages and cities, especially which were located on the borderlands, were equipped with the fortifications against the northern nomads and the western opponents. According to the Assyrian reliefs, the Median fortresses located on the high mounds and/or artificial platforms were enclosed by walls with gates and watchtowers2. Some archaeological excavations carried out at the Median sites of Tepe Nūš-e Jān 3, Godīn Tepe4, Tell Gubba5, Ulug Depe6, and Tepe Ozbaki7 have testified to the characteristics of the Median castles which were recorded in the Assyrian documents. Similarly, some defensive elements including unpassable ditches, massive ramparts, and the gates flanked by gigantic towers have been identified in the Achaemenid constructions concentrating on the borderlands of Chorasmia and Transoxiana8. Due to the political security during the Achaemenid period some settlements, like Dahan-e Ḡolāmān, were established without any 2 GUNTER 1982. STRONACH 1968. 4 YOUNG 1969. 5 FUJII 1981. 6 BOUCHARLAT et al. 2005. 7 MADJIDZADEH 1389/2010. 8 e.g. NEGMATOV 1996; BELENITSKY 1969; HELMS et al. 2002; KHOZHANIYAZOV 2006. 3 Page | 39 enclosure9. Nevertheless, the important royal residence of Persepolis was surrounded by massive fortifications10 and the impressive castle of Pasargadae namely Tall-e Takht functioned as a royal storehouse was guarded by castellated walls11 [Fig. 1]. Establishing the fortifications to defend the settlements continued into the Parthian period well exampled with the fortified capital city of Nisa. The Mithradātkert castle in the centre of the old Nisa was mounted a natural hill embraced by a mud-brick wall which was equipped with consecutive towers12. The identified Parthian settlements of northeastern Iran including Kojne Kala, Geok Tepe, Kyrk Tepe, Göbekli Tepe, Chichanlik Tepe, Durnali, Chilburj, Dev Kala, Kishman Tepe, and Jin Tepe were built in the shape of a rectangular and their enclosing walls were strengthened with the rectangular buttresses which were surmounted by small rooms for watchmen13. The dawn of the Sasanian fortifications The powerful motives which led to establishing the fortifications in the Achaemenian and Parthian periods continued into the Sasanian period. The Iranian settlement in the Sasanian period was continuously threatened by the nomadic raiders and powerful Roman armies. Moreover, the permanent clashes between settled and nomadic peoples of the Iranian plateau forced the Sasanians to fortify the settlements. The hometown of Sasanians, Eṣṭakhr which flourished from 265 BC to AD 200 functioned as the capital of the Persis kings14 became the centre of Sasanian rebellions against the last Arsacid king Ardawān IV (r. 216-224). Ernest Herzfeld’s excavations at the outer edge of Eṣṭakhr revealed part of an enormously strong wall with round towers and short curtain-walls between was constructed with mud bricks. He reports five stories of recessed loopholes preserved on the façade of the wall15 [Fig. 2]. Ardašīr I (r. 224-242) the founder of the Sasanian monarchy organized his campaign against the Arsacids from a castle which was established in the mountains of Fīrūzābād. The castle so-called Qal‘eh Dokhtar was erected on the cliffs 140 m high, overlooking the road leading to the Fīrūzābād plain. Qal‘eh Dokhtar was a complex included a fortress which was embraced by several buildings and enclosed by a massive enclosure with two parallel walls16 [Fig. 3]. Several short curtains connected the parallel walls together and some semi-circular bastions serving as watchtowers were abutted to the outer wall. 9 SAJADI 1376/1997: 39. SCHMIDT 1939: 7-11. 11 STRONACH 1978: 146-159. 12 PUGACHENKOVA 1958: 32-36. 13 see JAKUBIAK 2006. 14 BIVAR 1998. 15 HERZFELD 1941: 276. 10 16 HUFF 1976. Page | 40 Fig. 2. Plan and Elevation of the Eṣṭakhr’s enclosing wall (after HERZFELD 1941) Fig. 3. A reconstruction of the castle of Qal‘eh Dokhtar, Fīrūzābād (after HUFF 1993) Page | 41 Ardašīr-Khorra as the first city which was founded by Ardašīr I in the Fīrūzābād plain was overlooked by the Qal‘eh Dokhtar. This circular city was enclosed by two parallel clay walls which inner one was about 10 m thick. The wall was surrounded by a ditch 35 m wide and pierced by four gateways located at the four different directions. The central quarter of the city containing governmental buildings was also embraced by a circle wall17 and therefore it seemed impossible for invaders to access the heart of the Ardašīr’s residence. Monitoring the ways and settlements The gorges and the connecting passes were monitored by the mountain installations. During the reign of Šāpur I (r. 240/42-270/72) a citadel was constructed on the route into the city of Bīšāpur in which a massive fort was erected at the highest level above a cliff platform and was flanked by two corner circular towers. Two semicircular towers decorated with blind windows were also established between the corner towers18. The favourable location of a fortress in the Sasanian period was a place overlooks both the main pass and the important settlement at the same time. According to this pattern, a fortress in Bazeh Hur valley so-called Qaṣr-e Dokhtar was established on the road of Khorasan-Sistān. Qaṣr-e Dokhtar monitored the road and two colossal Chartaq date back to the Sasanian/Early Islamic period. The upper Chartaq was embraced with a massive mudbrick wall which was supported with the stone buttresses on the northern side. A linear mudbrick wall about 300 m long runs from the southern corner of the upper Chartaq on top of a mountain ridge to the south. This wall served in fact as a path between the northern and southern parts of the Qaṣr-e Dokhtar fort. The southern area of the fort was furnished with at least two towers served probably as watchtowers. At least 8 watchtowers were built along the liner wall with mud bricks on the stone foundations [Fig. 4]. 17 18 HUFF 2008: 49. GHIRSHMAN 1971: 37-40. Page | 42 Fig. 4. Topographical map of Qaṣr-e Dokhtar fort (after HALLIER 1975) In defence of the territory Due to the extension of the Sasanian empire, protecting the borderlands became a critical challenge of the Sasanian monarchs. According to the Šāpur I’s inscription at Ka’be-ye Zartošt, the Iranian borders stretched eastward to the Sind and westward to the Euphrates19. The Sasanian borders determined their front lines against the hostile neighbours including the Romans from the west, raider nomads from the north and east, and Arab tribes from the south and south-east. In response to these threats, the settlements which were located in the borderlands were equipped with defensive fortifications and supported with the forts which had occasionally capacity for thousands of people. The different divisions of the populated centres were surrounded by enclosures and ditches. The most important quarter of the Sasanian cities including the arg (namely citadel) continued to function as governmental part of the Iranian cities during the Islamic period. Eastern fortifications The fortresses and citadels in eastern Iran including Chilburj, Durnali [Fig. 5] Chichanlik Tepe, and Kyrk Tepe which were constructed during the pre-Sasanian 19 SPRENGLING 1953: 14. Page | 43 periods were restored and reinforced in the Sasanian period20. Situated in the middle of the residential area, these fortresses were mounted a natural or artificial hill and occupied by the military forces who were protecting the settlement and oases against the steppe raiders. Fig. 5. The Sasanian fort of Durnali (after PUGACHENKOVA 1958) In response to the permanent invasions of the tribes which originated from the Karakum and Kyzylkum deserts, the settlements of Chorasmia were commonly created in the form of fortified castles. The best example of the Sasanian fortified settlement of Chorasmia is Koi Krylgan Kala which was erected on an octadecagon plan about 87 m in diameter. Koi Krylgan Kala was settled from the 4th century BC and was primarily constructed in the shape of a circle 42 m in diameter in two storeys. The central round residence was surrounded with a court which was enclosed by a mudbrick wall. The open court was occupied with several buildings and the outer enclosure was reinforced by another wall with 9 towers21. Dzhanbas Kala is another walled settlement of Chorasmia was founded in the Hellenistic period (3rd-2nd century BC). The rectangular plan of this settlement was enclosed by two parallel walls which were separated by a corridor in two storeys. The corridors served as the place whence 20 21 KOSHELENKO 1977: 42-43; PUGACHENKOVA 1958. MONGAIT 1959: 266-267; BELENITSKY 1969: 77. Page | 44 the archers targeted the invaders through the narrow slits. The northern side of the enclosing wall was pierced with a gateway which was flanked by two towers22. In addition to the fortified settlement and citadels, many military fortresses were constructed along the borderlines of Sasanian Iran. The military fortresses were smaller than the fortified settlements and served particularly for monitoring and defending the strategic passes and gorges. Some of the military fortresses also served as the garrisons for providing and organising the military forces. According to the middle Persian manuscript of Šahrestānīhā ī Ērānšahr, Šāpur I established Nīšāpur after defeating Pahlizak-e Tur23. In accordance with this historical report, the archaeological investigations have shown that Nīšāpur was primarily founded as a military base where was resided by a small population of the warriors. Nīšāpur having architectural components of a defensive complex was probably used as a military centre for organising the armies of Yazdegerd I (r. 399-420) and Bahrām V (r. 420-438) against the northern invaders. The unpassable moat of Nīšāpur 35 m in width and 12 m in depth surrounded the mudbrick enclosure which was about 8 m high and 5m wide and was pierced with a row of arrow slits on the upper part. The main structure of the Nīšāpur fortress was erected on top of a platform which was constructed with rectangular mud bricks24. Due to the successive invasions of the northern raiders, some fortifications were established over the northern part of Greater Khorasan. Archaeological excavations at the Sasanian area of Merv (Gyaur Kala) brought to appearance some remains of the Sasanian rampart and towers. Regarding the important strategic location of Merv, from the Seleucid period onwards, the fortifications of Merv have been reconstructed and reinforced several times25. Like the north-eastern Iranian fortifications, almost all settlements of Transoxiana including the excavated sites of Ak Tepe near Tashkent, Kala-i-Bolo in Farḡāna, Kala-i-Muq and Batyr Tepe in Sogdiana, Aul Tepe in Kashka Darya valley, Dzhumalak Tepe and Zang Tepe in the Termez area were fortified with the defensive installations26. Such architectural style was applied in the Sasanian fortifications of the southern Karakum desert. For instance, Göbekli-depe was constructed for guarding the approach to the north-west limit of the oasis and was erected over an adobe platform which was surrounded with labyrinth fortifications as well as some towers erecting on the corners of the fort. Archaeological excavations have shown that Göbekli-depe Fort was founded in the Parthian period and developed during the reign of Šāpur I27. 22 BELENITSKY 1968: 76-77. DARYAEE 2002: 18. 24 LABBAF-KHANIKI, LABBAF-KHANIKI 1391/2012. 25 WILLIAMS et al. 2003: 140-142. 26 BELENITSKY 1969: 116. 27 LITVINSKY et al. 1996: 473-474. 23 Page | 45 Northern fortifications Besides the residential fortresses, there are some Sasanian buildings were even founded as the military bases and functioned as the defensive constructions for centuries. For instance, the detected 39 forts along the Gorgān Wall provided the frontier armies with the barracks extend 0.03 to 7.2 ha28. One of the most important forts of the Gorgān Wall (fort number 4) extended about 5.5 ha and contained three rows, each of which runs 228 m comprising the similar rooms which were functioned as the military garrisons29. Qal‘eh Kharābeh, another massive fort of the Gorgān Wall, was constructed to the south of the wall at the same time that the wall was rising. This fort covered a large space about 650×650 m2 which was surrounded with two parallel mud-brick walls. The magnetometric surveys have indicated several rectangular rooms which were organized in parallel rows on the east-west direction and were separated with corridors 17 m wide. The rooms of Qal‘eh Kharābeh were probably functioned as garrisons for military forces30. The architectural characteristics of Qal‘eh Kharābeh, as well as its spatial organization, exerted that this fort was playing an important role in providing the security during establishing and using the wall31. Gabrī Qal‘eh was also constructed in the defensive landscape of the Gorgān plain some 8 km south-east of the wall. This fort with the square ground plan was provided with a prominent corner citadel which was overlooking the enclosed area of the fort32. Resembling the architectural features of Qal‘eh Kharābeh and Gabrī Qal‘eh, Qal‘eh Gūg was planned according to a defensive scheme and was probably functioned as a campaign base for organizing the forces against the northern threats33. The Gorgān Wall as the most important defensive barrier of the Sasanian period was erected across the Gorgān plain and stretches from the eastern shores of the Caspian Sea to the western end of the Kopet Dag Mountains a distance of 198 km [Fig. 6]. The width of the wall ranges from 2 to 10 m consisting chiefly of brick and mud-brick m34. A moat 5 m deep along the northern side of the wall improved defensive efficiency of the wall35. The Gorgān wall has been partially established under Pērōz I (r. 459-484)36 and has being improved during the medieval ages. This massive barrier, like other defensive installations of the northern borderline of the Sasanian Iran, provided the northern settlements with defence against the northern invaders. 28 NOKANDEH et al. 2006: 121. SAUER et al. 2013: 178-211. 30 OMRANI REKAVANDI et al. 2008: 161-162. 31 OMRANI REKAVANDI et al. 2008: 176. 32 SAUER et al. 2013: 351. 33 SAUER et al. 2013: 352) 34 NOKANDEH et al. 2006: 121. 35 OMRANI REKAVANDI et al. 2008: 13. 36 NOKANDEH et al. 2006: 163. 29 Page | 46 The Gorgān Wall apparently came to end at Pish Kamar in the westernmost piedmont of the Kopet Dag mountains. The Kopet Dag functioned as a natural obstacle stretches to the Hindu Kush mountains in northern Afghanistan and was equipped with the artificial walls and keep towers at the penetrable strategic points. The fortifications along the Kopet Dag ranges has been already examined by the author and introduced as the Defensive Walls of Khorasan37. Fig. 6. The Gorgān Wall (after OMRANI REKAVANDI et al. 2007) One more Sasanian fortification of northern Iran was another linear wall called Tamiša which was constructed probably under Khosrow I (r. 531-579). The wall lies in the west of the village of Sarkalāteh in Gorgān county and extends about 11 km blocking the southeastern coastline of the Caspian Sea. According to radiocarbon dating, the bricks of the wall date back to about AD 402-537 and the fortresses of Bānsarān, Nārenj Qal‘eh, and Qal‘eh Dokhtar were established in contemporary with or just after the construction of the wall38. There was another strategic pass along the western coastline of the Caspian Sea providing a route for the Caucasian invaders to plunder the northwestern territory of the Sasanians. Responding to this threat, the Sasanians constructed some fortifications between the western shore of the Caspian Sea and the Caucasus Mountains including the fortifications of Darband. The fortified city of Darband having a rectangular plan lies in the westernmost of the Darband Wall consisting two 37 38 LABBAF-KHANIKI 1393a/2014a ; 1393b/2014b. OMRANI REKAVANDI, SAUER 2013. Page | 47 parallel walls which the northern one was 3650 m long and the southern 3500 m running from the mountain into the sea. The northern wall equipped with 27 towers and was pierced with 5 gateways leading to the city. 9 rectangular towers and 7 gateways were erected along the southern wall39 [Fig. 7]. Fig. 7. The fortifications of Darband (after KETTENHOFEN 1994) The Dagh Bary mountain wall runs from immediately west of the Darband fortifications for about 42 km to the west40 and joins to the Caucasus ranges which provided a natural obstacle against the northern invaders. The passable points of the ranges were guarded by the fortresses and watchtowers which controlled the route passing the mountains. Some 130 km south of the Darband fortifications, another defensive wall called Ghilghilchay (Ḡilḡičay/Gilgičay) wall was probably constructed under Kavād I (r. 488-531) which survives in places over 5 m height and 4.15 width. The wall consists of mud bricks 40×45×12 cm in dimensions and clay mortar and was plastered with clay. The remains of 140 towers have been identified along the wall41 which were semi-circular 5.7 m in diameter42. Some fortified settlements were established over the fertile plain of Mughan in north-western Iran during the Sasanian period. The archaeological survey of the Mughan plain has identified some residential fortresses having a rectangular plan and were surrounded by the wide ditches. The largest Sasanian fortress of the Mughan plain is Ultan Qalasi located on the southern bank of the Aras river between the modern cities of Parsabad and Aslanduz. Ultan Qalasi covering an area approximately 33 ha northern side of which has been eroded by the Aras flow which provided the northern side of the surrounding ditch. According to the archaeological results, the enclosing wall of Ultan Qalasi was equipped with towers and the main gateway located on the western side was flanked by two semi-circular towers43. 39 GADJIEV 2008. ALIEV et al. 2006: 145; GADJIEV 2008: 1-2. 41 ALIEV et al. 2006: 162. 42 ALIEV et al. 2006: 149. 43 ALIZADEH 2011 2014. 40 Page | 48 The most important Sasanian monument of north-western Iran is Takht-e Solaymān which is not important only because of its religious function but for the formidable defensive fortifications. The stone enclosure of Takht-e Solaymān 13 m high was abutted by 38 semi-circular bastions jutting out from the wall’s outer face44. Each tower was surmounted by a room which was accessible through a staircase passing the rampart. The ramparts provided a way for walking along the wall and a row of loopholes surmounted by stepped parapets were set in the upper portion of the wall45. A compound of the Sasanian buildings of Takht-e Solaymān was particularly enclosed by another wall embracing a roughly square area and was pierced by a gateway situated at the middle of the northern side. Every side of this enclosure probably had 8 towers and a corridor passed through the wall46 [Fig. 8; Fig. 9]. Fig. 8. Takht-e Solaymān (after HUFF 1978) 44 HENNING VON DER OSTEN, NAUMANN 1961: 51. SHAHMOHAMMADPOUR SALMANI 1384/2005: 290. 46 SHAHMOHAMMADPOUR SALMANI 1391/2012: 114. 45 Page | 49 Fig. 9. Takht-e Solaymān a reconstruction of the south-eastern gate (after HENNING VON DER OSTEN and NAUMANN 1961) Western fortifications Due to a confrontation with the Roman empire, the western frontier of the Sasanian territory was dotted with abundant castles and forts. Although the rivers of Euphrates and Tigris effectively prevented the opponents to invade and plunder the western Sasanian borderlines, many fortifications including the fortresses of Ḥira (Kasr al‐Abyadh, Kasr ibn Bukarlah, Kasr al‐‘Adasiyin), Uyun at‐Taff, al‐Qadisiyya, Udhayb, Amghishiyya, Ain Tamr, Dumat Jandal, Zumayl [Themail?] and the site of Basra (7 forts, including one at Zabuqa and two at Khurrayba)47 were established at the strategic points providing the populated centers with defence against the continued Romans attacks. Moreover, a linear ditch and a system of defence were created under Šāpur II (r. 309-379) which provided the Arab peoples with security against the Bedouin plunders. These fortifications were probably those which have been mentioned in the Middle Persian text of Šahrestānīhā ī Ērānšahr as ‘War ī Tāzīgān’48. The effectiveness of this system led to establishing no defensive wall around the city of Ḥira which was situated between the desert and the cultivated lands49. The city of Pērōz-Šāpur was located in the middle region of Euphrates basin in which other fortresses including Tilbis, an‐Na‘usah, ‘Alusah, and Hit were erected. 47 SIMPSON 1993: 3. DARYAEE 2002: 14. 49 FRYE 1977: 10. 48 Page | 50 The Roman fortresses of the Nisibis and Singara regions in northern Mesopotamia were ceded by the Romans to the Sasanians after Šāpur II triumphs against Jovian in AD 363 and some forts including Ain Sinu and Seh Qubba were re‐occupied by the Sasanian armies50. The southern Mesopotamian settlements were also guarded by the defensive installations. The most important Sasanian fortified city of this region was Vēh-Ardašīr which was founded by Ardašīr I. This city covering some 700 ha following the circular plan of Darabgird and Ardašīr-Khorra and was enclosed by a wall measuring some 10 m thick at the base which was equipped with interval semicircular towers projecting from the mainline of the wall51. Some linear walls running several kilometres were also erected alongside the western borderline of the Sasanian territory obstructing the routes to the fertile lands of the Mesopotamian plain. A defensive wall called El-Mutabbaq was established on the borderline running between the Tigris in the south of Samarra and the northwestern deserts and stretches c. 40 km. This wall constructed with mudbricks 40×38×11 cm in dimensions was equipped with towers and a ditch measuring 20‐30 m across and 2‐3 m deep was running in parallel with the wall. Another defensive wall in Mesopotamia called Umm Rus lies in the east bank of the Euphrates which stretches more than 10 km with 7 m in thickness. This wall was also equipped with towers were erected at 60-meter intervals52. The remains of another linear wall called the Gawri Wall have been primarily identified by Ali Hozhabri53 and re-examined by Sajjad Alibaigi54 extends almost 115 km from the Bamu Mountains in the area of Salas-e Bābājāni in the north of Sarpol-e Zahab County, to Zhaw Marg Village near Guwaver of Gilan-e-Gharb in the south of Sarpol-e Zahab County55. Some shorter walls were constructed to block the mountain passes and gorges including a wall were erected across a gorge some 36 km east of Farrāšband in Fārs province [Fig. 10]. This wall comprised of stone rubbles running about 200 m in the northwest-southeast direction which obstructed the connecting way between Farrāšband and the Sasanian city of Ardašīr-Khorra. A heap of stones has been identified on the eastern side of the wall which can be considered as the remains of a keep tower56. Some defensive walls also have been identified in the mountainous regions of northern Khorasan including the walls of Aq Darband and Mozdouran blocking the main branches of the Silk Road and the towers of which controlled traffic between the Iranian plateau and Central Asian steppes57. 50 SIMPSON 1993: 3. NEGRO PONZI 1967: 45-47; SIMPSON 2017: 25-26. 52 READE 1964. 53 HOZHABRI 1385/2006. 54 ALIBAIGI 2019. 55 ALIBAIGI 2019: 3. 56 KLEISS 1999: 103. 57 LABBAF-KHANIKI 2014A. 51 Page | 51 Fig. 10. The wall blocking the Fīrūzābād-Farrāšband route (after KLEISS 1999) Southern fortifications In southern Iran, a chain of defensive fortresses was constructed alongside the coastlines of the Persian Gulf to guard the rich seaport cities which were flourished by the maritime trade during the Sasanian period. The prosperity of these cities meant the economic flourishing of the empire, albeit it motivated the Arab raiders of the southern lands to pass the gulf and plundering the rich cities. Responding to this threat, many towers, forts, and fortresses were erected alongside the northern and southern coastlines of the Persian Gulf during the Sasanian period. One of the most important port fortresses was Sīrāf which was established in the Sasanian period and developed during the Islamic era. The Sasanian fortress of Sīrāf having a rectangular enclosure was entered through a gateway on the southern side which was flanked by two semi-circular towers58 [Fig. 11]. Interior space of the fortress was occupied with rows of rooms which served as barracks or magazines59. Another enclosed area situated outside the military quarter and comprised the residential constructions which have almost disappeared except the partly survived enclosing wall60. The remains of another Sasanian fortress were identified on the northern coastline of the Persian Gulf at Rīšahr some 180 km of Sīrāf. Rīšahr the name of which derives from Middle Persian Rēv-Ardašīr, comprised of a castle with a rectangular mud-brick enclosure which was embraced by a surrounding ditch61. 58 WHITEHOUSE 1971. WHITEHOUSE, WILLIAMSON 1973: 33. 60 WHITEHOUSE 1972: 70-71. 61 WHITEHOUSE, WILLIAMSON 1973: 39-41. 59 Page | 52 Fig. 11. The Sasanian fort of Sīrāf (after WHITEHOUSE and WILLIAMSON 1973) Archaeological investigations revealed also some Sasanian fortifications alongside the southern coastline of the Persian Gulf including the castles of Suhar, Damam, Jorrafār62, Kush, and Qal‘at al-Bahrain. Excavations at Kush brought to light abundant iron trefoil arrowhead representing the defensive function of the castle63. The most important fortress on the southern coasts of Persian Gulf is Qal‘at al-Bahrain, which is located in the northern beach of Bahrain. Archaeological excavations at Qal‘at al-Bahrain revealed a castle which was established in the late 3rd-early 2nd century BC and served until the 13th century as a fortified settlement64. Some fortlets were also constructed in this region, two of which have been identified in the coastal settlement of ed-Dur in Eastern Arabia. One of the ed-Dur fortlests dating back to the 3rd century CE has a rectangular plan was equipped with four corner towers with round plan. The second fortlet of ed-Dur resembling the first one, was rectangular enjoying four corner towers, but one of which was rectangular and the rest with circular plan [Fig. 12]. The latter fortlet was occupied until the 4th century CE65. 62 WILKINSON 1979: 888. KENNET 2002: 154; 2005: 109-110. 64 KERVRAN et al. 1983: 5; POTTS 1990: 111-115. 65 KENNET 2005: 113. 63 Page | 53 Fig. 12. Two fortlets in ed-Dur (KENNET 2005) Page | 54 Like the ed-Dur’s fortlets, another construction so-called Fulayj has been brought to light in the north of Oman in the Batine coast. The Fulayj covering an area 0.09 ha was enclosed by a wall 2.65 thikness. The gateway 1.62 m width was flanked by two towers opened to the eastern side of the fortress. The walls of the Fulayj fortress was constructed with mudbricks in the upper portions and irregular stones and mortar in the lowers and foundations. The considerable thickness of the Fulayj’s enclosure as well as the lack of evidence of daily life suggest that the Fulayj was functioned as a military construction66. Conclusions The Sasanian Empire existence was very much dependent on defence against the opponents who steadily threatened the Iranian boundaries. Accordingly, the powerful monarchs including Šāpur I, Šāpur II, Yazdegerd I, Bahrām V, and Khosrow I have endeavoured to construct defensive installations and reinforce the frontier fortifications which obstructed the ways of raiders intending to invade and plunder the inner fertile lands of the Iranian plateau. These fortifications were installed alongside the natural barriers, serving together as a rampart around the Iranian plateau. The artificial portions of this rampart were founded under Ardashir I and completed over four centuries of the Sasanian era. In fact, the location and system of defence of the early Sasanian city of Ardašīr-Khorra established a model to organise the defensive landscape of the Iranian plateau. As mentioned above, Ardašīr-Khorra was located in plain which was surrounded by mountains and the only accessing way of which was monitored by a massive fortress. According to the Sasanian policy in establishing the system of defence for their territory, they used the natural barrier surrounding the plateau as the obstacle against the neighbouring invaders. in order to monitor and defend the passable points of the natural barriers, they built artificial fortifications including the linear walls, watchtowers and castles. Regarding the cases which were described in this paper, the Sasanian defensive constructions were frequently established in the frontier regions and were used for organising the military forces as well as defence against the foreign opponents. Architectural form and geographic location of the defensive constructions were determined with the expected functions. Accordingly, the building with defence function was surrounded by massive enclosure and installations including the interval towers which served simultaneously as watchtowers and bastions. Another group of the Sasanian fortifications include the garrisons and barracks which were occupied by the military forces and served as centres for organising the armies against the invasions. These barracks were erected in the frontier regions in order to act quickly against the possible sudden attacks of the raiders. Besides the fortifications 66 AL-JAHWARI et al. 2018. Page | 55 which were intended solely for residence and organising the armies, some fortifications were erected around the Sasanian palaces and cities in such a way that we can consider them as the palace-forts and city-forts. The materials which were applied for the Sasanian defensive structures depended on the accessible natural sources. Accordingly, the frequent masonry in the mountainous regions was stone and it was usual to use mud brick and pisé in the plains. The enclosing walls were frequently 5m thick providing an impassable barrier against the heavy invasions. There was a row of arrow slits on the upper portion of the walls which were accessible through a narrow passageway running along the wall. In the plains and lowlands, the enclosures were surrounded by the wide and deep ditches filled up with the water which was transferred from the rivers by means of canals. Some surrounding ditches were also fed by the springs and qanats gushing out into the canals or opened directly within the ditches. Although the Sasanian defensive architecture represents a defined pattern in the form and structure, we should accept that this pattern was not restricted to the Sasanian period nor geographic borders of the Sasanian Iran. In fact, the form and content of the Sasanian defensive architecture were determined with the atmosphere which was created under the political, social, economic, and geographic conditions of late antiquity. In other words, the need to defend and/or invade caused to use the special kinds of masonry which were applied in the construction of the special architectural elements. Subsequently, the similar needs would result to create a similar form in other places and times and that is why the Sasanian defensive architecture inherited the Arsacid characteristics and continued into the Islamic period. On the other hand, the interactions between Sasanians and their neighbouring empires led to occur some similarities in the defensive architecture of Iran and Rome which was crystallised in the Roman fortifications erected in the vicinity of the Iranian borders resembling the Sasanian forts. Consequently, the Sasanian defensive architecture can be considered as a complex of architectural rules and patterns which continued along with the time and place. 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Development of the East Roman Holy War from the 4th until the 11th century https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.04 Abstract: The article analyses the development of the holy war in East Rome from its beginning until the 11th century. The article takes the stance that it is meaningless what the official religious doctrine was when the soldiers themselves believed and followed the doctrine of holy war which promised a place in heaven for all fallen soldiers. Key words: Holy War, Christianity, Icons, Iconoclasm, Paganism, Jihad, Valhalla, Elysian Fields, Rome, Roman Army, Byzantium, Byzantine Army, Strategikon, Leo the Wise Introduction The article “Holy War and a Place in Paradise? Development of the East Roman Holy War from the 4th until the 11th century” concentrates its attention on the practical military aspects of the holy war rather than on the religious doctrinal aspects of it so that it: 1) Analyzes the development of the East Roman concept of holy war from the fourth century until the eleventh while keeping in mind the Greco-Roman inheritance; 2) Provides an analysis of the origins of the different influences that played a part in the evolving concept of the East Roman holy war (e.g. how the imperial needs, Christian religious doctrine, and the Muslim Jihad influenced the East Roman religious practices); 3) Assesses what was the East Roman view of the Islamic Jihad and what parts of the Islamic Jihad the East Roman military authorities wanted to copy; 4) Compares and contrasts the East Roman concept of the holy war with the other major versions of holy war (Germanic, Jihad, Crusades). The length of the time-period under scrutiny means that the analysis seeks to present only the principal features for each period.  ORCID iD 0000-0002-6084-0234. ilkkasyvanne@yahoo.com; University of Haifa, Israel in 2016-2019; The writing and presenting of this article was made possible by the ASMEA Research Grant 2016. Page | 61 The Concept of Holy War in this Study In this study I will use the conclusions of both Tia M. Kolbaba and Paul Meinrad Strässle regarding the use of holy war in East Rome as the basis for the new concept of holy war. Both of them note that the Romans motivated their soldiers with religion and that the Romans considered all of their offensive and defensive wars legitimate and just wars fought by God’s chosen people at the behest of the emperor, the God’s Vicar on earth1. I take this a step further and classify all wars in which the authorities employed religion, any religion, as one of the means to convince the soldiers to fight to belong to the category of holy war. This study therefore adopts the point of view that the actual use of religion to motivate soldiers was of far greater practical importance than the theoretical ponderings of the learned clergymen, which means that we should actually classify most of the wars ever fought as holy wars. This study therefore argues that it is a mistake to approach warfare from the point of view of the Church theology. The right way to approach the use of religion in war is to analyze it from the point of view of how the military leadership used religion to further the military goals. This could be in harmony with theology or not. The above does not mean that other sources of motivation would not have been present. It is clear that in any army that included large numbers of persons that there would have been equally large numbers of views and motivations among the soldiers, officers and generals some of which could even be in conflict with each other. Since the late Roman and East Roman armies consisted mostly of professional or semiprofessional soldiers and included also foreigners amongst their ranks it is clear that one cannot expect all of them to have shared the same culture, religion or view of the world. The main motivations to fight in any circumstances for the professional or semi-professional East Roman soldiers consisted of: salary, prospect of booty and other rewards, code of honor among males and soldiers, comradeship with brothers-inarms within the same unit, and military discipline/law with rewards and punishments. Those who were not mercenaries, but native or foreign professionals with families, could also fight for their families and fatherland, and possibly also for their way of life, culture and religion against the ‘other’, the enemy. It was the job of any good general to invoke as many of the possible sources of motivation (or even invent ones) whenever he engaged an enemy in combat regardless of whether this enemy was foreign or Roman2. It was the job of the men put in charge to present their cause of war as just and favored by the God or gods. It was an altogether different matter whether the men bought these justifications and exhortations. It depended upon the situation and individual. KOLBABA 1998: 202-206; STRÄSSLE 2004: 119-123. These conventions are usefully presented in most of the ancient military treatises. See e.g. Aeneas Tacticus, Ascplepiodotus, Onasander; Frontinus; The Taktika of Leo VI. 1 2 Page | 62 The Greco-Roman ‘Holy War’ The key to understanding East Roman concept of holy war is to understand that the East Romans were the inheritors of the Classical culture and that it also influenced directly the way how Christianity developed. Christianity adopted many of its religious holidays and practices and philosophical concepts directly from the Greco-Roman culture in order to ease the transition from the pagan past into the Christian future. It was also because of this that many of the Christian churches were located on the ancient places of worship. Therefore, it comes as no great surprise that the pagan past also affected the way how Christianity was incorporated into the army. Like for most of the armed forces of the world, religion and religious ceremonies formed an integral part of life for the Roman armed forces. At the core of this was the belief dating from the very beginning of the Roman Empire that official religious observance by the civilian officials and members of the military ensured divine goodwill and military success – in other words all wars were divinely sanctioned if the signs and omens for this were good but with the caveat that it was expected that these signs could be manipulated as needed. Consequently, all legions and warships included religious personnel whose duty it was to make predictions and take omens regarding the outcome, and all units had military standards which were considered sacred. During the Republican era these predictions could be manipulated for both political reasons, but during the Principate and late Roman periods the predictions were mainly manipulated by the officers in order to secure the loyalty of the troops. The best evidence of this comes from the collections of stratagems, which instructed the commanders to resort to various kinds of tricks to motivate their soldiers to do their bidding. All military campaigns started and ended with the making of sacrifices to the gods. During the Republican era the Roman commanders could also sacrifice themselves for the victory of their armies. This same tradition continued also during the Imperial period in a slightly altered form so that some rare individual soldiers could sacrifice their lives in mad attacks at the enemy. It is also claimed that some of the emperors sacrificed their lives for the victory of the Romans. Even though there existed moralists, most of whom were Stoics and who condemned unjust wars and cruelty, most of the Romans considered all wars waged by their emperors and armies regardless of the underlying reasons (economic, territorial, personal prestige or honor of the emperor or army, defensive action, offensive war, raiding, punishment, terrorizing the enemy etc.) as just and divinely sanctioned as long as those ended in victory that increased the prestige of the Roman Empire and its arms and emperor3. 3 LE BOHEC 2000: 236-252; LE BOHEC 2014: 103-118; STOLL 2007: 451-476; CAMPBELL 2002: 127-136. Page | 63 Just like most modern soldiers the individual Roman soldiers also needed some sort of consolation in the face of possible death. Their perception of the divine obviously depended on their place of origin so that some of them (mainly the so-called numeri) worshipped their native gods while some others had started to worship exotic divinities (e.g. Sol, Baal, Isis, Serapis, Mithra, Christian God with Jesus etc.). However, most of these local divinities had become associated with the Roman pantheon of gods so that one can say with great justification that the Roman army as a whole worshipped in the same manner. For those of the soldiers who believed in such the reward for the heroic soldiers was eternal life in the fields of Elysium which can be considered to have been a paradise for men. The Romans divided their gods into military and non-military gods. The former consisted of Jupiter, Juno, Minerva, Janus, Venus (equaled Victory), Mars, Lares, and demi-god Hercules. These were the most often worshipped gods. The civilian gods worshipped by the soldiers included Apollo, Diana, Aesculapius, Bona Dea (Hygia/Salus), Neptune, and Ceres. In addition to the gods, the Romans also revered deified abstractions like Victoria (Victory), Bonus Eventus (Good Result), Fortuna/Tyche (Good Fortune/Destiny), Disciplina (Discipline), Virtus (Male Virility/Virtue), Pietas (Piety) and Honos (Honor). The third category consisted of the protectors called genii, which can be equated with the saints and guardian angels of Christianity. These included genii attached to some locations like buildings or camps, and genii attached to groups of men like military units. In order to improve their chances of survival the superstitious Roman soldiers would typically attempt to pray as many of these together as possible or in some distressing situation they could even give a vow to make an offer to some or several of these if they would just survive just like the Christians would do later4. The extant narrative histories and military treatises (the collections of stratagems) show us how the Roman general exploited the supernatural in cynical manner to convince the soldiers to obey their commands. These methods can be categorized roughly as follows: 1) Observance of religious customs and rites to convince the soldiers that the gods had been bribed to be on their side through religious sacrifices. The religious calendar included auspicious and non-auspicious dates for fighting, but these rules could be broken if the commander had a strong personality that commanded the respect of the soldiers. The best example of this is Lucullus. 2) The use of religious fortune-tellers (readers of future, entrails, weather, soothsayers, astrologers etc.) to promise victory, if there was a need to fight, or to warn the soldiers that the omens were not auspicious if there was a need to convince the overly eager soldiers to postpone the fighting to a later date5. 4 5 LE BOHEC 2000: 236-252; LE BOHEC 2014: 103-118; CAMPBELL 2002: 127-136. E.g. Frontinus, Stratagems 1.11-12. Page | 64 3) Invention of a deity or omen (natural phenomena; reading of the future from the stars, entrails, birds etc.) if there was a need to convince the superstitious soldiers to fight6. 4) The use of scientific means or other means to convince the soldiers that a natural phenomenon like an eclipse of the sun or moon, or earthquake, or falling into ground etc. did not have any religious meaning7. 5) Exploited the religious customs of others for their own benefit8. The Christian Empire c.312-491 The adoption of Christianity by Constantine I the Great (306-337) has usually been seen as a break with the past, but the reality is more complex. The form of Christianity adopted by Constantine for his armed forces follows closely the same patterns as can be witnessed in the past. Firstly, he clearly explained some natural phenomena in the sky to be signs from God in order to improve the morale of his army. Secondly, he claimed to have seen dreams which foretold victory. Thirdly, he claimed that the sign he saw in the sky just before the battle of the Milvian Bridge in 312 promised victory. Fourthly, the Chi-Rho sign used in his battle standard Labarum had similar supernatural powers as had previously been given to pagan standards. The adoption of the Chi-Rho as a symbol of his Christianity suggests premeditation in which Constantine wanted to unite both Christians and pagans under the same banner. Had he really wanted to use an unequivocally Christian symbol he would have used the cross or Tau-Rho/Staurogram. Constantine’s greatest invention, however, was to act as a protector of all Christians regardless of where they were9. At first he used this as one of his excuses to interfere in the politics of the eastern half of the Empire, and after he had united both halves, he used it as his excuse to interfere in the internal politics of his neighbors. The spreading of Christianity and the protection of Christians became Constantine’s and his successors’ principal foreign policy objective. The concept of proselytizing undoubtedly played a role in this decision even if it was also militarily useful. As head of the Christian community the emperor was effectively the head of all Christian states, which included for example Armenia and Georgia. This can be seen as the only real break with the past. In the other fields of religious practice Constantine’s religious-military policies followed the traditions. The mixing of Christian religious practices like Christian sermons with older military routines was meant to make it easier for the soldiers to convert. A good example of this is E.g. Frontinus, Stratagems 1.11-12; Polyaenus 8.22; SYVÄNNE 2020: 96-98, 103, 109-110, 112, 114. E.g. Frontinus, Stratagems 1.11-12. 8 E.g. Polyaenus 8.23.4. 9 Also noted by WHITBY 1998: 194-195. Whitby quite rightly notes that this encouraged the nonChristians to persecute Christians in their areas as potential trouble-makers. 6 7 Page | 65 Theodosius I’s use of the hermit John of Lycopolis to predict successful outcome for his military campaigns in 388 and 394. The Christians also needed their soothsayers10. Vegetius’ Epitoma rei Militaris (written before 450, but later than 378) includes a very important clue to the unification of Christianity with the imperial powers among the military. According to Vegetius (2.5), the soldiers swore in their military oath that they did all things zealously which the emperor commanded, and never deserted, and never refused to die for the Roman republic. When the soldiers swore this military oath, they did this in the name of God and Christ and Holy Spirit, and in the name of His Majesty because the emperor was to be served right after the God by all humans. All people, the soldiers included, were required to display their faithful devotion and constant service to the emperor as if God was bodily present. Vegetius states further that the man served God when he faithfully loved the man who reigned with the authority of God. This basically equates service of the emperor with the service of God, and is actually conceptually not that different from the earlier pagan worship of the emperors and their representation, the statues11. This also means that all measures ordered by the emperor could be considered to be holy commands from God, and it means that whenever the soldier killed enemies of the emperor he was serving God and whenever he died in service he was to be considered as a soldier of the heavenly Christian army who died on behalf of the emperor and God. The existence of this same ideology for the later periods of East Roman history is confirmed by Tia M. Kolbaba and Paul Meinrad Strässle12. The apostasy of Julian (361-363) gives us an important glimpse into the psyche of the Christian and pagan soldiers. As a theurgist (an esoteric form of paganism) Julian believed that his Gallic troops who were pagans were prepared for the war, but the former troops of Constantius II (337-361), who were mostly Christians, were not. He believed that it would be possible to win the Persians only if all of his soldiers See SYVÄNNE 2015a: 250-392 (esp. 250-299, 318-9, 332-333); SYVÄNNE 2017: 243, 262. STOLL (2007: 473) also notes the legacy of pagan practices in the oath. Of particular note is also the fact that the so-called father of Just War Tradition, Saint Augustine of Hippo (13 Nov. 354 – 28 Aug. 4.30), shared the view of Vegetius. According to Augustine, all authority derived from God which meant that all wars were waged directly or indirectly by God, and that everything that the ruler did had a divine purpose or mandate. What is notable about this view is that Augustine did not reconcile this with his view that all wars Christians waged had to be just wars fought in response to some evil committed by evilmakers (i.e. wars had to be defensive wars) for the purpose of bringing about a peace. The reason for this was that all violence was sinful so that wars were only ‘necessary evil’ resulting from the fact that humans were sinners. For a good summary of his contradictory views, see e.g. COREY, CHARLES 2012: 53-65. This is a good example of the fact that Christianity has never fully reconciled the different contradictory views contained within the Bible. However and despite the similarities between Vegetius and Augustine, there was still a clear difference between the two men. For Vegetius just like other men whose primary concern were military matters, all wars waged in the name of the emperor were always just and holy regardless of the cause, while for the clergymen like Saint Augustine who tried to reconcile the different contradictions within Christianity, even the just wars waged by the emperors, and hence by the God, were still only necessary evils which could be justified only if those were fought in self-defence to achieve peace. 12 KOLBABA 1998: 203, 210, 219; STRÄSSLE 2004: 119-20, 123. 10 11 Page | 66 believed in the old gods. Consequently, he attempted to convert the Christian soldiers through persuasion, and when this failed through bribery and trickery. Julian paid a donative to all those who threw incense on the fire, and thereby managed to make the Christian soldiers perform a pagan sacrifice without them understanding the meaning. When the Christian soldiers were told of the significance of the deed, they rioted because they feared that they had lost their souls. Those Christians who realized the trick simply refused to sacrifice13. The significance of this episode is that the Christian soldiers believed in the power of ceremonies. In other words, the soldiers who would die in combat would attain eternal life only thanks to their observance of Christian practices and refusal to observe pagan ones. It was because of this that Constantine had introduced the Christian pre-battle ceremonies to replace the old pagan ones. According to the Strategikon, the soldiers prayed, recited religious chants and shouts in unison regularly both in peace and wartime. The Romans also used heralds to encourage the men. Similarly, the so-called sixth century Anonymi Byzantina Rhetorica militaris instructed the commanders to encourage their men to fight on behalf of their faith, country and fellow Christians. In short, the ceremonies mattered for the Christians and non-Christians alike because the soldiers needed routines and the psychological comfort provided by religion and routines. At the root of any religious ceremony is the belief that one obtains the help of God or gods by the observance of these ceremonies14. The new Christian Empire of Constantine was bellicose and this aggressive policy continued as long as the Romans possessed enough offensive power. Christopher Walter has aptly noted that the: “Byzantine behavior in war against neighboring peoples, Persians, Arabs, and Slavs, latter-day Canaanites and Philistines, was modeled on Old rather than New Testament precedents”15. In other words, the East Romans saw their wars as wars between the Chosen People (in this case the Romans and not the Jews) and their enemies. The enemies were not given any mercy. The main contribution of the New Testament to the East Roman behavior was to equate the struggle between the Chosen People and their enemies as a struggle between the forces of good and evil so that the good Christians would eventually prevail over the evil. In this struggle against the Dragon/Satan the Christians were helped by God’s heavenly army which was led by the archangel Michael. This heavenly army in its turn was augmented by the numbers of Christian saints and martyrs so that all fallen Christian soldiers (or civilians) who were ranked as martyrs could expect to join the ranks of the heavenly army in the final struggle at the end of the time. On the 13 Libanius Oration 18.167-170; Nazianzus Oration 4 Against Julian 1.82-84. Strategikon, e.g. 2.18-19, 12.16, 12.24; Rhetorica Militaris, 9-13, 37.7; Gilbert Dagron and Haralambie Mihaescu in Phocas (314). Religious ceremonies of the military can be compared with the supersitious habits of sportsmen. Both need the psychological comfort of routines. 15 WALTER 2016: 11. 14 Page | 67 earthly field this meant that there were good many Romans who saw every war of aggression and defense as just holy wars. They were not bothered by the pacifistic views of the Christian religious thinkers like the theologian and Saint Basil the Great/Basil of Caesarea (330-379) who saw all violence as sin16. The Romans believed that the warrior saints could intervene in these struggles on behalf of the Christian army just like the pagan gods had17. The Germanic religion with its Valhalla for the fallen warriors predates this Christian cult of martyrdom, but despite the presence of Germanic federates in the army there is nothing to suggest that it would have influenced the Christian concept of military martyrdom because it was a further development of the original concept of martyrdom in which the martyrs met their deaths without resistance which in its turn may have been combined with the pagan Elysian Fields18. The Christian doctrine was also adapted to the Greco-Roman culture so that Virgin Mary, various saints and religious relics (True Cross, Holy Lance, Holy Sponge, body parts of saints, etc. became tools of miracles) became abstractions of the earlier pagan gods, genii and deified abstractions in Christian form. Virgin Mary, angels, saints, and religious relics etc. had now powers to influence the outcome of events. The soldiers hoped to obtain their help through prayers and ceremonies and by being in physical contact with the relics while doing so. Those areas and cities that did 16 According to the Canon 13 of the Saint Basil the Great, the man who had killed an enemy in battle was to suffer the penalty of two years’ exclusion from communion. This shows quite nicely how the theology was in conflict with the actual military practices, but the soldiers were not theologians. For the early Christian views of Holy and Just Wars, see COREY, CHARLES 2012: 23-65. It is clear that the early Christians considered violence and war as sins, but so that when the Christians then found an emperor who supported the Christian cause they were ready to turn the blind eye to the problems this created even if the problem were never entirely forgotten. A good example of this is the view of Lactantius of Bithynia (c.250-c.325), who served as spiritual advisor to none other than Constantine the Great. In his Divine Institutes Lactantius considered all slaughter unlawful to quote just one example (6.20): “Thus it will be neither lawful for a just man to engage in warfare, since his warfare is justice itself, nor to accuse any one of a capital charge, because it makes no difference whether you put a man to death by word, or rather by the sword, since it is the act of putting to death itself which is prohibited. Therefore, with regard to this precept of God, there ought to be no exception at all; but that it is always unlawful to put to death a man, whom God willed to be a sacred animal.” However, as noted by COREY and CHARLES (2012: 39-40), this pacifism is no longer in evidence in Lactantius’ descriptions of the battles fought by Constantine the Great, because in his On the Deaths of the Persecutors, the battles of Constantine were divinely sanctioned. This is a very good example of the problem facing the Christian theologians. The religious doctrine considered all shedding of blood sinful, but when it was then done in the name of Christ they were able to reconcile themselves with this by turning the blind eye to the reality – in other words there were two simultaneously contradictory realities in existence. The above footnote 12 shows nicely that the statements such as those made by Lactantius regarding Constantine the Great’s wars did not remove the problem, because the official Christian religious doctrine still considered the act of killing sinful and unlawful. It was precisely because of this that Saint Augustine found it necessary to try to reconcile the New Testament with the requirements of the reality by creating the foundations for the Christian Just War in the 5th century. 17 WALTER 2003: 9-38 (The quote is from p.11). See also SYVÄNNE 2015a: 250-392; WHITBY 1998: 192-194; KOLBABA 1998: 210; STRÄSSLE 2004: 119-120, 123, 128. 18 Odin seems to have been a man of flesh and blood who lived in the 3rd century and who managed to associate himself with the older Germanic god Woden. See SYVÄNNE 2019b: 216-228. Page | 68 not possess their own apostles and saints/martyrs (or connection with Jesus) started to acquire those by obtaining some supposed body parts of martyrs/saints (or object that had been in contact with them or Christ or Virgin Mary). In my opinion these can be equated with the pagan genii, or palladia (statues that housed the soul of the city), or local gods. The local holy men, hermits and bishops could be seen as men who could perform miracles like Apollonius of Tyana and even prophesying like pagan fortune-tellers before them. In fact, miracles stories were invented to strengthen the hold of the church and emperor on the army and populace. It should also be kept in mind that the soldiers were not theologians. They mixed quite freely pagan and Christian practices while most of the churchmen were prepared to look the other way. This can be detected in their veneration of images and amulets19. In spite of this, the importance of these images/icons had not yet reached the same importance as they had by the eight century20. This has been demonstrated by Leslie Brubaker and John Haldon in their magisterial study. They have shown that there are indeed some scattered references to the veneration of sacred images and icons in the sources for the period before c. 680s, but it is still clear that the icons had not yet assumed their later importance as actual tools of miracles through which the persons could gain direct access to Christ, Virgin Mary or saints/martyrs21. Holum has demonstrated that the Roman rulers exploited the saints and religious images so that under the leadership of Pulcheria and Theodosius II the imperial family associated itself with the Victory of Christ in such a manner that it became united with the old Roman doctrine of Imperial Victory. The de facto ruler Pulcheria improved the morale of the mutinous army before 421-422 war with Persia with a heavy dose of religious propaganda. Pulcheria’s religious symbolism did not end with the use of crosses, relics and other similar symbolism. She presented her and 19 The most obvious of these were the crosses themselves, which could be seen to ward off demons. It should be noted, however, that it is possible that this results only from the fact that the theologians started to pay greater attention to these un-Christian practices only thanks to the series of defeats inflicted on the East Romans by the Muslims. It is clear that the attitude of the early Christian fathers, who condemned idol-worship in all its forms, was not the same as the official attitude of the Orthodox and Catholic churches after the ninth century. Similarly, there is no real evidence for the pacifism of some of the early fathers present in the official Roman ideology after Christianity was adopted as the official religion by Constantine the Great. We should not forget that the populace at large is usually quite ignorant of the intricacies of the actual religious doctrine they claim follow, which makes it all too easy for charlatans and religious fanatics to claim to represent the only true version of their religion. And, as noted above, most of the churchmen from Lactantius onwards were ready to turn the blind eye to the promises made to the soldiers while they still retained the view that the shedding of blood was sinful. This is a good example of the ability of humans to retain two completely contradictory views simultaneously. However, the only thing that really matters is the way how religion was used in practice to motivate the soldiers to do whatever their commanders thought necessary. 21 Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 1.13; Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History 4.27. Most of the evidence has been collected by BRUBAKER and HALDON (2011: 9-68) and WALTER (2003: 9-38), but with the difference that I connect the evidence slightly differently by comparing and connecting the Christian doctrine with the earlier ancient religious practices in the armed forces. It is quite clear that there is a direct connection between the practices despite what period and later Christian authors claim in their polemics. See WHITBY (1998) for the creation of the miracles of St. Demetrius. 20 Page | 69 her sisters’ vows of virginity as a devotion/self-sacrifice to God and that this selfsacrifice would bring victory to the emperor. This imitated the pagan devotio in which the commanding general could devote himself to gods by sacrificing himself in combat. In short, the imperial family gathered all sorts of religious relics, and used religious symbols and ceremonies to encourage their soldiers and populace to fight against the infidel Persians all of which had earlier precedents. The resulting religiously motivated war against Persia in 421-422, which can be likened to a Crusade, was a success. The previously mutinous army did not suffer from any poor morale and performed admirably. However, one of the by-products of the new religious zeal was the persecution of religious minorities which included heretics, pagans, Jews and Zoroastrians22. The principal reason for the evocation of these religious symbols was the relative weakness of the rulers vis-à-vis their top brass. The importance of religion had already risen under Arcadius, who was the first late Roman emperor not to lead armies in person, but the situation became even worse under his successor. When Pulcheria was the de facto power behind the throne during the youth of her brother Theodosius II, the ruling house needed to prove its importance as a source of military victories by connecting itself with Christ. The Emergence of Idol Worship 491-717 The sixth century saw further developments in the use of Christian images and other means (e.g. use of false documents/relics/miracles, prophesying etc.) to foster will to fight among the populace and soldiers. The likely reason for this is the fall of West Rome, which could be seen as a punishment from God. The process accelerated during and after the reign of Justin II (565-578), who through his foolish policies unleashed an era in which the East Romans were hard-pressed to defend themselves against the multiple threats facing them. The multiple wars in their turn made it more difficult for the imperial authorities to find enough money to pay for the upkeep of their professional armies, which in its turn led the authorities to resort to the use of religion to foment loyalty in the armed forces and populace. The most visible sign of this is the increasing use of acheiropoieta or images not made by human hand throughout the sixth century. Three are attested for the sixth century: 1) Mandylion of Edessa with an imprint of Christ’s face on a piece of linen, 2) Memphis image; 3) Kamoulianai image in Syria. These can be equated with the pagan genii, local gods, palladia, or sacred military standards. It is usually assumed that the Kamoulianai-image of God Incarnate (Christ) was the one used by the magister militum Philippicus (general-in-charge) to instill courage and loyalty 22 HOLUM 1989: 98-228 (esp. 98-99, 100, 125-125, 188); HOLUM 2004; SYVÄNNE 2015b. Page | 70 in the field army prior to the victorious battle of Solachon against the Persians in 586 mentioned by Theophylact Simocattes (2.3.4-6)23. The importance of religion and images, however, should not be overestimated. When the emperor Maurice (582-602) reduced the pay of the army by a quarter, the soldiers were ready to mutiny at the same time when the new commander Priscus arrived with the news. Priscus attempted to be clever. He took with him the priest of Edessa together with the image-not-made-by-hand and timed his arrival with Easter. On arrival Priscus, however, made the serious mistake of not following the ancient custom of dismounting from his horse to honor the soldiers, which angered the men. Then on the third day the already angered soldiers mutinied when they learnt of the pay-reduction. The soldiers approached the general’s tent with drawn swords. The sweaty general ordered the image of God Incarnate to be paraded to pacify the army, but only with the result that the soldiers threw stones at the image. The general had to flee. In sum, the morale of the soldiers could be improved through religious ceremonies and images, but when it was a question of what really mattered, like pay or privileges, the soldiers could not be influenced with these means. It is also clear that the fact that the emperors’ claim to be God’s representatives on earth did not protect them against usurpers and assassins. They could also claim to act in the name of God to exact just punishment against an emperor who had committed some unjust deed like the lowering of salaries or other unpopular order like a refusal to allow the army to return to its winter quarters after a hard fought summer.24. The use of religion and images to improve the morale of the army and populace reached its first summit under Heraclius (610-641). The main reasons for this were the defeats the East Romans had suffered under Phocas (602-610) and Heraclius himself. It seemed as if the God had abandoned His Chosen People when the Persians, Avars, and others defeated Roman armies, and raided and/or occupied Roman territory. When the Persians conquered Mesopotamia, Syria, Palestine, Judaea, Egypt and most importantly Jerusalem with its True Cross, the Christians could see this only in apocalyptic terms as a punishment from God. It is all too typical for humans to turn to religion whenever they face a crisis in their life, and this is what the Roman authorities now exploited. Heraclius and the bishops invoked all possible means to re-instill morale back into the demoralized soldiers and populace. When Heraclius was finally able to start his counter-attack in about 620, he proceeded with care with the full backing of the Patriarch Sergius who allowed him to loan money from the religious establishments. Heraclius then assembled his armed forces, equipped and trained it, and improved its morale by stating that the soldiers should kill the enemy like it was wild game. He also used the image of Christ-not-painted-by-human-hand as his battle 23 24 Most of the evidence has been once again collected by BRUBAKER and HALDON (2011: 9-68). Theophylact 3.1.1-15. Page | 71 standard so that the soldiers would believe that their efforts were helped by God. He also pledged to fight with his army to the death. This naturally meant the promise of martyrdom. Next year 621/622, Heraclius was even more explicit. The soldiers were to fight to avenge the wrongs committed by the impious against the Christian God, and that the death in such a war would lead to eternal life. According to Theophanes, he ended his exhortation as follows: “The danger is not without recompense: nay, it leads to the eternal life. Let us stand bravely, and the Lord our God will assist us and destroy the enemy”25. When at the end of the campaign season the overly eager army then wanted to continue their war directly against the ruler of Persia and Heraclius rather wanted to avoid the excessive risks and sought to lead his army back to winter quarters, he resorted to a trick which is familiar to us from the ancient military treatises when one wanted to check over-eager soldiers. In this case Heraclius invented a Christian version of the old trick of using soothsayers. Heraclius ordered his army to purify themselves for three days after which he opened up the holy Gospel in which he found a passage that directed him to winter in Albania. In the following year 622/623, Heraclius is said to have encouraged his men with these words: “For when God wills it, one man will rout a thousand. So let us sacrifice ourselves to God for the salvation of our brothers. May we win the crown of martyrdom so that we may be praised in the future and receive our recompense from God”26. This recalls the ancient Roman pagan devotio to the gods. 25 Theophanes AM 6113-6115. Theophanes AM 6113-6115; STOURAITIS (2011: 44) claims after FLAIG (2007: 295) that Theophanes’ text does not promise martyrdom to the soldiers, but only expresses a wish. I do not agree with this interpretation of the text, but agree with the above translators and others (e.g. KOLBABA 1998: 204) who have interpreted the text as shown here because the content and context implies an existing promise that martyrdom would be attained on death. To have stated otherwise to the soldiers could have spelled trouble. However, even if we would take it in the sense of a wish, as suggested by Stouraitis and Flaig, the implication is the same and even more so when one takes into account the previously quoted sections. In other words, even when Heraclius would have presented a wishful appeal to God that when they would die in combat, they would attain the crown of martyrdom, it is clear that underneath the rhetoric lay the assumption that the soldiers would attain the martyrdom even if it was God who ultimately decided this. One of the commentators of this paper suggested that Theophanes’ statement does not necessarily correspond with the original sentence of Heraclius, but would represent his personal promotion of warrior-martyrdom. This is possible, but it is equally possible that Theophanes has indeed preserved the original words as represented in the official dispatches sent by the emperor to the people of Constantinople during the campaign – the latter raises the possibility that the interpretation of the grammatical side of the quote by Stouraitis and Flaig could be correct after all because it is quite possible that the emperor would have altered his own words for propaganda purposes in such dispatches. However, even if the translation of the sentence remains uncertain, it is still clear that it retains in all cases the implication that eternal life was to be expected for warrior-martyrs, God willing, and when one takes into account the previous quotes it even more so. The same commentator stated that I do not give an answer to I. Stouraitis’ observation (2011: 45) that “neither a cult of soldier-martyrs is evident in Byzantium (in the period of the Comnenoi or previously) nor an echo of a martyr-image of the soldiers killed in all relevant battles can be found in the sources.” I considered this unnecessary because Stouraitis contradicts this statement with his own referrals to such instances on pages 44-5 (examples of athletes of Christ, i.e. soldier martyrs) and because it is well-known that there existed a special category of warrior saints and that there also existed a cult of warrior saints in East Rome. This latter question has been discussed in some detail by C. Walter. 26 Page | 72 The above instances make it quite obvious that Heraclius was waging a holy war against the ‘wild game’ – the infidels – who were to be killed mercilessly because they had insulted the Christian God, and that the reward for the martyrs would be the eternal life. The same examples also prove that Heraclius resorted to the same sort of tricks/stratagems as had been employed before by the pagan and Christian commanders. The Crusade nature of this war has been needlessly suspected by several eminent historians on the grounds that there were also other non-religious reasons for the war and because it was the emperor (and his panegyrists) and not the religious authorities that legitimized the killing of the infidel enemies and promised eternal life to those who were killed in such a just war27. This is hair-splitting. It does not really matter who promises what or that there were the other motivations for the war. What matters is the actual reality, which in this case followed the well-trodden path familiar to us from antiquity in which the commanding general was expected to invent religious omens or similar for the purpose of making his soldiers obey his commands28. In ancient or modern context, it does not really matter what the ‘True Islam’ (or Christianity for that matter) is from the point of view of theology. What matters is how it is interpreted by the people who use the religion for whatever purpose, which in the example was the emperor, God’s representative on earth29. Heraclius’ reign saw also another important innovation, which was also sanctioned by Patriarch Sergius. When the city of Constantinople was besieged simultaneously by the Avars and Persians in 626, the defenders paraded the icon of Theotokos (Virgin Mary) before the defenders in an act of devotion to obtain the help of God and Virgin Mary, and then afterwards gave principal credit for the victory to Theotokos. In other words, the authorities in charge of the defense, which included Patriarch Sergius, claimed that they could access Virgin Mary through her icon30. Theophanes’ text (AM 6117) suggest that it was at the same time or after this that Heraclius himself adopted the same policy and claimed to obtain help from God with the mediation of Theotokos. It is in this highly religious atmosphere in which the new religion of Islam took its shape. There were clearly many ideas afloat at the time and it is not surprising that Islam encouraged its followers to spread their faith through military means of Jihad. 27 Walter KAEGI (2003: 126) summarizes the opinion of those who do not accept this war as a Crusade and includes a list of studies devoted to the subject. In other words, I agree with those historians (e.g. WHITBY 1998: 195; REGAN 2001) who think this war as a Crusade, but I do not think that it would have been the first. Constantine the Great’s wars can be considered such. 28 Frontinus (1.11.13) summarizes the sentiment nicely: “This sort of stratagem is to be used not merely in cases when we deem those whom we apply it simple-minded, but much more when the ruse invented is such as might be thought to have been suggested by the gods.” 29 As regards the supposed religious nature of the later Crusades, this is a fantasy. All of the different major leaders of the Crusade (including the Pope) had different political motives besides the religious one. The analysis of KOLBABA (1998: 211-221) demonstrates this succinctly. 30 Evidence collected in KAEGI (2003: 134-139). Page | 73 This is not the place to analyze how the concept may have evolved31. What matters is that its outcome was bellicose. Despite the fact that the Muslim warriors were always motivated by other factors like promise of booty and victory through their belief and fighting, the new key concept was the promise that those who fell in combat on behalf of their religion would obtain a place in paradise, which was also officially sanctioned by all religious authorities unlike in East Rome32. The Muslims could see their faith repaid with victories even if it is clear that in practice the Muslims were not only helped by their religious motivation, but also by their superb military leadership at a time when their enemies were divided and very poorly led33. The great military successes of the Muslims caused a collapse of morale among the East Roman defenders, which was actually aggravated by faith. The defeats could be seen as a punishment of God. By the early eight century the religious crisis was such that the defenders of Pergamon resorted to human sacrifice when it was besieged by the Arabs in c.716. In this atmosphere it is not surprising that the East Romans started to venerate icons as never before as an easy source of consolation that was readily available to all. Brubaker and Haldon date the start of large scale veneration to the period after 680. They speculate that the Quinisext Council of 680 may have had a role in it or alternatively that it was a reflection of the changed conditions in which the Church attempted control the way in which the icons were used. They also suggest that the main reason for the emergence of icons as objects of veneration resulted from the crisis of faith resulting from the Muslim conquests. Not unnaturally the crisis also brought to the surface old superstitions in a new Christian 31 It has always been recognized in western research that it is probable that Christianity, Judaism, and native Arabic beliefs influenced the way in which Islam developed, but it is still all too often forgotten that from the point of view of historical analysis one should also use the foreign hostile sources in the analysis of the development of the doctrine of Jihad in Islam. Otherwise, one approaches the problem only through the accepted avenues of thinking among the faithful Muslims which do not challenge the evidence the way historians usually do. For example, the hostile versions suggest that Jewish rabbis and an Arian monk may have influenced the thinking of the Prophet and when one remembers that the Arians consisted usually of Germanic peoples it is possible that the Arian monk in question would have been influenced by the Germanic religion and not only by Christianity. These hostile sources include e.g. Theophanes AM 6122. However, I leave this matter for historians of religion and theologians to study. This is meant solely as a methodological note and not a result of any analysis. It is entirely plausible that the concept of Jihad evolved as stated in those studies that approach the problem through the accepted avenues of thinking among the Muslim scholars, but at the same time it should be noted that the concept of abrogation is problematic from the point of view of historical analysis because it seems to forget that some of the sentences and clauses can belong together so that these state the same thing from different angles. However, from the point of view of actual reality vs. ‘religious doctrine’ none of this matters. What matters is how each group defines its own views in practice and for what purpose. For example, it is clear that modern Muslim fanatics have idealized the early Caliphate so that they forget numerous civil wars and the readiness of some caliphs even to pay tribute to the East Romans in the latter half of the 7th century. In truth there never was any such unity of faith and common cause as these persons believe. The Muslims were just as divided then as they are today. 32 E.g. Ṭabarī’s texts (e.g. I 2109, I 2154, I 2168, I 2170) almost always refer to the divisions of spoils after a victory, which is highly suggestive that it was one of the principal sources of motivation. 33 See e.g. SYVÄNNE, 2019a. Page | 74 form. Theophanes mentions that in 654 just prior to the battle of the masts the emperor Constans II (641-668) consulted an interpreter of dreams. Constantine VII Porhyrogenitus’ (913-959) military treatise even suggests that the emperor was to take with him on a military campaign not only military and naval treatises and works of history, but also the liturgy of the Church, an oneirocritical book, and a book of chances and occurrences. This suggests two possibilities. Firstly, it is possible that some of the emperors had become utterly superstitious and thought it possible to obtain oracles from the God through such means. Secondly, it is possible that some, if not most of the emperors, continued the ancient practice of using the supernatural for the purpose of making the soldiers and populace obey them. I would suggest that both are true. Some emperors seem to have been superstitious/religious while others were more cynical in their approach34. The loss of territory created a situation in which East Romans could call all of their military offensives to be just defensive wars meant to re-conquer the territories lost to the barbarian infidels. The loss of territories resulted also in a new invention by Justinian II (685-695, 705-711) in 691 which combined both Christian faith and ancient precedents. He raised a new army of 30,000 whom he named ‘the Chosen People’. After this, he broke the peace treaty with the Arabs and invaded. ‘The Chosen People’ of Romans were now advancing to retake Israel. This ploy recalled similar pagan usage of the so-called phalanx of Alexander the Great against the Parthians/Persians under Nero, Caracalla, and Alexander Severus. The campaign, however, failed when the Slavic soldiers deserted to the Arabs35. The Iconoclasts 717-842 The religious crisis reached its boiling point during the reign of Isaurian/Syrian Leo III (717-741). It was a time when there was a Syrian who claimed to be Messiah of the Jews in 720/721 and when a Jewish “magician” (a rabbi?) convinced the caliph to destroy the holy icons in Christian churches. The last-mentioned was a humiliation to the emperor Leo and purist Christians who agreed with the Jews and Muslims that the veneration of icons was idolatry. The Syrian emperor and his Syrian advisor Beser, a refugee from the caliphate, and most of their supporters among the military appear to have favored the literal reading of the Bible and to have considered the defeats as punishment from God. This means that there existed considerable number of soldiers who preferred the more bigoted and literal reading of the Bible and expected that it would be possible to defeat the enemy through this. The Syrian connection enabled the iconophiles to accuse the iconoclasts as heretics who copied the Muslim practices, 34 Theophanes AM 6146, AM 6208; Three Treatises on Imperial Military Expeditions, C. Text 196-204; BRUBAKER, HALDON 2011: 9-68. 35 Theophanes AM 6184. Page | 75 and in fact the adoption of the new coin miliaresion, which was modeled after the dirham, does suggest the possibility that the emperor and his advisors could have been influenced by their neighbors. The first to suffer, however, were the Jews who were forcibly baptized in 722. The revision of a part of the law code to reflect a more literal reading of the Bible (abortion forbidden, executions restricted, death penalty for homosexuality etc.) followed in 726. In the same year Leo ordered the removal of some of the icons, but even this modest move proved highly unpopular. The most vocal opponents were the Pope, other members of the clergy, common people, and some of the military units who revolted, but further measures followed as a result of which many images were either destroyed or painted over or confiscated. Leo’s son Constantine V (741-775) went even further and was therefore later considered to have been a precursor of Satan by the Orthodox. After him followed a respite, but a second period of imperial iconoclasm followed and lasted from 813 until 842. The extent of the iconoclasm is a subject of controversy among the historians, but it still seems inescapable that it meant a short-lived break with the ancient practices during which the literal reading of the Bible with its Judeo-Christian elements was a more powerful force of motivation for most of the soldiers. However, the fact that the so-called Orthodox faith with its veneration of icons eventually won the contest proves that the older beliefs were far more powerful factors than the views imposed from the top by the emperors. After all, it was the Church that eventually adopted the worship of icons as Orthodox faith even when the clergy had originally condemned it as idolatry36. The veneration of icons, however, could also result in problems when the military authorities really believed in them. A good later example of this is the behavior demonstrated by the emperor Romanus III (1028-1034) during and before his first campaign against the “Saracens”. He wanted to imitate the deeds of the famous emperors and did not heed the advice of his generals. When Romanus’ campaign then ended in a fiasco while he managed to flee, he thought that he had been saved by the Icon of Virgin Mary. It was apparently as a result of this that he started building and renovating churches devoted to the worship of Virgin Mary while neglecting the upkeep of the army37. The Orthodox ‘Byzantine’ Empire 841-1118 As regards this period, Ioannis Stouraitis presents a long list of arguments against Byzantine concept of holy war mainly on the basis of Leo’s Taktika. He uses the Constitution 20 and Epilogue to prove that for Leo the pre-Christian concept of just warfare was the only way to obtain God’s favor for the cause of the war. This concept 36 Theophanes AM 6213-6215. The different views are represented and well summarised by Brubaker and Haldon. I would also recommend Warren TREADGOLD’s good summary of the iconoclast period (1997: 346-447, 552-566). 37 Psellus 3.9. Page | 76 encompassed the defense of Roman territory, which for the East Romans also encompassed the reconquest of lost Roman territories. This fails to take into account the contradictory statements of Leo elsewhere and the fact that good commanders were always required to encourage the soldiers with as many arguments as possible and these could also include outright lies. Unlike Kolbaba and Strässle, Stouraitis also does not accept the religious pre-battle exhortations and use of religious symbolism to have been examples of ‘Byzantine’ use of holy war because these speeches and religious symbolism were always used regardless of whether the enemy was Christian or infidel. This fails to take into account the fact that holy wars have always been fought also against co-religionists and heretics. Outside Byzantium/Rome good examples of this are the Albigensian Crusades and the various wars between Sunni and Shia Muslims. Stouraitis is also incorrect to claim that the “Byzantines” could not conceive God or religion wanting and commanding and causing wars but only to support just wars. The principal problem with this is that it assumes that there would not have been any other causes of war present in the so-called religiously motivated holy wars. All wars have been caused by humans for various reasons and religion is just one of the means that humans use to motivate their followers. Secondly, there are the statements of Leo38. In truth, Leo (The Taktika of Leo) promoted holy war and expected his commanders to promise eternal life to those who fell in combat against any enemy but in particular against the infidel Saracens: Now then, O general, before all else, we enjoin upon you that on the day of battle your army should be free from sin39. The night before, the priests are to offer fervent prayers of intercession. Every one should be sanctified and so, by words and deeds, they should be convinced that they have the help of God40. On this note they are to advance into battle bright and enthusiastic. [14.1; Translation by G.T. Dennis] After the battle, O general, you are obliged to see to the comfort of the soldiers wounded in action, as well as to provide proper burial for those who have fallen. Constantly pronounce them blessed because they have not preferred their own lives over their faith and their brothers. This is a religious act and it greatly helps the morale of the living. [14.31; Translation by G.T. Dennis] STOURAITIS 2011; KOLBABA 1998: 206-10; STRÄSSLE 2004: 123-4. i.e. the soldiers were free of sin before the battle and when the killing of enemies on behalf of God was not a sin, they would attain eternal life if they died in battle. 40 a cynical comment in line with ancient Roman practices. 38 39 Page | 77 If we are well armed and drawn up in formation, with God fighting along beside us, we charge against them bravely41 and in good spirits on behalf of the salvation of our souls42, and we carry on the struggle without hesitation on behalf of God himself43, our kinsmen, and our brothers the other Christians, then we place our hopes in God44. We shall not fail to achieve, rather, we shall certainly achieve the glory of victory over them. [18.127; Translation by G.T. Dennis] In sum, Leo clearly thought that the fallen Christian soldiers would attain eternal life if they died in battle. This is not really that different from the Muslim beliefs. However, it is still clear that Leo thought the Muslim God to be God of war and bloodshed, while for him the Christian God was a God of love and peace. This is true from the point of view Christian theology, but obviously hypocritical if one takes into account the reality. The real difference for Leo lay in the general attitude to war. The Muslims did not need muster lists, but joined the warriors of faith out of their own free will because each man was satisfied with the prospect of booty and did not fear to die for their nation. On top of that, those who could not join the expeditions supported the war effort by arming the warriors out of their own pockets. This was their religious duty. Leo wanted the Romans to adopt these same practices – but it became true only in the Latin west after c.109645. This suggests that the principal difference between the East Romans and Muslims lay in the way how their society was organized. The East Romans were the inheritors of the Roman military system, which was based on the use of the professional army paid by the taxpayers. This meant that the populace at large expected their armed forces to protect them in return for the taxes. In contrast to this, the Muslim society was built in the expectation that everyone would need to fight for their religion. The likely origins of this concept lay in the tribal society in which all males (and women too when necessary) were required to fight for their tribe. The same Roman ideas appear to have persisted until the reign of Nicephorus II Phocas (963-969) who was deeply religious and ascetic man, and who followed the teachings of monk Athanasius and used the Cross-Standard as his war-standard. He conceived an idea to establish a law that all soldiers who died in war were to be considered martyrs so that only soldiers could be considered martyrs46. This was opposed by the patriarch and bishops, who stated that the canon of Basil the Great 41 against Saracens. i.e. fighting against the Saracens meant absolution of sins. 43 i.e. the Romans were fighting on behalf of God. 44 note that fighting simultaneously for God, kinsmen and Christians are not mutually exclusive. 45 Leo 18 especially with 18.122-123. KOLBABA (1998: 208-210) agrees with this view, namely that for example when the East Romans suffered defeats, their population did not spontaneously rally to fight against the enemies. The reason for this difference was obviously the existence of professional army. 46 E.g. Skylitzes 14.18. 42 Page | 78 required all men who had killed to do two years’ penance. Phocas punished the Church with various measures most of which were financial in nature, but in the absence of evidence to the contrary it seems probable that he did not change the actual practice among the army because the older military treatises, which included Leo’s Taktika, remained in circulation47. In short, the emperors, generals and military chaplains were free to promise eternal life to the soldiers while the Church did not officially sanction it. This is actually proven by the fact that Anna Komnena and other ‘Byzantine’ historians did not condemn the emergence of the new Christian holy warriors, the Crusaders, to liberate the Holy Land48. After all, Alexios I (1081-1118) had asked the Pope to help him against the infidels. They condemned only the political goals of the Crusaders which were detrimental to the East Roman Empire and the emergence of warrior priests49. This is not surprising. The westerners shared the same Christian culture50, and in light of the similar East Roman periodic bouts of religious persecutions, it is not surprising that one of the earliest objects of the bigoted Crusaders were the Jews who offered all too easy a target for the killing and looting. Some Tentative Conclusions The above account should have made it abundantly clear that the ancient pagan practices had a direct influence on the way how the East Roman military practiced its religion. It has also demonstrated the underlying conflict between the pacific nature of some theologians and churchmen, which resulted from the accurate reading of the New Testament, and the aggressive nature of the emperors and soldiers whose practices were based on the Old Testament and old pagan military practices and military ethos. In fact, the latter considered all wars as just holy wars in which the fallen warriors would attain eternal life. This division persists even today. Christianity has never really solved the problem of the peaceful message of the New Testament and the needs of the military so that all sides always claim that God is on their side. The evidence suggests that the other forms of holy war, Germanic, Muslim and Crusading had no influence whatsoever on the East Roman concept of holy war beyond the influence of the deep religious crisis caused by the initial Muslim 47 This proves that despite being a deeply religious man, Phocas was still a pragmatic. Had Phocas forced the Church to adopt his view he could have caused a civil war. See also DAIN 1967; SYVÄNNE 2013. 48 Evidence summarized by STOURAITIS (2011) and KOLBABA (1998: 211-21), but Stouraitis does not accept the concept of holy war for the ‘Byzantines’ because he understands it differently, while Kolbaba uses the very same material to prove that the ‘Byzantines’ had a concept of holy war during the very same period of time. 49 KOLBABA (1998: 211-221). It was hypocritical for the easterners to claim that eastern priests were men of peace, because some of the eastern bishops were famous for their successful defence of their cities, which means that even in this case there is a double-standard for eastern and western ‘priests’. 50 Pope Leo IV promised eternal life as early as 853 to those who fell fighting for faith and fatherland of Christians. Page | 79 conquests51. The ancient heritage was far more powerful than any religious input from the outside. Acknowledgment The improvements in the argumentation of this article owe a lot to the comments of two anonymous reviewers, neither whom, however, should be held responsible for any possible mistakes that remain. Bibliography Sources Aeneas Tacticus, Ascplepiodotus, Onasander, ed. by E. CAPPS, T.E. PAGE, W.H.D. ROUSE, London and New York 1923. Ṭabarī, The History of al-Tabari, 40 vols., several translators, New York 1987-2007. Basil of Caesarea, Saint Basil the Great, Canons, available online at (https:///holytrinitymission.org/ books/English/canons_fathers_rudder.htm#_Toc78634056 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Three Treatises on Imperial Military Expeditions, ed. and tr. by J.F. HALDON, Wien 1990. Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, English translation: Eusebius, The History of the Church, tr. by G.A. WILLIAMSON, A. LOUTH, London 1965. Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History, eds. J. BIDEZ, L. PARMENTIER, London 1898; English tr. The Ecclesiastical History of Evagrius Scholasticus, tr. by M. WHITBY, Liverpool 2000. Frontinus, The Stratagems and the Aqueducts of Rome, tr. by C.E. BENNET, Cambridge Mass. and London 1925/1980. Lactantius, Divine Institutes 6.20, quote and tr. from https://www.newadvent.org/fathers/07016.htm. Leo VI the Wise, The Taktika of Leo VI, tr. by G.T. DENNIS, Washington DC, 2014. Libanius, Orations, 3 vols., tr. by A. F. Norman, Loeb ed., Harvard Mass. and London 1969-1977. Maurice/Mauricius, Das Strategikon des Maurikios, ed. G.T. DENNIS, Philadelphia 1984. Gregory of Nazianzus/Nazianzen, Oration 4 Against Julian, in C. W. King, Julian the Emperor, London 1888 (available online at https://ccel.org/ccel/pearse/morefathers/files/Gregory_nazianzen _2_oration4.htm). 51 The only modern society which has been deeply influenced by the Germanic concepts was the Nazi Germany, but Jihad and Orthodox holy war are still alive and well. The various sectarian Sunni and Shia groups still fight against each other. Russia has evoked the old Orthodox holy war concepts for their armed forces and populace, and use even religious relics in like manner (e.g. the relic of St. George borrowed from Mt. Athos). As far as the use of religion in warfare is concerned, there is nothing new under the sun. Page | 80 Phocas, Nicephorus, De velitatione, French and tr. Le Traité de la guérilla (De velitatione) de l’empereur Nicéphore Phocas (963-969), ed. and tr. by G. DAGRON, H. MIHAESCU, Paris 1986 (translation reprinted in Paris 2014); English tr. with the title Skirmishing in Three Byzantine Military Treatises, ed. and tr. by G. T DENNIS, Washington DC 1985, 137-239. Polyaenus, Stratagems of War, Vol.1-2, ed. and tr. P. KRENZ, E.L. WHEELER, Chicago 1994. Psellus, Psellos, Chronographia, ed. E. RENAULD: Michel Psellos: Chronographie, Paris 1967. Rhetorica Militaris - Siriano, Discorsi di guerra, ed. and tr. by I. ERAMO, Bari 2010. Skylitzes, Ioannis Scylitzae Synopsis Historiarum, ed. by I. THURN, Berlin and New York 1973; English tr. John Skylitzes. A Synopsis of Byzantine History 811-1057, tr. by J. WORTLEY, Cambridge 2010. Theophanes, Chronographia, ed. C. de Boor, Leipzig 1883-5; English tr. The Chronicle of Theophanes Confessor, tr. by C. MANGO, R. SCOTT, G. GREATREX, Oxford 1997. Theophylactus, Theophylact Simocatta, Historiae, ed. C. DE BOOR, re-ed. P. WIRTH, Stuttgart 1972; English tr. by M. WHITBY, M. WHITBY, The History of Theophylact Simocatta, Oxford 1984. Literature BRUBAKER L., HALDON J. (2011), Byzantium in the Iconoclast Era, c. 680-850, Cambridge. CAMPBELL B. (2002), The Roman Army 31BC-AD337. A Sourcebook, London and New York. COREY D.D., CHARLES J.D. (2012), The Just War Tradition: An Introduction, Wilmington. DAIN A. (1967), ‘Les strategists byzantins’, Travaux et Mémoires 2, 317-363. FLAIG E. (2007), ‘›Heilige Krieg‹. Auf der Suche nach einer Typologie’, Historische Zeitschrift 285.2, 283-294. HOLUM K.G. (1989), Theodosian Empresses. Women and Imperial Dominion in Late Antiquity, Berkeley. HOLUM K.G. (2004), ‘Pulcheria’s Crusade A.D. 421-22 and the Ideology of Imperial Victory’, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 18.2, 153-172. KAEGI W. (2003), Heraclius. Emperor of Byzantium, Cambridge. KOLBABA T.M. (1998), ‘Fighting for Christianity: Holy War in the Byzantine Empire’, Byzantion 68.1, 194-221. LE BOHEC Y. (2014), La guerre romaine: 58 avant J.-C.-235 après J.-C., Paris. LE BOHEC Y. (2000), The Imperial Roman Army, London and New York. REGAN G. (2001), First crusader : Byzantium's holy wars, Stroud. STOLL O. (2007), ‘The Religions of the Armies’, in A Companion to the Roman Army, ed. P. ERDKAMP, Oxford, 451-476. STOURAITIS I. (2011), ‘Jihād and Crusade: Byzantine Positions Towards the Notions of ›Holy War‹’, Byzantina Symmeikta 21.2, 11-63. STRÄSSLE P.M. (2004), ‘Krieg und Frieden in Byzanz’, Byzantion 74.2, 110-129. SYVÄNNE I. (2013), ‘Byzantine Military Doctrine’, in Philosophers of War, vol.1, eds. D. COETZEE, L.W. EYSTURLID, Santa Barbara, Denver and Oxford, 331-338. SYVÄNNE I. (2015a), A Military History of Late Rome 284-361, Barnsley. SYVÄNNE I. (2015b), ‘The Reign of Bahrām V Gōr: The Revitalization of the Empire through Mounted Archery’, Historia i Świat 4, 71-102. SYVÄNNE I. (2017), A Military History of Late Rome 361-395, Barnsley. SYVÄNNE I. (2019a), ‘The Capture of Jerusalem by the Muslims in 634’, Historia i Świat 8, 37-58. SYVÄNNE I. (2019b), Britain in the Age of Arthur. A Military History, Barnsley. SYVÄNNE I. (2020), Aurelian and Probus. The Soldier Emperors Who Saved Rome, Barnsley. TREADGOLD W. (1997) A History of the Byzantine State and Society, Stanford. WALTER C. (2003), The warrior saints in Byzantine art and tradition, Aldershot. WHITBY M. (1998), ‘Christianity and Warfare in Late Antiquity’, in Modus Operandi, eds. M. AUSTIN, J. HARRIES, C. SMITH, London, 191-208. Page | 81 Page | 82 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Adam Lech KUBIK (Siedlce University, Poland) Medieval lamellar armour plate from the Penjikent. A contribution to the study of Mongol armour https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.05 Abstract: This article analyses the lamellae discovered in the Tajik village of Kuktoš in the territory of the mediaeval part of the city of Penjikent, published by F.Š. Aminov in Petersburg in 2017 and currently held in archives of the Historical Museum of Ancient Penjikent. This item, which dates to the pre-Mongol, most likely Karakhanid, period, provides an opportunity to look again on some already published finds of lamellar plates from Central Asia. It gives a chance to look again on the problem of the armour used by Mongols during their conquest of Asia and Eastern Europe. Key words: lamellae, armour, Penjikent, Sogdiana, Central Asia On the territory of the mediaeval city of Penjikent (current Tajik village of Kuktoš, rus. Куктош, eastern part of the Penjikent), during groundwork carried out during the building of a housing estate, a significant number of material objects of the pre-Mongolian period have been discovered. In 2016, as part of the work of the Penjikent Archaeological Expedition, the study of the traces of the exposed Samanid and Karakhanid period part of the Penjikent has been provided. It should be noted that based on F.Š. Aminov’s report, the construction works at the site were completed upon the archaeological expedition’s arrival1. Within the Kuktoš site, there have been discovered two new archaeological sites with interesting objects collected by the expedition of 2016. Both are located close to the Kuktoš site; namely site E, located to the west of Kuktoš where some fragments of interesting ceramics has been collected, and site D located even further west from it2. Among the one group of Kuktoš site objects numbered by F.Š. Aminov as Кш Ш. Бадраб No 587, published in 2017 in Petersburg, we can find fragments of glass objects, including a large glass bowl, iron knives, a bronze weight, bronze bell,  ORCID iD 0000-0002-3112-0043, atakan-al-vefa@wp.pl; Institute of History. The results of the research carried out under the research theme No. 107/20/B were financed from the science grant granted by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education; The author would like to thank E. Schultheis for his help with the English translation of this paper. 1 2 АМИНОВ 2017: 31. АМИНОВ 2017: 31. Page | 83 bronze ornamented pendant, as well as an iron object firmly identified as an iron belt strap [Fig. 1]3. Those items, based on the soil, ceramics and other elements discovered there which can be dated to the 11th-12th century CE, and a find of a coin of the Karakhanid Khanate ruler Nasr ibn Ilek Khan minted at Samarkand at 1009-1010, clearly indicate a pre-Mongol period of the plate4. Based on information the current author could get from P.B. Lurje, there have been problems with the belt strap identification which was identified as a belt buckle or door butt. In 2017, courtesy of F.Š. Aminov, the current author could look closer on the mentioned find and would like to propose another identification of that piece which will shed some light not just on the Kuktoš site objects, but could be useful in the large ongoing discussion of Mongol period arms and armour evolution. Fig. 1. Photo of the Kuktoš lamellae: front and back side, drawing of possible lacing system based on F.Š. Aminov’s observation. Photos and drawings: F.Š. Aminov 3 4 АМИНОВ 2017: 205-207, il. 160-162. АМИНОВ 2017: 37-38. Page | 84 The heavily rusted item, a plate, is made of a flat piece of iron with clearly visible holes placed at the edges. It is rectangular in shape with an arched upper edge and clearly visible flat bottom edge, and the four corners on the edges of the plate are clearly rounded. It seems to be a little wider in the middle and narrower to the upper and bottom edges. The plate in the middle is nearly broken, which can be clearly observed on fig. 1. It is 7,8 cm long, 3,0 cm wide in the middle, and about 1,0-1,5 mm thick, with a hole diameter of about 1,5 mm. Still it is hard to tell exact measurements without proper conservation process. The iron plate form, as well as clearly visible holes, leave no space for speculation; we are clearly dealing here with a lame, and based on the shape and lacing system, most likely part of a body armour. It is currently held in the local Historical Museum of Ancient Penjikent (rus. Историкокультурный музей-заповедник древнего Пенджикента) in Tajikistan. After closer study of the object, we can tell that there are groups of holes, clearly visible on the surface. We can group them in three groups (yet current author, without proper conservation, based on the known lamellae from similar period, cannot exclude that there could be a middle central hole which is currently hard to identify because of corrosion). The first group consists of six holes which were placed in two vertically aligned groups of three holes on the sides of the bottom edge of the lame. These holes were used to tie similar lamellae in rigid strips of plates and (what can’t be excluded) to connect such strips with a next bottom strip of lamellar plates. The middle group consists of four holes aligned in two vertical groups of two holes and placed on the sides of the upper part of the lame, approximately three-fourths of the way up. These were used just to tie similar plates in a rigid strip. The third vertical group consists of two holes placed in the middle of the upper part of the plate. Those holes were used to connect each row of lamellar plates with an upper row. However, there are examples of such plates known to the author, where exactly the same form of the lacing system can be observed (with a lack of middle hole), discovered among plates with an extra middle hole5. There are of course two explanations of this matter. Firstly, we can tell that sometimes some lamellar holes are simply rusted to such a level that some holes are hard to identify without proper conservation or X-ray analysis. Secondly, there are sometimes some differences in visible lacing systems or even lamellar shapes in one set of armour, as some of the lamellar plates are simply used on the armour’s edges and are fitted to functional purpose. It is quite often visible when those lamellae were used as a part of a very last row, which means that there weren’t any strips placed beneath those lames. In that case, in this particular type, there was no need to make any extra hole in the middle of a lame, as in this particular form of lamellar lacing system, the middle hole (one hole placed in a very middle of the plate) was used to thread a long leather strap which was passing through the vertical group of two holes placed in the middle of the upper part of the lamellar 5 БЕЛОРЫБКИН, ГУСЫНИН, ИЗМАЙЛОВ 2020: ris. 93. Page | 85 plate placed beneath and above it. This system made the armour flexible in a very similar way as, for example, the classical Roman armour called lorica segmentata6. In this lacing system form, both side groups were used solely to tie similar plates in a rigid strip. In fact, the two very bottom holes were used not just to tie the line of plates, but also to cover the bottom edge of the strip with a leather edging. It should be noted that the lacing system is an important feature of lamellar plates, which gives a chance to date lamellae and to connect them with some specific cultural background7. Some similar plates to those of Kuktoš spread in Central Asia and Eastern Europe and are known, for example, from the finds of the south Siberian Khakass-Minusinsk Hollow (rus. Минусинская котловина or rus. ХакасскоМинусинская котловина), which dates to the pre-Mongol period8. Exactly the same lamellar type by the size and lacing system was discovered at Zolotarevskoe settlement (rus. Золотаревское поселение) and became part of a new typology proposed by G.N. Belorybkin, V.A. Gusynin and I.L. Izmailov in 2020, namely type IV of a 10thmid 13th century CE lamellae typology of the south-western Volga–Kama Bulghar territory9. The Kuktoš plate, based on its pre-Mongol period datation, gives an opportunity to look in a different way on some published lamellae. In 2002 M.V. Gorelik in his stunning work on Mongol arms and armour has published two plates discovered in Samarkand, and dated those objects to the 13th-14th century CE. He also notes those objects as part of a Mongol armour10. We need to state that the lamellar plates noted as nr. 711 share a clear correlation with the Kuktoš plate. Even if those plates came from the Mongol invasion period, based on the Kuktoš plate’s datation and our current knowledge, we can tell that we are most likely dealing with a local Central Asian armour tradition which clearly precedes the Mongol invasion. The other ones noted as nr. 6 are even more interesting; they were first published by G.V. Šiškina in 197512. It is a long rectangular form, about 7,6 cm long and less than 2 cm wide. In the lower part of the plate we can observe a group of six holes in the form known from the Kuktoš lamellar. Yet the upper lacing system seems to be an exact copy of the bottom one; there is a group of six holes placed in two vertical groups of three. We can observe some differences between the crude drawings of M.V. Gorelik and the plates published by G.V. Šiškina. It seems likely that M.V. Gorelik has simplified the drawing of those plates, as the Samarkand lamellar published by G.V. Šiškina had a two-arch cut in the upper part of the plate. 6 See for example BISHOP 2002. KUBIK 2016: 80-82, 93-98. 8 ХУДЯКОВ 1980: 119-120; ŚWIĘTOSŁAWSKI 1996: 88. 9 БЕЛОРЫБКИН, ГУСЫНИН, ИЗМАЙЛОВ 2020: 51-52, ris. 25. 10 ГОРЕЛИК 2002: 68. 11 ГОРЕЛИК 2002: 68, nr 7. 12 ШИШКИНА 1975: 38, ris. 7, the author would like to thank to Û.A. Kulešov for a very productive conversation on that topic. 7 Page | 86 This feature makes those pieces unique in their primary appearance. Yet, based on Šiškina’s paper we cannot provide any clear datation of those objects. Of course, we cannot exclude the datation proposed by M. V. Gorelik, yet we need to acknowledge that his proposal was not based on analysis of the archaeological context. Based on the unique form of these plates, we can state that some further study of these objects is needed. As it was previously noted, the Kuktoš lame shares some common characteristics with lamellar amour pieces from the Volga Bulghar Zolotarevskoe settlement, where in 2010 ninety-five plates grouped together had been discovered13. The Zolotarevskoe settlement was burned during the siege by a Mongol army which occurred in 123714. V.A. Gusynin has grouped the lamellar plates found there in four types15. In his type II group 1, we can observe plates with nearly the same form by their shape and lacing system as the Kuktoš lamellae. This type later becomes the type IV in mentioned typology of lamellar plates discovered on the south-western Volga-Kama Bulghar territory. The only difference comes from the extra middle hole [see Fig. 2]. Fig. 2. Example of the plates discovered together at Zolotarevskoe settlement, currently held in Museom of Zolotarevskoe hillfort (rus. Музей Золотаревского городища) placed in Zolotaryevka village (rus. Золотарёвка). From the left: pair of the lamellar plates of one, predominant type with clearly visible additional hole in a middle of the plate; pair of lamellar plates of the same type without visible middle hole, size, shape and other features are exactly the same; pair of lamellar plates of Kuktoš type with clearly visible middle hole (all photos no scale). Photos courtesy V.A. Gusynin However, among other plates discovered on the Zolotarevskoe settlement territory, we can find those presented on the figure 2. In some cases, plates of exactly the same type, size, and form discovered together have no clearly visible middle hole. ГУСЫНИН 2011: 206. БЕЛОРЫБКИН 2001: 181-182. 15 ГУСЫНИН 2011: 206-209. 13 14 Page | 87 It is hard to tell if those plates were used on the very last row of lamellar, or simply need some more conservation work to expose a currently rusted middle hole. Still, we can state that the lack of one hole, especially the one used as a lacing system in a bottom row of plates, cannot indicate a different type of lamellar. The Volga Bulghar Zolotarevskoe settlement finds are unique in many ways. We are dealing here with a clear battlefield, where many arms and armour pieces dating to the first half of the 13th century CE were discovered over a large area around and inside of the Zolotarevskoe hillfort. This includes different sets of lamellar armour16. However, most interesting are those mentioned ninety-five lamellae (it should be noted that based on V.A. Gusynin’s information, there are far more lames but heavily fragmented) which were found together in one place. Those plates which were firstly published by V.A. Gusynin represent several types. This includes the ones clearly related with the Mongol invasion period [Fig. 3]. Namely type Type 1 group 1 by V.A. Gusynin17 or later type IX by G.N. Belorybkin, V.A. Gusynin and I.L. Izmailov18. Similar forms of lamellar plates are one of the most frequent types of lamellae known from the Jušen settlements discovered on the current Primorsky Krai territory (rus. Приморский край), Russian Federation, where this type clearly predates the Mongols’ final conquest of the Dōng Xià territory. These represents type I and type I subtype 1 of S.D. Prokopeč’s Dōng Xià lamellar classification19 and are the most popular form which spread in the Jīn cháo period20. Such lamellae were used nearly unchanged in form in north eastern Asia for a long period21. Such lames are known, for example, from the Jīn cháo dynasty period Krasnoyarivskoe (rus. Краснояровское городище)22, Šajginskoe (rus. Шайгинское городище)23 or Gusevskoe (rus. Гусевское городище)24 hillforts located on current Primorsky Krai territory. We can clearly state that type I of S.D. Prokopeč’s Dōng Xià lamellar classification is not of Mongol origin. It should be noted that even M.V. Gorelik states that Mongol armour had roots in pre-Mongol northern Asiatic nomadic armours used by the Qìdān people,25 including the mentioned lamellar type26. The Mongols are likely to be responsible for the spread of northern Chinese technological solutions. N.G. Artem’eva would like to connect eastern European finds, including the Zolotarevskoe settlement lamellae, with Jušen warriors which become a part of the Mongol army after БЕЛОРЫБКИН 2001: ris. 80-81. ГУСЫНИН 2011: 206. 18 БЕЛОРЫБКИН, ГУСЫНИН, ИЗМАЙЛОВ 2020: ris. 25. 19 ПРОКОПЕЧ 2009: 126-127, ris. 1, 2014: ris.23. 20 ПРОКОПЕЧ 2009: 130. 21 БОБРОВ, ХУДЯКОВ 2003: tab.13. 22 АРТЕМЬЕВА 1999: ris.2, 2013: ris.3-7. 23 ГОРЕЛИК 1987: ris. 3.11. 24 ЕВМЕНЪЕВ 2014: ris.7. 25 ГОРЕЛИК 1987: 163-164. 26 ГОРЕЛИК 1987: ris. 3.11. 16 17 Page | 88 the Mongol invasion of northern Chinese territory27. However, we need to be aware that we are not dealing here with some margin examples of the Jušen technological innovations. In 2012 Û.A. Kulešov started his series of publications on one type of Jīn cháo dynasty helmets28 which spread over the territory of eastern Europe29. Those hemispherical helmets consisted of a single part or segmented form of the bowl, and a two-piece lower band, where the forehead part of the lower band is quite often decorated with mascaron decoration with two very characteristic, massive, slanting eyes. This decoration sometimes spread onto the helmet’s peak, like for example on the helmet from E. Gredunov’s collection30. It should be noted that this form of helmet spread even further east and clearly influenced some types of mediaeval Japanese helmets31. Based on archaeological finds from central Mongolia, L.A. Bobrov first proposed that during the Mongol conquest of Northern China, Mongols captured Jīn cháo dynasty arsenals and used helmets produced by Jušen craftsmen 32. Bobrov’s theory can be clearly used to explain the Zolotarevskoe settlement lamellar phenomenon and, lead us to some academic discussion on Mongol arms and armour development. Since 1979, M.V. Gorelik has developed his theory where the Mongols were shown as innovators in arms and armour technology, and they did invent groups of arms and armour characteristics which can be used as post-Mongol period indicators. Further, Mongol inventions become a core of Central Asiatic arms and armour development33. His thesis was heavily criticized by Û.A. Kulešov. Based on archaeological finds and written Chinese, Islamic and European sources, Û.A. Kulešov showed that during the Great Conquest period, Mongols suffered from a deficiency of iron for armaments production34. The great conquest of the Jīn cháo dynasty and Central Asian territories gave them access to mass weapons production. What’s more, based on written sources, we know that conquered territories were obligated to deliver a certain amount of arms and armour35. АРТЕМЬЕВА 2013: 125. БОВРОВ 2007. 29 КУЛЕШОВ, ГУСЫНИН 2012; КУЛЕШОВ 2017; 2018. 30 КУЛЕШОВ 2008: ris.3. 31 БОВРОВ 2007: 277. 32 БОВРОВ 2007: 279-281. 33 ГОРЕЛИК 1979; 1983; 1987; 2002; 2011. 34 КУЛЕШОВ 2010; 2012. 35 КУЛЕШОВ 2010: 83. 27 28 Page | 89 Fig. 3. Jušen type lamellae. From the left: Jīn cháo dynasty period Krasnoyarivskoe hillfort find, date by inscription to the 1234, Primorsky Krai territory, after: ПРОКОПЕЧ 2014: 25, ris. 3; decorate lamellae of the same type from Zolotarevskoe hillfort, date to the Mongol invasion period 1237, currently held in Museum of Zolotarevskoe hillfort, photo courtesy V.A. Gusynin; two more plates from Zolotarevskoe hillfort of the type I of S.D. Prokopeč Dōng Xià lamellae classification, currently held in Museum of Zolotarevskoe hillfort, photo courtesy V.A. Gusynin There is still the unanswered question of lamellar plates of the Kuktoš type found together with a type clearly brought with the Mongol conquerors of the Zolotarevskoe hillfort. Is it possible that Central Asian lames were brought together with far Asiatic plates. Is there a chance that we are dealing here with some kind of hybrid armour, where some Central Asian parts were added later to the ones produced in Northern China? It should be noted that V.A. Gusynin clearly identifies all 95 Zolotarevskoe lamellae as part of one armour36. In the current author’s oral conversation V.A. Gusynin, the author notes that he is pretty sure of his thesis and he was present during the excavation of those objects, so there can be no doubt about a mistake: all of those forms were found together. During the discussion with the current author, Û.A. Kulešov clearly disagreed with this thesis. He stated that we are dealing with a battle field, where bodies of fallen soldiers could easily be mixed, were placed close to each other or even one on another, and even during the process of removal of the dead bodies from the field some parts of armours could fall in the same place. We cannot even clearly state if the Kuktoš type lamellae found on Zolotarevskoe 36 ГУСЫНИН 2011: 209. Page | 90 battle field belonged to a conqueror or to a defender, as this form of armour clearly pre-dates the Mongol invasion. However, the current author believes that V.A. Gusynin’s theory could be right. We need to note that this type of lamellar was known to the Dōng Xià craftsmen before the Mongol conquest of this territory, which become the type II subtype 1b of Prokopeč’s classification37. This clearly shows us some preMongol connection in armour development in pre-Mongol Asia. The usage of all types of Zolotarevskoe lamellae in far Asia suggests that the whole cuirass could belong to a Mongol conqueror, and the armour as a whole could have been produced by Jušen craftsmen, without any mixture of Central Asian plates. However, all other options cannot be excluded. What we can tell for sure is that based on our current knowledge, the Kuktoš type lamellar is of Central Asiatic origin. This type was established around the 11th century CE and later spread in Asia and eastern Europe. On Jušen territories it was used before the Mongol conquest, and this type cannot be used as an indicator of the post-Mongol invasion period, even if based on our current knowledge Mongols truly used such forms of lamellar plates. Bibliography BISHOP M.V. (2002), Lorica Segmentata Volume I: A Handbook of Articulated Roman Plate Armour, Braemar. KUBIK A.L. (2016), ‘Introduction to studies on late Sasanian protective armour. The Yarysh-Mardy helmet’, Historia i Świat 5, 77-105. ŚWIĘTOSŁAWSKI W. (1996), Uzbrojenie koczowników Wielkiego Stepu w czasach ekspansji Mongołów (XII-XIV w.), Lodz. АМИНОВ Ф. Ш. (2017), ‘Отчет об исследованиях домонгольских слоев в Куктоше в 2016 году’, in Материалы Пенджикентской археологической экспедиции. Выпуск XXI, ed. П.Б. ЛУРЬЕ, St. Petersburg, 31-38. АРТЕМЬЕВА Н.Г. (1999), ‘Предметы защитного вооружения с Краснояровского городища,’ Вестник Дальневосточного отделения Российской академии наук 5, 36-41. АРТЕМЬЕВА Н.Г. (2013), ‘Чжурчжэньский панцирь типа корсет-кираса из Краснояровского городища (Приморский край)’, Вестник Дальневосточного отделения Российской академии наук 1, 125-130. БЕЛОРЫБКИН Г.Н. (2001), Золотаревское поселение, Penza. БЕЛОРЫБКИН Г.Н., ГУСЫНИН В.А., ИЗМАЙЛОВ И.Л. (2020), Вооружение населения югозападной Булгарии (X – середина XIII века), Kazan. 37 ПРОКОПЕЧ 2009: 127-128, ris. 1; 2014: ris. 23. Page | 91 БОБРОВ Л.А. (2007), ‘Шлемы „цзиньского“ типа: конструктивные особенности и вопросы эволюции’, in История и культура Улуса Джучи 2006. Бертольд Шпулер «Золотой Орда»: традиции изучение и современност, eds. И.А. ГИЛЯЗОВА, И.Л. ИЗМАЙЛОВА, Kazan, 267-287. БОБРОВ Л.А., ХУДЯКОВ Ю.С. (2003), ‘Эволюция защитного вооружения чжурчжэней и маньчжуров в периоды развитого и позднего Средневековья и Нового времени’, in Археология Южной Сибири и Центральной Азии эпохи позднего Средневековья, eds. Ю.С. ХУДЯКОВ, С.Г. СКОБЕЛЕВ, Novosybirsk, 66-212. ГОРЕЛИК М.В. (1979), ‘Средневековый монгольский доспех’, in Третий международный конгресс монголоведов, Т. I, Ulaanbaatar, 90-101. ГОРЕЛИК М.В. (1983), ‘Монголо-татарское оборонительное вооружение второй половины XIV – начала XV в.’, in Куликовская битва в истории нашей Родины (материалы юбилейной научной конференции), ed. Б.А. РЫБАКОВ, Moscow, 244-269. ГОРЕЛИК М.В. (1987), ‘Ранний монгольский доспех (IX – первая половина XIV в.)’, in Археология, этнография и антропология Монголии, ed. А.П. ДЕРЕВЯНКО, Novosybirsk, 163-208. ГОРЕЛИК М.В. (2002), Армии монголо-татар X–XIV вв. Воинское искусство, оружие, снаряжение, Moscow. ГОРЕЛИК М.В. (2011), ‘Монгольская латная конница и её судьбы в исторической перспективе’, in Военное дело Золотой Орды: проблемы и перспективы изучения. Материалы Круглого стола, проведенного в рамках Международного Золотоордынского Форума (Казань, 30 марта 2011 г.), ed. И.М. МИРГАЛЕЕВ, Kazan, 47-58. ГУСЫНИН В.А. (2011) ‘Дальневосточный комплекс доспешных пластин из Золотаревского поселения’, in Вестник военно-исторических исследований: Международный сборник научных трудов, ed. С.В. БЕЛОУСОВА, Penza, 206-210. ЕВМЕНЪЕВ А.А. (2014), Амурские чжурчжэни. Золотая империя, Новосибирск. КУЛЕШОВ Ю.А. (2010), ‘Производство и импорт оружия как пути формирования золотоордынского комплекса вооружений’, Золотоордынская цивилизация 3, 73-97. КУЛЕШОВ Ю.А. (2012),’ «Монгольская латная конница» – историческая реальность или научная спекуляция?’, Золотоордынская цивилизация 5, 153-180. КУЛЕШОВ Ю.А. (2017), ‘Об одной серии ранних золотоордынских шлемов из музейных коллекций Украины и Болгарии’, in Сборник в чест на 60 години проф. д.и.н. Георги Атанасов, ed. В. ЙОТОВ, Dobrudja, 537-558. КУЛЕШОВ Ю.А. (2018), ‘Новая находка шлема «цзиньского» типа в Восточной Европе’, in Военни експедиции, въоръжение и снаряжение (античност и средновековие), ed. В. ЙОТОВ, Varna, 53-62. КУЛЕШОВ Ю.А., ГУСЫНИН В.А. (2012), ‘Находки шлемов «цзиньского типа» с территории Восточной Европы’, in Военное дело в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе с древнейших времен до начала XX в. Вып. 2, Vladivostok, 33-50. ПРОКОПЕЧ С.Д. (2009), ‘Реконструкция способа крепления панцирных пластин в доспехе чжурчжэньского воина’, Вестник Дальневосточного отделения Российской академии наук 1, 125131. ПРОКОПЕЧ С.Д. (2014), ‘Защитное вооружение чжурчжэней’, Ойкумена. Регионоведческие исследования 1, 22-30. ХУДЯКОВ Ю.С. (1980), Вооружение енисейских кыргизов в VI-XII вв., Moscow. ШИШКИНА Г.В. (1975), ‘Бухарские ворота средневекового Самарканда’, Афрасиаб 4, 23-41. Page | 92 ACTA HISTORICA Page | 93 Page | 94 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Punsara AMARASINGHE (Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna, Pisa, Italy) Some Remarks on the Eurocentricism and Imperialism in the Construction of International Law https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.06 Abstract: The modern international law is considered an offshoot of European intellectual contributions as its basic foundation is deeply imbued with the political and social upheavals took place in European history. As an example, the Westphalian order emerged in the culmination of thirty years war in 1648 was regarded as the most pivotal mile stone in modern history of international law. Yet the European domination and its intellectual contribution to the development of international law systematically excluded non-European nations from international law and its protection, which finally paved the path to use international law in the 19th century as a tool of legitimizing the colonial expansion. This paper seeks to trace the historiography of modern international law and its dubious nature of disdaining nonEuropeans and their civilizational thinking. Furthermore, this paper argues how European historical encounters carved the map of international law from a vantage point, which gave an utter prominence upon the European intellectual monopoly. The results emerge from this paper will strongly suggest the need of an alternative scholarship to unveil the history of international law. Key words: European History, International Law, Empire, Colonialism, Civilization Introduction In the legal academic discourse, the modern history of international law has been mainly written through European narratives and the culmination of Thirty Years War by Westphalia Treaty is regarded as a jubilant moment for the scholars who have written on the history of international law as a European coined story to civilize the nations. The names of scholars such as Grotius, Francisco Vitoria, Francisco Suarez have been apotheosized as founders of the modern international law, but the concern on the pre-existing norms and customs on international legal principles in Non-European world have been received a less concern in legal academia. Moreover, the traditional understanding of international law as a system that would uphold the comity of nations and peace among the states would get disrupted by tracing the origin of international law itself. An eminent jurist and former judge of ICJ Christopher Weeramanthry had aptly described International Law as the cloak  ORCID iD 0000-0002-9539-7770. punsara.amarasinghe@santannapisa.it; PhD Candidate in Law. Page | 95 of legality thrown over the subjugation of colonized people by the imperial powers and the substantiality of that statement can be ascertained in examining some current mechanisms in international law in its practical sphere1.This Article seeks to identify the colonial roots in international law and how those colonial roots have carved the modern pillars of the subject in Eurocentric ground. The idea of universality in international law as suggested by the pioneers of Salamanca School in the 16th century by reformulating the importance of natural law doctrine was scorned and reversed by the 19th-century positivists. Thus, positivists ensured the idea that people outside a national geographical boundary may acquire sovereignty by possessing it. However, this idea revered by European jurists based on the Westphalian notion of nationality was a peculiar form for the non-European nation paving the path for European colonial enterprises to justify the idea of a protectorate from European projection of sovereignty. This evolving trajectory of the idea of ‘Protection’ in international law over the years got filled with jurisdictional politics and religious claims within the European political order. The 16th century Spanish and Portuguese empires clung to the Catholic Church’s special claim to protect the categories of vulnerable groups such as orphans, widows and travelers2. The necessity of the principle of protection reached an important stage when the Spanish empire began to soar its growth rapidly in the 16th century. Especially, this principle was applied during Spanish colonial expansion in America, wherein the logic of protecting the vulnerable subjects was formed to remove Indians from the jurisdiction of the inquisition. To an extent, the early assertion of the concept of a protectorate in international law owed its foundational development in the juridical thinking of some European jurists. In bolstering the Spanish claim to protect its interests in America, Francisco de Vitoria’s contention on the protection of the right to travel and commerce for Spanish people in America provided a plausible cause for Spanish to justify their colonial expansion3. Yet, the lack of explicit definition of sovereignty in compliance with European projection staved off Indians from protecting themselves, which resulted in their inevitable subjugation before Spanish. However, the dubious growth of European imperial interests in non-European spaces envisaged different legal cultures, which accelerated and improvised the early understanding of ‘protection’. In examining how British empire encompassed the newly acquired territories and remaining sovereignties under the guise of protection, the whole mechanism appears to be a little more than a prelude to fortify their colonial ambitions excused by the 19th-century international law. In writing their most astute account 1 WEERAMANTHRY 2004: 4. KOSKENNIEMI 2001. 3 ANGHIE 1996. 2 Page | 96 on the issue of protection in Rage for Order: The British Empire and the Origins of International Law, 1800-1850, Lauren Benton and Lisa Ford stated: British officials self-consciously described schemes to overhaul judicial administration in newly acquired imperial territories as projects to shore up the property rights and privileges of vulnerable people and/or British traders. Men, sometimes with scant legal training, found themselves charged with overhauling complex colonial legal orders to consolidate imperial power and with commenting on phenomena with an ‘international’ character4. The tracing the concept of protectorate and its applicability is akin to the history of imperialism. As a matter of fact, any endeavor of tracing the idea of protectorates in international law will envisage how imperialism had carved the antecedent events that paved the path for notion of protectorate. Since the publication of Orientalism by Edward Said, the interests of exploring the traces of imperialism in many subjects have been drastically increased and Said illuminatingly reminded the importance of retrospection of imperialism when he wrote: To believe that politics in the form of imperialism bears upon the production of literature, scholarship, social theory, and history writing is by no means equivalent to saying that culture is therefore a demeaned or denigrated thing. Quite the contrary: my whole point is to say that we can better understand the persistence and the durability of saturating hegemonic systems like culture when we realize that their internal constraints upon writers and thinkers were productive, not unilaterally inhibiting5. Unequal Treaties as an Integral Part of the Colonial History The notion of ‘unequal treaties’ is heavily attributed to the rise of European colonialism in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Nevertheless, the conceptual origin of the term has derived from the so-called father of modern international law Hugo Grotius and Grotius distinguished equal treaties with unequal treaties based on balancing the advantages obtained by contracting parties. In a situation where a superior party has much indispensable power to cull the roots of treaty wherein the inferior party has left no option except embracing the conditions imposed upon them. Such unequal treaties became a common feature during 19th-century colonial expansion as the European colonial powers sought the native governing systems to be primitive or they could not comprehend them under their Westphalian idea 4 5 BENTON, FORD 2018: 29. SAID 1995: 14. Page | 97 of a sovereign equal. This mental trajectory created the path to formulate different kaleidoscope on colonies. The history of British and French colonial activities in Asia indicate the unjust methods used by both colonial powers in reaching their objectives and to establish their political hegemony, much humiliating, bias form of unequal treaties was executed. As an example, the treaties concluded after defeating China by Western powers in 1842 such as Treaty of Nanking (1842) and the Treaty of Tientsin (1858) arose as entirely unequal grounds whereas Western powers had had the complete authority to decide the terms and conditions in favour of them. As Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm pointed out 19th century was marked by European lust for colonial expansion in non-European societies as an ‘Age of Empires’ and this was bolstered by imposing European oriented laws upon colonized nations in Asia, Africa and Latin America and this new legal ideology stood as an alien concept as it was primarily set up in Europe through European ideological standards6. The situation in the Kandyan kingdom in Ceylon before British power depicts how the British used phase protection. After the occupation of maritime provinces from Dutch in 1796, British regarded the existence of Kandyan kingdom as independent sovereignty as a considerable threat for them and British governor Thomas Maitland appealed to London to increase the executive power of the governor’s position, which he regarded as an inevitable necessity because according to Maitland’s assessment the code of customary laws prevailed in Kandyan territories would underpin the extension of British authority throughout the island. However, Maitland’s intended project of annexing Kandy to British rule was finally carried out by his successor Sir Robert Brownrigg. The vulnerable political situation existed in Kandyan kingdom as an offshoot of king’s conflict with Sinhalese local chieftains provided the ideal casus belli for Brownrigg to wage war against Kandy and at outset of the expedition, he promised the former status of the local chieftains and also to preserve the Sinhalese religion and the customs. The convention signed between British and Kandyan Sinhalese chieftains in 1815 illustrated as a form of a treaty focused on the protection of the native people who sought assistance from the British against the oppressive King. The first three articles of the convention have verified that Malabar king Sri Wickrma Rajasinghe or his relatives have any claim for the throne in Kandy. These three Articles emphasized the invalidity of King and his dynasty over the throne, but the fourth article has explicitly mentioned British claim over the whole island of Ceylon. This content of the convention exposes how cleverly British managed to reach their colonial interests in the kingdom of Kandy through using a tactful phrase ‘Protection’. People in Kandy lost its territorial sovereignty as it fell into British hands by the convention for the sake of ensuring their protection. The fall of the Kandyan kingdom in Ceylon is one historical illustration that shows the bogusness of colonial international law in the 19th century. 6 HOBSBAWM 2014: 156. Page | 98 In the case of Ceylon, the kingdom of Kandy was at stake after going through three centuries of European colonial invasions and the convention that occurred in 1815 under evasive terms of the British was just an investable result, but it would be rather a surprise to observe that even a powerful and independent state like Japan could not stand before Western powers equally in the 19th century. Japan had opted for a secluded policy in its international affairs since 1630 and which was challenged when American fleet appeared at the mouth of the Bay of Tokyo in 1853 and 1854 after these incidents Japanese were forced to enter into diplomatic relations with the United States7. Interestingly the treaty signed between Japan and the USA in 1857 disillusioned the Japanese as a treaty signed between two sovereign equals, but in its substance, they were grounded on unequal terms. In studying the history of international law in the age of colonialism, invading nations had always wanted to exclude other European forces in their territories as a matter of principle in their negotiations with natives8. When European entered into treaties with the native chieftains or rulers, a specific clause was included in the treaty that would impede locals from having any relationship with foreign powers. As an example, the elimination of Portuguese rule from Ceylon in 17th century by the support of Dutch shows how strongly Dutch East India Company wanted to impede the King Rajasinghe II of the kingdom of Kandy in Ceylon from entering into any negotiation with other European powers. The treaty concluded in 1638 between Dutch and Rajasinghe II explicitly states King should not maintain any relationship with other European powers. According to the treaty, the Dutch India Company was promised the delivery of all the cinnamon to the exclusion of all other nations in return for our help and protection9. In understating the nature of this treaty it is visible that Dutch had attempted to make equal terms with the native ruler in Ceylon. Dutch governor J. Simons wrote in his memorials and instructions: The chief points that demand attention are the following viz.: (1) Friendly relations with the king of Kandy (2) prevention of the intrusion of all other European nations into Ceylon (3) strict observance and watchful guard over the entire navigation of Ceylon. However, the status adopted by Dutch to deal with the Kandyan kingdom in Ceylon began to change in the latter part of the 18th century as it took up a more dominating position over Ceylon. In 1766 after defeating the king of Kandy, Dutch East Company compelled him to enter into another treaty which was consisted of many discriminatory clauses. The sovereignty of the island was mutually defined but the king was cut off from controlling the harbours and other waterways of the island and it further isolated the king from having foreign relations with other nations. According to Article X of the treaty, the Company undertook to pay for the goods acquired in Ceylon, i.e. 7 CRAVEN 2005: 335-382. GATHII 2007. 9 GOONEWARDENA 1958: 134. 8 Page | 99 ivory, pepper, coffee, etc., and its purchases were to take place to the exclusion of all other nations. This clause was followed by the more specific provision in article XXI which forbade the King and the Officers of the Court to maintain any correspondence with other European nations or to conclude treaties with them, a clause which frequently appeared in treaties between the English East India Company and Indian rulers10. The King and the Court undertook to deliver to the Company all Europeans (foreigners) who would enter the country unlawfully and not entertain with Indian Princes any connections to the prejudice of the Company. On the other hand, the Company undertook according to article XXII not to conclude any treaty with a foreign power against the king of Kandy. Mutual relations were to be maintained according to article XXIII by the exchange of Ambassadors. Dutch rule in Ceylon lasted until the end of the eighteenth century when it was ousted by the English East India Company in 1796. Scramble for Africa European quest to acquire territorial powers in the African continent was another illustration to comprehend the despicable nature of 19th-century international law. When the decision on the African continent was made out in the Berlin Conference in 1885, an interesting article was formulated as Article 34. It states that “any power which takes a position of territory on the coast of the African continent or establishes a protectorate there must notify the other signatory parties”11. But in this whole conference European powers had ignored existing sovereigns such as tribal kingdoms in the mainland of Africa. At the conference, British wanted to extend the authority of given article to the interior of the African continent, but it was denied by the European powers like many of the African territories remained as uncovered territories characterized, as it was, by the rapidity of transfer of power of dimensions unprecedented in the history of mankind. Prima facie, it might seem that such a kaleidoscopic change would be affected by the most rapid ways and means which international law had at its disposal for transfer of sovereignty, i.e., unilateral action followed by occupation or conquest12. The process of treaty-making or negotiations with African tribal kingdoms was a much harder task for European powers than how they envisaged the negotiation process in Indian sub-continent where the rulers followed a code of interstate conduct which had first been conceived systematically by ancient Indian lawgiver Kautilya and embodied in the Arthasastra, a Hindu classic of the 4th century B.C. The Kautilya tradition prevailed, subject to changes, for centuries in the Indian subcontinent 10 ALEXANDROWICZ 2017: 65. GASSAMA 2018: 557. 12 GASSAMA 2018: 557. 11 Page | 100 and further India: The European agencies which arrived there in the 16th century had to face Hindu or Islamic negotiators acting either on Hindu or Koranic tradition or a combination of both. In the light of this tradition, the conduct of interstate relations in the East Indies was to some extent homogeneous and even predictable in its effects. But the inter-state negotiation system used by African societies was ambiguous and Portuguese being the first modern European nation who entered Africa in the 16th century went on to carve the treaties under their preferences. The treaty signed between the king of Congo and Portugal was mainly based on how Congo should allow Portuguese missionaries to conduct their religious activities in the territory of Congo without any hindrance, in addition to that it insisted Portuguese can utilize the harbours of Congo for military purposes13. In the 19th century, the phase called ‘protocreate’ was introduced by the European nation to justify the expansion in Africa. Many territories were assimilated into European hegemony and local rulers were given the promise of protection from external powers. But in the treaties compiled by Westerners included many discriminatory provisions such as those local rulers were thwarted from having any other foreign relation. The treaties created by National African Company which happened to be a mercantile company charted by the British government in the 19th century to establish trade in Africa always urged the local rulers to seek protection only from the British. The preamble of each treaty signed by National African Company with any African kingdom consisted of the following clause: We bind ourselves not to have any intercourse with any strangers or foreigners except through the said National African Company and we give … the company full power to exclude all other strangers or foreigners from territory at their discretion.14 French, Belgian and other European powers opted for the same method as British did in their treaty-making with the local African rulers. In some circumstances, discriminatory provisions were excluded and the treaty was drafted as an equal one if the other counterpart was a powerful kingdom in Africa. For instance, the Fulani ruler of Fouta Djallon (Guinea region) made treaties of protection with the French (1881, 1888) which did not impose any restrictions on the sovereignty of the ruler’s confederation. The concept of ‘protectorate’ was transformed into a defence of acquiring African territories in the late 19th century. After the conclusion of the Berlin 13 14 COMAROFF, COMAROFF 2008: 93. COMAROFF, COMAROFF 2008: 112. Page | 101 Conference in 1885, European international lawyers often relied on the term ‘protectorate’ for the legal justification of the expansion. Question of Civility and Backwardness The quest for acquiring territories in Africa, Latin America and far corners of Asia reached its culmination by the end of 20th century as new nation-states began to emerge in Europe such as Italy and Germany, which decisively changed the political map of Europe. After having established the internal political stability both Germany and Italy stumbled upon the race for colonial expansion and there was nothing left for them at the beginning of the 20th century except some territories in Africa. The gradual growth of rivalry among the European states eventually bolstered the path for Great War in 1914 and a large number of soldiers from European colonies in Africa and Asia fought for their masters albeit the war they involved was not originally their war. As an example, India was given a sanguine hope of self-rule like other British dominion states to obtain its manpower to the war and 74,187 Indian soldiers died in the Western Front, but British promise on a self – rule in India remained unfulfilled as British grip over Indian sub-continent was tightened by the end of Great War. British justified their reluctance to grant self-rule to India and other Eastern colonies based on their backwardness and they believed those colonies would get better benefits under colonial rule. This attitude was manifested in the 1919 Paris peace conference where imperial powers such as Great Britain and France vehemently opposed to the participation of the delegates from their colonies and their access to the conference negotiations was denied. Nevertheless, some delegates from African and Asian colonies managed to barge into Paris conference with some expectations to raise their voices on right to self-determination. As an example, a delegation headed by African lawyers Elizer Cadet and Du Bois marked some significant upheavals against all odds and their concern over self-determination15. The main protagonist of Paris peace accord Woodrow Wilson included selfdetermination into his highly idealistic resolutions of the conference and Du Bois was in a strong position that right to self-determination should be extended to the people of Africa since the historical claim of the land is vested with them. Moreover, Du Bois gave a special emphasis for the consent of the governed people in respect of choosing their political future. He states: The international peace Congress that is to decide whether or not peoples shall have the right to dispose of themselves will find in its midst delegates from a nation which champions the principles of the ‘consent of the governed’ … that 15 ANGHIE 2002. Page | 102 nation … includes in itself more than twelve million souls whose consent to be governed is never asked.16 One of the major contentions raised by imperial powers happened to be concentrating on the civilizational standards of colonies, that whether they would seriously have potentials to govern themselves. As it was stated earlier in this article the state of governance practiced by the African and Asian people was strange for European Westphalian mind to comprehend, which enabled them to scorn and trample the those systems of governances as uncivilized. This was frequently pointed out by pro imperial British international law scholars in 19th century and early 20th century, especially after the taming the Indian Sepoy mutiny in an unimaginable brutal way in 1857, British applied a harsh policy on Indian demands despite there was a rise of liberal democratic values in Victorian England. Marti Koskenniemi’s magisterial work The gentle civilizer of nations: the rise and fall of international law, 1870-1960 gives a vivid description on the emergence of 19th century liberal international legal sensibility all underpinned by practicality of the age and political will of the empire. Koskenniemi states: The founding conception of 19th century international law, was not sovereignty but a collective European conscience-understood always as ambivalently either consciousness or conscience, that is in alternatively rationalistic or ethical ways. Even in the absence of a common sovereign, Europe was a political society and international law an inextricable part of its organization.17 The Austinian notion on sovereignty appeared to be an indispensible factor in Victorian age among British international lawyers that mainly neglected the naturalism from their legal views and as the sovereignty of the colonies was vested with British empire, they considered the utter validity of British laws upon the colonial administration to be just regardless how unfit they would be to the subjects18. In fact 19th century international law became the beneficent gift of the civilized Europe. However the antipathy of colonized people for being scorned as uncivilized to be treated equally before international law sprang severely at Paris conference as many Asian delegates began to unveil the rich political and cultural unity they had in the past before the European powers arrived. For instance the missive sent by Korean delegation to Clemenceau of France clearly indicates the following sentence: 16 SENARATNE 2013: 319. KOSKENNIEMI 2001. 18 KOSKENNIEMI 2001: 231. 17 Page | 103 The Korean people forms today a homogeneous nation, having their own civilization and culture, and having constituted one of the historical states in the Far East for more than four thousand and two hundred years. During those forty-two centuries Korea has always enjoyed national independence.19 Lala Lajpath Rai was another Indian lawyer who played a pivotal role in striking European understanding of Asian and African countries as barbaric at Paris conference. He opposed to British unwillingness for granting self-determination rights to Indian people due to the backwardness. He states: India is not an infant nation, not a primitive people, but the eldest brother in the family of man, noted for her philosophy and for being the home of religions that console half of mankind.20 The predilection of colonized people to be recognized in international legal order of 1919 Paris conference did not reach its expected end, because the delegates from India, Africa and other Asian colonies were thwarted from attending the conference activities, even being the champion for European idealism, Woodrow Wilson paid no concern for the rights of suppressed colonies and his believe was firmly confined to a position that Western states should assist backward states to govern themselves. Post-Colonial Dilemmas in International Law Identifying the post coloniality in international law lies in an ambiguous zone as the modern form of international law itself is postcolonial, because many of international organs and the current mechanisms in international law had emerged in post-world war period parallel to the decolonization. International Lawyers from Third World, especially the scholars who are engaging with TWAIL movement (Third World Approach to International Law) had found many real paradoxes in international law which they found to be Eurocentric and created from the perspective of West. Mainly the modern idea of human rights has become subjected to many criticisms from the point of view of international legal scholars from third world countries as a pertinent issue in post-colonial international law. In questioning the so-called universality of international law, it is rather ironic to look at the status of universality defined by Western human rights and international law scholars. Universality illustrated in Western Orientation towards human right has taken more individualist approach and the deep rotted influence of Christianity in West seemed 19 20 SENARATNE 2013: 319. SENARATNE 2013: 325. Page | 104 to have provided its foundation. In questioning this approach TWAIL scholars like Ram Prakash Anand and Weeramanthry have always pointed out the existed values in the East that preserved human dignity21. Especially being a champion of propagating TWAIL ideas in ICJ Weeramanthry had a knack on quoting teachings of Buddha in his opinions and judgments at ICJ22. For instance in his opinion at the case of Hungary vs Slovakia, Weermanthry elucidated the purity given by ancient Indians on Water and his opinion in the judgment was a palpable reflection of the Asian values and beliefs over human rights that always went beyond mere individual consuming scope. Apart from the narratives on human rights, the postcoloniality of international law can be traced in many ways in the present context. Mainly the phases such as ‘Third World’ emerged in the post-colonial period to marginalize the ‘Other’ from Western perspectives. In looking at the tools and mechanisms used to continue the otherness in international law, it becomes evident that the notion of ‘Otherness’ was imbued with the phases such as Backwardness, Trusteeship, International Monitory Fund, World Bank etc. Introduction of such a mechanism in the post-colonial era by West simply demonstrated the fact that underdeveloped peoples of the world were re-constituted as ‘other’ to the West. As a matter of fact, the universalization of international law after the decolonization process and many more approaches have proven impossibility of post-colonial dilemmas to comprehend in modern international law. The following paragraph by critical international legal theorist Sundhya Pahuja reflects the ambiguity of post-colonial dilemmas in modern international law. The “post” in postcolonial designates a state neither clearly beyond nor after the colonial. Instead it denotes a “continuation of colonialism in the consciousness of the formerly colonized people, and in the institutions which were imposed in the process of colonization”. Key amongst those institutions is international law, which in some senses was formed out of the exigencies of imperialism. But if international law was the child of imperialism “it is not only . . . a dutiful child but also . . . a child with oedipal inclinations”23 Unseen Legacy of the Practice of International Law in Oriental Antiquity This paper has unveiled the exact routines which nourished the modern foundation of international law from the perspectives of European nations. The customs and practices existed Among Asian African nations on international legal systems have been given the least concern in the legal academia today. 21 ANAND 1966: 123. WEERAMANTRY 1992. 23 PAHUJA 2005: 469. 22 Page | 105 For the curriculum of public international law at universities including the higher educational institutes located in Asia and Africa, the tendency always has been to venerating figures like Grotius and Vattel as modern pioneers of international law. It is really pathetic that they have forgotten the legacy they had in past on international law. It was thousands of years ago that India adopted natural law as the very basis of international law. Ancient Hindu jurisprudential texts such as Law of Manu, Dharmasastras admitted the principles of morality as the basis of international legal rules24. Chanakya or commonly known as Kautilya who happened to be the prime minister of the court of Indian Emperor Chandragupta Maurya had written some various treaties on the international legal practices. More interestingly his innovative idea called ‘Circle of States’ or Mandala has practised in Mauryan court in India around 3rd century BC as an accepted norm to deal with neighbouring states. Apart from that prime minister Chankya’s masterwork called Arthaśāstra is a palpable illustration on the Asiatic wisdom on international law. Rules of international law drawn from principles of expediency broad-based upon ‘political considerations’ find their suitable place in the Arthaśāstra. Almost the same rules relating to the circle of states, intercourse between them and rules relating to the six-fold policy, sandhi (peace), vigraha (war), asana (Observance of Neutrality), yana (Marching), samsraya (Alliance) and dvaidhibhava (making peace with one and waging war with other)25. In the idea of state responsibility and statehood, the practice prevailed in Ancient India. It is an interesting fact that unlike European monarch in the time of the nation-states in the 16th century, the state in Ancient India was not identified with the king. An Indian monarch could not like Louis XIV exclaim ‘L’etat c’est Moi’ (I am the State). From the earliest time monarchs in India looked at himself merely as a custodian of the interests of people. Which has been mentioned in one of the oldest Indian epics called Mahabaratha? It describes the king as the highest servant of the community. Moreover, the Indian king was expected to maintain the same level of humanity towards the fellow sovereign states. Indeed, the idea of the family of nations was a strange phase for the Western Civilization as the hostility among neighbouring states was a feature of the political geography of Europe. Greeks, the most polished nation in antiquity that left a hallmark legacy on the modern foundations of European Civilization looked upon all Non-Hellenes as mere Barbarians beyond the frontiers of Greece. The Greek idea of Asia was finally reversed when Alexander led his campaign beyond Persia and his presence in India eventually convinced a message to Greeks about the political, legal and philosophical grandeur in Ancient India. The fragments left behind by Megasthenes who served as the Greek envoy in Maurya Chandragupta court vividly points out the customs adopted 24 25 DAVIS 2004. BANDYOPADHYAY 1920. Page | 106 by Indians regarding treating the diplomats. The given statements from Kausalya’s Arthaśāstra portrays the basis etiquettes that diplomats were expected to follow. In ancient Greece and Rome right to send ambassadors were not regarded as an absolute right. It rested either on treaty stipulations or on express permission obtained from the state which the ambassador was to be sent26. Likewise in ancient India ambassadors always represented the might of the state. Besides the legacy of Indian in international law in the antiquity, it is important to examine how ancient Chinese dealt with international law in their statecraft. China’s first contact with contemporary international law came through William Martin’s 1865 translation of Henry Wheaton’s book Elements of International Law, 30 years after the book was first published. Some years later Martin wrote another book called Traces of International Law in Ancient China, this is a portrayal of the Chinese notion on how they perceived and practised international law. In his writing, Martin argued that two conditions are required to prove the existence of international law. Firstly it is mandatory to have the existence of independent states. Secondly, that those states should be so related as to conduct their intercourse on a basis of equality. Martin has pointed out the historical period lasted from approximately 771 BC until 476 BC fulfilled the given condition with the hundreds of states. Under contemporary international law, a state can be regarded as a ‘legal person’ only if it possesses the four following qualifications: 1) a permanent population; 2) a defined territory; 3) a government, and 4) a capacity to enter into relations with other states. Zhou dynasty which was one of the powerful dynasties in ancient China envisaged a period of decline between 349 BC to 229 BC, that inevitably caused to the creation of new independent small states. Those newly independent states had a functioning government, could control territory as well as a population and could exercise their sovereignty effectively both domestically and internationally. The Prince of each fiefdom became de facto King and the fiefdoms became actual Princedoms27. As a consequence of the increasing powers of the Princes, a new political situation emerged, in which the ritual, music and military campaigns [were] initiated by the Princes. In terms of organizing the external affairs those newly established small states in ancient China, it was regarded a normal practice for those states to hold summit meetings and international conferences to exchange ambassadors and envoys to conclude treaties and agreements, to discuss the common norms of society and to establish rules of war with a humanitarian perspective. The ancient sources such as Chunquiu reveal that this period nearly 500 hundred international conferences were held. Princes from each state regularly met in order to ensure their mutual protection against any foreign force. More than 140 treaties are recorded in Chunqiu, including both bilateral and multilateral agreements, mainly for good relationships between 26 27 MCCRINDLE 2019. YUANZHEN 2018: 116. Page | 107 states, joint defence, international trade and marriage alliances. This shows that the states dealt with each other on an equal footing. Normally, those agreements included three parts: the statement of purpose, substantive contents and an oath invoking the wrath of the most important deities upon anyone who transgressed the agreements. As states were small in their geographical territories, their concern over security always stood at prime level. Especially creating a collective league system was adopted by all those independent states as an appropriate manner to uphold regional solidarity. Prince Qi who happened to be the ruler of his state had a wider recognition among the other states too as a powerful political figure. With this eminent recognition, he formed a system of alliance which was essentially based on the idea of a collective security system-more or less this was akin to modern-day North Atlantic Treaty Organization Structure.28 The above mentioned historical sources from both ancient India and China provide a clear account on the historical structure on international law existed in great two Asian civilizations and it further demonstrates the conceptual routine of the international legal system cannot be solely attributed to what took place in 1648 at Westphalia. The Westphalian notion of nation-states system may have given emergence to the creation of modern Europe, but in tracing the Asiatic heritage, the idea of international law traces back to the antiquity. Moreover, it is an important factor to consider how those ancient Indian and Chinese systems of international law conducted based on civility and natural law in the antiquity whereas European nations were reluctant to accept Asians as civilized nations till 20th century. Conclusion The conventional approach to understand the colonial origin of international law may accept that the story of colonialism as an imbued factor to international law ended with the decolonization, but the concluding remark of this article proposes that civilizing mission adopted by West through the veil of international law continues today as a post-imperial project. The advent of newly independent states led the path to form a strong alliance among themselves in the post-colonial period as the world was witnessing the cold war trauma. The Non-Aligned Movement established by the leaders from Global South was initially intended to maintain neutrality without getting attached to either Soviet Union or the United States in any time of crisis, but gradually its objectives were swindled and the apathy of newly independent states before the new imperial order was quite pertinent. Especially when newly independent states realized that their natural resources were exploited by their former colonial masters, their only available remedy was to nationalize those natural resources which were located in their states but governed 28 RUSKOLA 2013: 110. Page | 108 by few foreign companies. In the movement adopted by nationalist governments in the countries in Global South always envisaged setbacks in their efforts in dealing with foreign powers within their national sovereignty. It was evident that European reluctance to accept the sovereign status of the newly independent states as their equal companions led them to undermine the nationalization projects in the Global South. The military actions were taken by British-French forces aligned with Israel when Egyptian president Nasser took over Suez Canal and serious of international pressure faced by SWRD Bandaranayke’s government in Ceylon after nationalizing British owned companies showed the gravity of Neo-Imperial outlook of the postcolonial international law. Especially in dealing with recovering their national resources from the position of colonial powers, newly independent states had to grapple with the demanded compensation from those foreign investors or companies belonged to former colonial powers. In terms of assessing the compensation, the contention brought by Western powers was based on what they preserved as compensation from an international legal perspective. Anghie states: To further their argument, they asserted that it was a principle of customary international law that compensation was to be based on international law rather than national standard.29 The pivotal question to concern is whether being oppressed colonized how would the states of Global South uphold those customs because they were not partners in creating such customs in international law. In examining the modern form of the old civilizing mission of the colonial powers in the name of international law, it yet remains in a different trajectory as the phases like Civilized and Uncivilized societies are replaced by the unending division between Developing Countries and Developed. The mechanism regarding the development assessment introduced by the Bretton Wood system in post-world war period provided an institutionalized framework in imposing certain restriction over newly emerging economies. In terms of assisting newly independent post-colonial countries, Bretton Wood institutes relied on certain yardsticks like human rights and good governance, when such expectations were likely to be fulfilled their next concern was to introduce Neo-Liberal reforms to those states, which have often resulted in the further impoverishment in the poorest in the Global South. David Harvey in his classic work A brief history of neoliberalism has aptly described the real intents of the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 was hidden behind American interest in oil and the Neo-Liberal policies adopted by the interim government of Iraq in 2004 simply cleared the path to wealth accumulation30. 29 30 ANGHIE 2014: 140. HARVEY 2005: 3. Page | 109 However, the emergence of new world order from the Global South such as rapid economic growth in China and India have challenged the notion of coloniality in international law as it existed thus far. The central thesis carved by this article has demonstrated how international law was created based on colonial interests of the West and the tactful way it was used for the colonial expansion in history. The given examples from the existed norms and practices among ancient Asiatic states provide strong evidence on how differently international legal norms were followed and respected in antiquity albeit that narrative was not acknowledged by the West. Nevertheless, it is important to remember being critical on the colonial origin of international law does not mean that modern scholars should completely disband the existed norms and practices of international law. The answer provided by Indian legal scholar Upendra Baxi states: Nationalization of learning is no answer to Eurocentrism. Nor does a reckless deification and exaltation of intellectual traditions serve the interests of the knowledge.31 Having understood the colonial foundation of international law and how it has been always narrated from Europe, scholars from Global South should continue to reconstruct the present-day narratives of the international legal scholarship, because international law is not solely attributed to the states as its liveliness is very much affiliated with scholars, judges and practitioners as real stakeholders who give the meaning to international law. Acknowledgment I wish to thank Prof Gianguli Palombella in at Institute of Law and Politics in Scuola Superiore Sant Anna for his valuable opinions on constructing the framework of this article also I thank the anonymous reviewer whose valuable remarks helped me to improvise this paper. 31 BAXI 2014: 34. Page | 110 Bibliography ALEXANDROWICZ C.H. (2017), The Law of Nations in Global History, Oxford. ANAND R.P. (1966), ‘Attitude of Asian-African States toward Certain Problems of International Law, The International and Comparative Law Quarterly 15.1, 55-75. ANGHIE A. (1996), ‘Francisco de Vittoria and the Colonial Origin of International Law’, Social & Legal Studies 5.3, 321-336. ANGHIE A. (2002), ‘Colonialism and the Birth of International Institutions; Sovereignty, Economy and the Mandate System of the League of Nations’, New York University journal of international law and politics 34.3, 513-633. ANGHIE A. (2014), ‘Towards a Postcolonial International Law’, in Critical international law : postrealism, postcolonialism and transnationalism, eds. P. SINGH, B. MAYER, New Delhi, 123-142. BANDYOPADHYAY P. (1920), International law and custom in ancient India, Calcutta. BAXI U. (2014), ‘Descendants of Realism? Policy Oriented International Lawyers as Guardians of Democracy’, in Critical International Law eds. P. SINGH, B. MEYER, New Delhi, 30-52. BENTON L., FORD L. (2018), Rage for Order: The British Empire and the Origins of International Law, Cambridge, Mass. COMAROFF L., COMAROFF J. (2008), Law and Disorder in the Postcolony, Chicago. CRAVEN M. (2005), What Happened to Unequal Treaties? The Continuities of Informal Empire, Nordic Journal of International Law 74.3-4, 335-382. DAVIS D.R. (2004), ‘Dharma in Practice: Ācāra and Authority in Medieval Dharmaśāstra’, Journal of Indian Philosophy,32.5-6, 813-830. GASSAMA I. (2018), ‘International law, Colonialism and the African’, in The Palgrave Handbook of African Colonial and Postcolonial History, eds. M. SHANGUHYIA,T. FALOLA, New York, 551-567. GOONEWARDENA K. (1958), The Foundation of Dutch Power in Ceylon 1638-1658, Amsterdam. HARVEY D. (2005), A brief history of neoliberalism, Oxford and New York. HOBSBAWM E. (2014), The age of Empire: 1875-1914, London. GATHII J.T. (2007), ‘Imperialism, Colonialism and International Law’, Buffalo law review Buffalo Law Review 54.4, 1013-1066. KOSKENNIEMI M. (2001), The gentle civilizer of nations: the rise and fall of international law, 18701960, Cambridge. MCCRINDLE J.W. (2019), Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian; being a translation of the fragments of the Indika of Megasthenês collected by Dr. Schwanbeck, and of the first part of the Indika of Arrian, Charleston. PAHUJA S. (2005), ‘The Postcoloniality of International Law’, Harvard International Law Journal 46.2, 459-469. RUSKOLA T. (2013), Legal orientalism : China, the United States, and modern law, Cambridge, Mass. SAID E. (1995), Orientalism, London. SENARATNE K. (2013), ‘Internal Self Determination in International Law: A Critical Third World Perspective’, Asian Journal of International Law 3.2, 305-339. YUANZHEN JI. (2018), ‘The Generation and Development of International Law Ideology in China’, Chinese Studies 7.1, 114-123. WEERAMANTHRY C.G. (2004), Universalising international law, Leiden. Page | 111 Page | 112 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Józef PIŁATOWICZ (Siedlce University, Poland) Jewish Students at the Lviv Polytechnic until 1939 (statistical statement) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.07 Abstract: The aim of this paper is presentation some statistical data on Jews studying at the Lviv Polytechnic until 1939. Also, the question of Jewish women – students of the Lviv Polytechnic, has been examined. The Author have touched upon a completely new research area which is women’s education in the broadly-defined technical field at the turn of the 19 th and 20th century. Key words: Jewish Students, Lviv Polytechnic, until 1939, statistical statement Introduction The problem of anti-Semitism in Europe, both on the global and local scale, has been repeatedly discussed by many scholars, its genesis being sought in culture, religion, economy or politics1. In this paper, the scope of investigation is narrowed to the field of higher education, provided by polytechnic schools, and the academic community that formed there. The Lviv Polytechnic became the area of research due to the specific character of the city of Lviv, famous for its multiculturalism, multiethnicity and the mutual tolerance of its inhabitants2. The time span embraced by this paper is the late-19th and the early-20th century3, marked by a rise in antiSemitic attitudes, especially among the Western European societies, although the persecution of Jews lasted for two millennia. The aim of this paper is presentation some statistical data on Jews studying at the Lviv Polytechnic until 1939. Also, the question of Jewish women – students of the Lviv Polytechnic, has been examined. And finally, the Author have touched upon a completely new research area which is women’s education in the broadly-  ORCID iD 0000-0003-1581-224X. jozef.pilatowicz@uph.edu.pl; Institute of History. The results of the research carried out under the research theme No. 113/20/B were financed from the science grant granted by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education 1 ANDRESKI 1963; GROSSER, HALPERIN 1978; FITCH 1992; BRUSTEIN 2003; AUST 2018. PIŁATOWICZ 2020. 3 KATZ 1980; HIRSHFIELD 1981; MOSSE 1985; ALMOG 1990; PAULEY 1992; LINDEMANN 1997; BRUSTEIN, KING 2004. 2 Page | 113 defined technical field at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. This area of research has been limited to university studies so far4. The Profile of Lviv Jews until 1939 Lviv was founded around the second half of the 13th century by Daniel, ruler of Galicia and Volhynia, with the aim of protecting the kingdom against the Golden Horde. It was named in honour of Leo, Daniel’s oldest son (which is reflected in the city’s names: Lwow, Lwi Grod, Lemberg, Loewnsburg, Leopolis, Civitas Leona, Leontopolis). However, since this line of Princes of Galicia and Volhynia died out in 1323, Lviv, with the consent of the Ruthenian boyars, was taken over by Bolesław Trojdenowicz of the Masovian line of the Piast dynasty. Bolesław offered succession to Lviv to his brother-in-law, Casimir III the Great, king of Poland, who took control over the city after Bolesław Trojdanowicz’s death in 13405. According to Lviv’s foundation charter6, drawn up in Casimir’s administrative office in 1356, Jews, along with Armenians, Ruthenians and Saracens, maintained their own religion and law. In this way, Casimir the Great granted them the right to freely practice their faith and observe their traditions. However, as regards the judicial system, they came under the voivode’s authority, who shared his powers with Jewish elders7. The period of the city’s intensive development lasted from the second half of the 16th century to the second half of the 17th century, and was accompanied by a rise in the number of population from 12 344 in 1574 to 33 275 in 1641. As regards Lviv’s ethnic composition in the 17th century, its inhabitants were as follows: Catholics i.e. Poles and polonized: Germans, Armenians and Ruthenians – about 55%, Jews – about 20% and Ruthenians –about 15%. The rest of the inhabitants were of different nationalities: Armenians, Karaites, Italians, Moldavians, Scots and English people8. However, the wars, which repeatedly plagued Lviv from 1648 to the end of the 17th century, ruined the city’s prosperity, taking a heavy toll of its inhabitants, destroying the city’s buildings and leading Lviv to a financial crisis9. The evidence of Lviv’s fall was its depopulation. At the beginning of th the 18 century Lviv was inhabited by only 20 000 people, which did not change until the 1770s. Many houses were abandoned, even in the city centre, deteriorating and falling into ruin. The situation worsened after a series of epidemics which accompanied the Great Northern War (1704, 1709, 1710, 1718)10. According to Maria 4 PASS FREIDENREICH 2009. PAPÉE 1924: 18-29; MAGOCSI 1983: 46-67; HRYTSAK 2000. 6 SKOCZEK 1928: 106-112. 7 HORN 1975: 15-16, 286; NADEL-GOLOBIČ 1979; KOZUBSKA-ANDRUSIV 2009. 8 PODHORODECKI 1993: 50-72. 9 STAMPFER 2003; CIESIELSKI 2014: 271-278. 10 FRANDSEN 2009. 5 Page | 114 Bogucka and Henryk Samsonowicz11, in 1764, the whole population of the Second Polish Republic was about 11 million, with the number of Jews amounting to 7%, and 9% in 1791. The great majority of them, about ¾, lived in towns, so the number of Jews living in the Crown’s towns was about 411 500, which corresponded to nearly 50% of the whole urban population. In 1772, after the First Partition of Poland, the city became the capital of the Habsburg Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria12. Lviv’s population was rising rapidly: in 1773 – over 23 000, 1795 – 38 749, 1830 (civilian population) – 55 629, 1844 – 65 647, 1857 – 70 366, 1880 – 109 746, 1910 – 206 574. Its religious composition was as follows: in 1857 – Roman-Catholic – 36 526 (51. 91%), GreekCatholic – 7 902 (11.23%), evangelicals – 1 007 (1.43%), Jews – 24 700 (35.10%), other religious denominations and non-believers – 231 (0.33%); in 1910: RomanCatholic – 105 469 (51.17%), Greek-Catholic – 39 314 (19.07%), evangelicals – 3 086 (1.50%), Jews – 57 387 (27.84%), other religious denominations and non-believers – 854 (0.41%). In 1910 the native languages used in Lviv were: Polish – 85.78%, Ruthenian – 10.83%, German – 2.94%13. Austrian Jews were not considered to be a separate linguistic or ethnic group. For this reason, in the census carried out in 1910 by the Austrian authorities Jews declared Polish as their native language. In 1918 Lviv became part of the Second Polish Republic, re-established in the aftermath of the First World War14. The city’s population was rising steadily (except for the period between 1915-1919, which embraced the First World War and the post-war military operations). In 1910 the population of Lviv was 195 796 inhabitants, in 1914 – 212 030, 1915 – 189 000, 1918 – 187 431, 1920 – 219 388, and was rising gradually until 1939: in 1925 – 237 482, 1930 – 241 813, 1935 – 316 645 and in 1939 – 318 783. During the whole interwar period the religious and ethnic structure of Lviv did not change significantly. According to the censuses conducted between 1919 and 1931 the highest increase in population was observed among Roman-Catholics (49.1%) and Jews (39.8%), who comprised 49.1% and 39.8% of the whole population, while the number of Greek-Catholics grew to 9.8%, and the number of practitioners of other religions to 1.3%. The censuses of 1921 and 1931 showed that the percentage of Roman-Catholics remained more or less stable: in 1921 – 51.1%, 1931 – 50.4%; the percentage of Jews dropped: in 1921 – 35.0%, 1931– 31.9%; the percentage of Greek-Catholics grew fast: from 12.4% in 1921 to 16.0% in 1931; and the percentage of practitioners of other religions was: 1.5% in 1921 and 1.7% in 193115. 11 BOGUCKA, SAMSONOWICZ 1986: 474, 469-475. KAYE 1972; MICK 2010: 28-67. 13 WNĘK, ZYBLIKIEWICZ, CALLAHAN 2006: 31, 72, 215-222, 263. 14 MACMILLAN 2007; POLONSKY 1972: 35-37; MENDELSOHN 1983: 14; BRUBAKER 1996. 15 BONUSIAK 2000: 174-189; WIERZBIANIEC 2000. 12 Page | 115 The early days of technical education in the Polish lands The early days of technical higher education date back to the 18th century when the rapid development of military engineering and mining took place, requiring carrying out high-technology works connected with the exploitation of more deeplyplaced deposits. The standard model of a technical higher school – polytechnic – was developed by French scholars, who established the Polytechnic School (École Polytechnique) in Paris in 179416. The first multidisciplinary technical school in the Polish lands was the Preparatory School for the Institute of Technology in Warsaw, which opened on 4th January 1826. It achieved the ‘high school’ status in 1829, but was closed down on the strength of the tsar’s rescript17 issued after the fall of the November Uprising18 on 19th November 1831. Although the School functioned for a short period of time, it strongly influenced the system of Polish technical education as it pioneered the education of the first Polish technical intelligentsia. Altogether, until the outbreak of the November Uprising, 217 students attended the School, 32 became its graduates, and 2 students, who fulfilled the condition of completing a four-year course, were awarded a school-leaving certificate. Many students completed their education at technical schools abroad19. The Tsisar-Royal Technical Academy in Lviv The closure of the Preparatory School for the Institute of Technology in Warsaw (1831) forced young people to take up technical studies outside the Kingdom of Poland (Congress Poland). The Tsisar-Royal Technical Academy in Lviv was the only technical school with Polish as a language of instruction. The Academy came to exist in 1817 as the Tsisar-Royal Real School, but in 1844 it changed its name to the Tsisar-Royal Technical Academy, and then, in 1877, the Tsisar-Royal Higher Technical School. In the 1870s it was polonized and achieved the status of ‘polytechnic’ (on the strength of the tsar’s decree issued on 8 th October 1877)20. 16 GILLISPIE 2004; GRATTAN-GUINNESS 2005. WOODBURN 2000. 18 DUNN 2003; CABAN 2018. 19 PIŁATOWICZ 1994: 54-59. 20 POPŁAWSKI 1992. 17 Page | 116 The ethnic and religious composition of the Academy between 1844-1918 Little is known about the ethnic and religious composition of the student community of the Technical Academy21. Some data come from the Academy’s curriculum published for the first time in the academic year 1873/74. Unfortunately, it was only twenty years later that another curriculum, informative as regards the students’ nationality and religion, similar to that published in the academic year 1873/74, was published again. From that time it was published continuously year after year until the outbreak of the First World War, the last issue embracing the academic year 1912/13. It is also vague what guidelines (detailed as they must have been) the statistics compilers followed to divide the students into the ethnic-religious groups: Polish and non-Polish Roman Catholics, Ukrainian and non-Ukrainian Greek Catholics, German and non-German evangelicals. This, however, is more complicated in the case of Jews and Judaism. As regards the religious orientations of the Academy’s students, between 1872-1913, it was dominated by Roman-Catholics, whose number oscillated narrowly between 77.4 – 81.7%. It was increasing steadily in the years just before the First World War. In the 1870s the second most highly-practised religion was Greek Catholicism, which probably lost its position in favour of Judaism in the 1880s. However, until the turn of the 19th and 20th century, Greek Catholics were still numerous in comparison with the rest of the Academy’s student population. Their number dropped to less than 5% just before the First World War (the absolute number of Greek Catholics remained steady). Evangelicals were also few, except for the 1870s when their number oscillated around 1%. As it has already been shown, the religion-based division did not overlap precisely with the ethnic one. Polish students were mostly Roman Catholic, but there were also some Greek Catholics, evangelicals, Armenian Catholics and Jews among them. Almost all ethnic Ruthenians/Ukrainians were Greek Catholic. Whereas most German-speaking students, who came to Lviv in the 1870s from different regions of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, were Roman Catholic rather than evangelical. However, after the polonization of the Technical Academy, which took place in the 1970s, their number dropped to nearly zero. In the academic year 1872/73 there were 252 Polish students, 29 Ruthenian/Ukrainian students, 9 German-speaking students and 1 Hungarian student at the Technical Academy in Lviv. Jewish students at the Tsisar-Royal Technical Academy in Lviv The number of Jews studying at the Lviv Academy went up and down depending on the period. From the 1880s only Roman Catholics outnumbered Jews, 21 ZAJĄCZKOWSKI 1894: 129-130; PIŁATOWICZ 2001. Page | 117 whose community was growing steadily to exceed 180 people just before the outbreak of the First World War. As a result, from the second half of the 1890s, the relative number of Jews reached a minimum of 10% every year, maintaining its high level between 1900-1905, hitting a peak of 15.1% in the academic year 1904/5, and dwindling slightly between 1902/3 – 14.9% and 1903/4 – 14.6%. However, it declined markedly after 1905, which was probably connected with the fact that more and more young Roman Catholics were coming to Lviv from the Kingdom of Poland. It is difficult to guess what the Academy’s students were governed by while making their nationality declarations. The criteria adopted by statistics compilers are also unknown. Perhaps it was the language the students used in social situations – eight such languages, excluding Yiddish, were included in the Austrian registers. The languages they declared most frequently were Polish, German or Ukrainian, others becoming rare exceptions22. It is an indisputable fact, however, that at least in the 1890s, the Technical Academy in Lviv was dominated by students who declared Polish nationality, or, to avoid drawing uncertain conclusions, most of them were classified as Polish by statistics compilers. For the first time Jews were placed in the register under a separate ‘nationality’ rubric in the academic year 1902/3, when 48 out of 139 students-Jews declared Jewish nationality. This was 34.5% of all the students-Jews, and nearly 5.1% of all of the Academy’s students. 2 students-Jews declared Czech or Russian nationality, and the remaining 89 declared Polish. The next year Jews were not distinguished as a nationality in the statistics, while the number of students-Jews who declared Polish nationality grew relatively. In the academic year 1904/5 students-Jews were distinguished as a category for the second time, when 149 out of 154 students-Jews declared Polish nationality, 3 declared Ruthenian/Ukrainian, and 2 Czech or German23. This categorization was changed in the academic year 1905/6 when the ‘no-nationality’ rubric was inserted into the Academy’s statistics students-Jews. The ‘no-nationality’ category was assigned to 114 out of 157 students-Jews, while the remaining group was classified as Polish (42) or Ruthenian/Ukrainian (1). These numbers remained steady in the academic year 1906/7. However, the next year the ‘no-nationality’ category was replaced by the more universal category of ‘others’ dominated by students-Jews. Over time, the group of ‘others’ became smaller in size, comprising less and less students-Jews, while the group of Polish students who declared to be Jews grew bigger. In 1907/8 there were 111 students-Jews assigned to the category of ‘others’, and 44 students-Jews who declared to be Polish24, while in 1912/1913 the balance reversed almost completely, which might be interpreted as a step towards integration. On the other hand, it cannot be ruled out that the statistics 22 HOFF 1992: 29-32. Program Cesarsko-Królewskiej Szkoły Politechnicznej 1905: 67 – the data presented above concern the second semester. 24 Program Cesarsko-Królewskiej Szkoły Politechnicznej 1908: 74. 23 Page | 118 compilers were incompetent, or, commissioned by the Academy’s authorities, manipulated the process of data collecting so that the results were in disagreement with the declarants’ intentions. Also, the data obtained are insufficient to say what faculties students-Jews studied at, and which faculties were most popular among them. This would provide some clues as to the type of technical knowledge they sought, but to answer this question more advanced archivistic research is required, especially in Lviv. Graduating from the Technical Academy and receiving a diploma in engineering required more effort than just signing up and studying there even for a few years. Unfortunately, there are not any data on the religion or nationality of the students who successfully graduated from the Academy. For this reason, to assess at least the approximate number of graduates-Jews it must be assumed that the number of such graduates in the total number of graduates corresponds with the number of students-Jews in the total number of students, and oscillates between 10-15%. The Tsisar-Royal Technical Academy awarded 1608 diplomas in engineering25 between 1878-1918, consequently, the number of graduates-Jews must have fluctuated between 161 and 241, with the latter number being probably more realistic. The Lviv Polytechnic between 1921-1939 Regular classes at the Lviv Polytechnic (for the first time called this name in the statute of 28th July 1921) started in January 1921 marking the end of the First World War and the Polish-Soviet War26. The number of students at the Academy was growing rapidly hitting its peak during the Great Depression, declining for a few years, and coming back on to the previous level during the last year of the interwar period27. The sources and their interpretation Although many different statistical data were published by both the Central Statistical Office and higher education institutions in Poland, full data on the native languages and religions of young people studying in the Second Polish Republic are difficult to obtain. Fortunately, those concerning the religious background of the students of the Lviv Polytechnic were published continuously from the academic year 1924/25 to 1936/37, which was stopped for unknown reasons. Thus, statistical data compiled by both the Central Statistical Office and the Polytechnic were used in the research, although, in many cases, the analysed periods did not overlap, i.e. different statistics may have embraced different periods of time (the summer/winter PIŁATOWICZ 1991: 32. BORZECKI 2016. 27 PIŁATOWICZ 1994: 45-46. 25 26 Page | 119 term, or the end of the calendar year) depending on the institution which produced them (which was not always made clear). For this reason, there might be some statistical differences for different years, but it does not influence the trends revealed during the research. Jewish students at the Lviv Polytechnic During the whole interwar period Jews were the second largest religious group of students at the Lviv Polytechnic. However, Roman Catholics outnumbered them heavily – in 1919/20 they comprised 90.6% of all of the Polytechnic’s students. Their clear dominance was declining over time to reach 67.2% in 1928/29, and stabilise between 71-74% in the 1930s. There were also many Greek Catholics and Russian Orthodoxes (mostly Ukrainian and Belarussian) at the Lviv Polytechnic, who, put together, became more numerous than Jews in some of the years between 1930 and 1940. At the beginning of the academic year 1919/20 the number of students-Jews was rather low, amounting to 7.6% only (98 students). It climbed to 13.8% in 1921/22, and was growing over time to reach 16.5% (399 students) in 1928/29 and 12.3% (361 students) in 1930/31. At the end of the 1930s, in 1937/3828, the number dropped to 10.9% (310 students). Counted in absolute numbers, students-Jews were almost as numerous at the beginning of the interwar period (1921/22 – 303 students) as they were at its end (1937/38 – 310 students). However, until the second half of the 1930s, none of the students-Jews declared Yiddish or Hebrew as their native language. This changed in the academic year 1934/35 when 7.3% of the Polytechnic’s students declared Yiddish, and 14.6% declared to be Jews. At the end of the interwar period, in the academic year 1937/38, 4.7% of all of the Polytechnic’s students declared to be Jews, while 1.4% declared Yiddish or Hebrew as their native language29. This brings to the conclusion that in the second half of the 1930s about 50% of all students-Jews considered themselves to be Polish, and treated Polish as their native language, which was a rapid increase in the number of Yiddish or Hebrewspeaking students in comparison with the period between 1920 and 1930. It was probably a reaction to the repeated anti-Semitic incidents occurring at different Polish higher education institutions at that time. At technical schools students-Jews were less numerous than at other types of higher education institutions. In the 1920s they comprised 24.0-24.8% of all the student population in the Second Polish Republic30, while the corresponding 28 Statystyka Polski 1939: 83. Rocznik statystyki Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 1924: 239. 30 Rocznik statystyki Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 1929: 427. 29 Page | 120 number of students-Jews at the Lviv Polytechnic was a few points lower. In the 1930s the number of students-Jews at all types of higher education institutions decreased markedly (most sharply at universities). Thus, at the end of the 1930s, students-Jews comprised 10% of all students in the Second Polish Republic31, which corresponded, more or less, with the number of students-Jews studying at the Lviv Polytechnic at that time, and the total population of Jews in the Second Polish Republic. In fact, this was an implementation of numerus clausus32, which was unsanctioned by law at that time. As a rule, over 9% of young Jews who wanted to acquire higher education took up technical studies. At the beginning of the 1920s this type of studies was ranked fourth among the most popular fields of study, just after philosophy, law and medicine. In the 1930s they moved up to the third position, replacing medicine33. The Polytechnic’s Jewish students and the choice of faculty At first, most young Jews enrolled in the General Faculty, having many university subjects in the curriculum, and not very popular at that time. In the academic year 1922/23 Jews comprised 74.2% of all the students there. However, their number dropped sharply to reach 25.6% in 1933 (when the General Faculty was closed down). The second most popular was the Faculty of Chemistry (28.7% in 1922/23), while the least popular was the Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry (1.7%). The number of Jews who enrolled in one of the three other faculties oscillated between 16.5% to 13.5%. In the middle of the 1930s the most popular became the Faculty of Architecture (23.5% in 1934/35) and the Faculty of Civil Engineering (21.6%), followed by the Faculty of Mechanics – 12.1%, the Faculty of Chemistry – 10%, and the Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry – 6.2%34. Jewish women at the Lviv Polytechnic Traditionally, men were those who took up technical professions, and thus, technical studies were not very popular among women. Crossing this mental border was not easy. It was only in 1911 that first women signed up at the Lviv Polytechnic, while it was only after the First World War that women were granted the right to study at higher education institutions (on the strength of the decree issued on 8 th October 1919 by the Ministry of Religious Affairs and Public Education). Between 1918-1938 31 Statystyka Polski 1939: 82. RUDNICKI 1987. 33 LANGNAS 1933: 15-16, 22, 25, 48-51; BRONSZTEJN 1963: 192-195. 34 Program Cesarsko-Królewskiej Szkoły Politechnicznej 1923: 169; Program Cesarsko-Królewskiej Szkoły Politechnicznej 1929: 210; Program Cesarsko-Królewskiej Szkoły Politechnicznej 1933: 263; Program Cesarsko-Królewskiej Szkoły Politechnicznej 1935: 222. 32 Page | 121 the number of women studying at the Lviv Polytechnic oscillated between 2.6% and 5.3%, hitting its peak of 5.3% in 1931/32. Most female students were Roman Catholic. The second most frequently practised religion among women was Judaism, with its followers being much more numerous than those practising other religions. For example, in the academic year 1924/25 there were 16 Jewish female students at the Lviv Polytechnic, which was 21.9% of the total number of women studying there. However, more than ten years later (1935/36), the number of Jewish female students grew significantly to 30 – 28.3%. And the number of Jewish women who took up technical studies grew more quickly than men – in 1924/25 Jewish male students comprised 13.7% of all male students of the Polytechnic, while in 1935/36 only 11.8% (in the whole of the Second Polish Republic Jewish male students comprised 14% of all male students). Of course, counted in absolute numbers, women were not very numerous, but the different preferences shown by Jewish female students as regards the choice of faculty became more visible in this way. The most popular among Jewish female students in the academic year 1935/36 were the Faculty of Chemistry and the Faculty of Architecture, which attracted 63.3% of all Jewish female students. Jewish female students (4) outnumbered Roman Catholic ones (2) at the Faculty of Engineering35. It was difficult to assess the number of Jewish female students-graduates who were awarded a diploma in engineering (despite the negative attitude shown towards them by the professors). It seems that female students were more effective than male ones, as the number of women who graduated from the Lviv Polytechnic over a shorter period of time was higher than that of men, with the total number of students who graduated from the Lviv Polytechnic during the interwar period amounting to 180. As there are not any direct data on Jewish students-graduates of the Lviv Polytechnic, including Jewish female students36, the size of the latter group can be estimated based on the number of Jewish female students in the total number of female students, which oscillated between 22-28%. Accordingly, it can be calculated that there were between 40-50 Jewish female students-graduates of the Lviv Polytechnic. Conclusion The Polish Minority Treaty37, which was signed on 28th June 1919, turned out to be insufficient to secure Jewish interests in the Second Polish Republic. Nationalist circles considered the treaty to be a tool used by ethnic minorities to destroy the foundations of the Republic, just reborn after the Partitions. The Jewish community in particular became the target of attacks carried out in the form of pogroms which 35 Rocznik statystyki Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej 1929: 419. PIASECKI 1936: 10-11. 37 FINK 1998. 36 Page | 122 took place in 1919 and 192038. They scaled down for a short time just after the newlyborn Polish state stabilized, but renewed quickly and lasted for the whole interwar period. Anti-Semitism was also visible in the actions taken by the subsequent Polish governments who passed more and more anti-Semitic laws. The system of higher education was also affected by anti-Semitism39. In 1923 the government tried to implement numerus clausus, which meant that a limit on the number of Jewish students to be accepted at a higher education institution was imposed, estimated according to the percentage of Jews in the whole population of the Second Polish Republic40. Although, because of international protests, numerus clausus was not passed by the Senate, 23.810 non-Jewish students and 8325 Jewish students (25%) were accepted at five recognised universities in the academic year 1923/24. However, it should be pointed out that the percentage of urban Jews (30-40%), who traditionally aspired to receive higher education, was higher than the percentage of all Jews in the whole population of the Republic (10%). This drastic restriction was imposed after Piłsudski’s death, when the nationalistic opposition openly announced their anti-Semitic programme41, so that between 1937-1938 only 4.791 out of 48.168 students (about 10%) were Jewish42. 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Page | 126 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Jarosław CABAJ (Siedlce University, Poland) The Polish-Czechoslovakian Conflict over Cieszyn Silesia, Spiš and Orava in the years 1938-1939 as Reported by the Polish Provincial Press published in Siedlce https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.08 Abstract: The paper touches upon the theme of how the provincial press in Poland commented on the Polish-Czechoslovakian conflict over Cieszyn Silesia, Spiš and Orava. The timespan covers a few months in 1938 and 1939 - from the time Hitler made his claims towards Czechoslovakia until the moment the state was dismantled. The author has focused on presenting the Polish-Czechoslovakian relations as reported by the press published in Siedlce, a district town located in the centre of pre-war Poland. At that time four periodicals were published there. The analysis of these publications has allowed the author to determine that the editors informed their readers about the situation of the disputed territories on a regular basis. The editors tried to make their message more attractive by posting photos or accounts by special correspondents. They built among its readers a negative image of the Czechoslovakian state, which was presented as an artificial creation where the rights of national minorities were not respected. The incorporation of these lands into Poland was presented as a symbol of historical justice. The press also played an important part in mobilising the local community to act for fellow countrymen from the lands being the object of the Polish-Czechoslovakian dispute. However, it did not recognise the growth of Slovakian independence activities, which were important for the internal affairs of Poland’s southern neighbour. Key words: Zaolzie, Spiš, Orava, the Polish-Czechoslovakian conflict, periodicals, Siedlce Introduction The Polish-Czechoslovakian border issue over Cieszyn Silesia, Spiš and Orava in the years 1938-1939 attracted attention of the Polish society. It also had serious consequences for the interstate relations in the region. It was an important stage in peaceful conquests carried out by Adolf Hitler’s Third Reich. The events of that period had an effect on the Polish-Slovakian and Polish-Czech relations later on, in September 1939 during the Second World War, and thereafter.  ORCID iD 0000-0002-8697-5516. jaroslaw.cabaj@uph.edu.pl; Institute of History, Faculty of Humanities. The results of the research carried out under the research theme No. 112/20/B were financed from the science grant granted by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. Page | 127 The aim of this scientific paper is to show the issue of the PolishCzechoslovakian relations during a few months in 1938 and 1939, as it was presented in the provincial press in Poland, the attitude of the local people to the issue of national affiliation of Cieszyn Silesia, Spiš and Orava, as well as the significance of the editorial staff of periodicals in shaping the local people’s attitudes and behaviour. This subject matter shall be presented based on the information circulated by the press published in Siedlce – at that time a district town in the central part of the then Poland, located one hundred kilometres south-east from Warsaw. This focus is directed at the matters related not to the history of the Polish-Czechoslovakian conflict over those lands itself, but the communication of the content by editors of the press published in a provincial town. The paper focuses on what they informed their readers about, and how they influenced the readers’ attitude towards the actions of the Polish government and the Czechoslovakian state. At the beginning, the issue of the names used in the paper shall be precisely determined. The term Zaolzie Silesia (alternately Zaolzie) refers herein to the western part of Cieszyn Silesia – a territory forming part of Czechoslovakia since 1919, taken over by Poland in October 1938, and Spiš, is a historical-geographical land whose larger part currently belongs to Slovakia (in the years 1918-1939 it beloned to Czechoslovakia). Its northern areas are located within the Polish borders. Orava, in turn, is a historical-geographical land located in the Orava’s estuary. Similar to Spiš, most of its territory belongs to Slovakia (before 1939 to Czechoslovakia), whereas its northern part to Poland. And finally Čadca in this article is understood as a town and region that belonged to Czechoslovakia (currently Slovakia) with places where Polish people resided. Poland annexed small strips of this territory on 1st December 1938, and Slovakia regained these lands in the autumn of 1939, when the Polish state was devastated by the Third Reich. The subject matter of the situation of the Czechoslovakian state, and the problem of a conflict over its borders with Poland in 1938-1939, has been taken up by Polish historians several times so far. Only in the last two decades have a few publications taking up this matter been published. It is worth mentioning the publications of Karol Jonca1, Michał Jarnecki2, Marek Kazimierz Kamiński3, Piotr Majewski4 and Sebastian Pilarski5. However, the said publications discuss these issues of interstate relations in the Polish-wide perspective. So far there has been a lack of research into the Polish-Czechoslovakian issue from the local perspective. An exception is a publication by Elżbieta Lesiewicz6, which describes the attitude 1 JONCA 2005. JARNECKI 2009. 3 KAMIŃSKI 2014. 4 MAJEWSKI 2004. 5 PILARSKI 2008. 6 LESIEWICZ 2000. 2 Page | 128 of residents of Greater Poland. However, it is a special region of Poland. As early as in the times when these lands belonged to the Second German Reich, i.e. before 1918, Poles from Greater Poland maintained lively contacts with the Czechs. So far the issue of the attitude of Poles from small local communities to the border dispute with Czechoslovakia has not been investigated in the Polish historiography7. The article is based on materials published in the press published in Siedlce in 1938 and 1939. At that time, readers in the town had access to four press publications owned by influential and opinion-making circles i.e. the Catholic Church and the ruling party (the sanation camp). Two of them were controlled by the Diocesan Curia in Siedlce. These publications comprised a monthly Wiadomości Diecezjalne Podlaskie (Podlasie Diocese News; hereinafter WDP) and a weekly Głos Podlaski (The Voice of Podlasie; hereinafter GP). The other two titles were published by groups connected with the political party ruling Poland at that time – a weekly titled Życie Podlasia (The Life of Podlasie; hereinafter ŻP) and Ziemia Siedlecka (Podlasie Land; hereinafter ZS). The activity of these periodicals has already been subject to historical research8. The presence of the problem subject matter in the Siedlce press, forms of communication The Czechoslovakian issue found its reflection in the press published in Siedlce in the years 1938-1939. The first information appeared in the summer of 1938, when the German started to raise the issue of Sudety region. And the last references were placed in the press a year later, and they related to the dismantling of Czechoslovakia, creating the separate Slovakian state and the Protectorate of Czech and Moravia, strictly subordinated to The Third Reich. A pivotal moment in which the Siedlce periodicals published the largest amount of information fell on autumn months – from September to November 1938 including. It was connected with incorporating disputed territories of Cieszyn Silesia, and then Spiš, Orava and Čadca into the boundaries of Poland. Among Siedlce periodicals, and it must be stated – on a current basis, the matters of the southern neighbour were described by the editors of GP, less often by ŻP and ZS, and the least often by WDP. When it comes to the last one, it stemmed from the periodical’s specific nature – which was a press organ of the Diocesan Curia in Siedlce. It mostly focused on church matters. Therefore, in WDP only occasionally did information on Czechoslovakian matters appear. The first one noted by me referred to a conference of 19th October 1938 held by Podlasie Bishop Henryk Przeździecki, 7 8 It’s only a contributory publication by Tomasz Sysik (SYSIK 2015). WINTER 2015. Page | 129 during which its participants – dean priests and representatives of lay people, said a thankful prayer on the account of “regaining Zaolzie Silesia by Poland”9. In accounts of the conflict by the analysed periodicals only the Czechoslovakian state appears as a party, and the Czechs as a ruling nation. It almost did not mention the Slovaks and their seeking for independence. At best, the Slovaks are mentioned among the German, the Polish, the Hungarian and the Ruthenians, as a minority suppressed by the Czechs and subjected to czechization. It was not noted in Siedlce newspapers that in the case of annexing parts of Szpisz, Orava and Čadca by Poland, representatives of the Slovakian autonomy acted as a party in negotiations with representatives of the Polish authorities. We can ask ourselves the question about the reasons for such narration. It seems that it was easier to justify to the readers Poland’s claims to the lands forming part of Czechoslovakia, whose authorities were not popular among most of the Polish people. In the accounts related to the Czechoslovakian matters by the Siedlce press there could be seen the influence of impulses coming directly from the central authorities, as well as through the then media, i.e. the press, or most of all, the radio. An example of the first one is a reprint of an announcement signed by President of Siedlce Sławomir Łaguna, and containing an acknowledgement expressed to Siedlce inhabitants by Minister of Foreign Affairs of Poland Józef Beck. A representative of the government stated: “I kindly thank you citizens and organisations of Siedlce for your wishes, sent at the moment of Zaolzie Silesia’s returning to Poland. These wishes were a precious token of a uniform attitude of the society towards events important for the Republic of Poland”10. The impact of radio broadcasts on the attitude of the society expressed by a numerous participation of the town inhabitants in demonstrations for support of incorporating Zaolzie into Poland was described by an editor of ŻP. The message, in his opinion, contributed to awakening patriotic feelings, especially among the youth. They expressed it by taking part in a manifestation. The participants made cries against the Czechs, as well as they declared their support for the activities of the Polish state authorities. And the behaviour of the youth was approved of by older participants of the gathering11. A unique thing in the work of Siedlce periodicals at that time was taking advantage of reports of a special correspondent. Such form was used by the editorial staff of ZS, who in order to give account of incorporating Zaolzie Silesia to Poland sent Michał Godlewski to Cieszyn. He sent two accounts from his stay there, which were published in the newspaper. In the former one, he included a description of the town on the last day of September 1938. He stated that on both sides of the Olza river there 9 WDP 1938, 10-11. ZS 1938, 27: 2. 11 ŻP 1938, 29: 2. 10 Page | 130 was the atmosphere of expectation. The border pass, lively up to that time, almost came to a standstill12. In November 1938, ZS published another, this time more detailed, account of its correspondent from Cieszyn. He passed on information on abolishing the border on the Olza and the first days of the Polish presence in the ‘united’ Cieszyn. The message pertained, among others, to the attitude of the local people to the undergoing changes – the Poles’ enthusiasm and the Czechs’ depression. The accounts emanated with peace and satisfaction of the latter. The correspondent presented an idyllic image of people sitting in cafés. A dominant group among them were people in uniforms. The author of these accounts noticed the activities Upper Silesia insurgents present there, who as the first ones changed the name of one of the streets. He underlined that they were looking for name plates Czech Cieszyn and wiping out or scraping away the old affiliation of Zaolzie Cieszyn13. From the accounts presented we learn about the attitude of majority towards the Czechs remaining in the town. A special correspondent stated that a few Czech soldiers and officers with machine guns and side arms were seen. In his opinion, they walk peacefully and nobody pays attention to them. Most inhabitants treat the Czechs very tactfully, and only in the café ‘Polonia’, Czech member of Parliament Jung – who, as the author of the account emphasized – was known from his public appearances against Poles, was slapped in the face14. A similar form of communication in informing readers on the Czechoslovakian matters was used by the editorial staff of GP. In Issue 22 of 29th May 1938 A Letter from Czechoslovakia dated 5th April was published15, i.e. very late, when we compare it with the publication date. Nevertheless, this form of communication adds credibility among recipients, since it draws from the source. A novel and attractive form of communicating content related to disputed territories of Zaolzie Silesia, Spiš, Orava and Čadca was utilised by the editorial staff of GP who posted photos with short comments in its newspaper. The photos usually were not part of articles, but contained a separate, brief note. However, they could build the image of relations existing there and the readers’ attitude to Czechoslovakia and the Czechs. And for instance, in Issue 40 of 2nd October 1938 two photographs were placed in which there were civilians surrounded by members of uniformed forces, as we can guess – Czech forces. Under the photos there was a comment which says that the conflict of Sudety Germans with the Czechoslovakian government is increasing, and their demonstration met with the authorities’ severe repressions. Due to that, most of them left the country, looking for help in Germany16. 12 ZS 1938, 26: 4. ZS 1938, 28: 9-10. 14 ZS 1938, 28: 10. 15 GP 1938, 22: 269-270. 16 GP 1938, 40: 494. 13 Page | 131 Further photographs related to Zaolzie pertain already to the Polish presence there. And in Issue 41 of 9th October 1938 there was a photograph of the bridge over the Olza connecting Polish and Czech Cieszyn, for the current readers the symbol of conflict. The photo was accompanied by a caption stating that the bridge dividing the town in recent times became deserted due to the halt of cross-border traffic17. In the same issue of GP, another photo illustrated the information on taking the territory of Zaolzie Silesia by the Polish army. From a short press note it stemmed that the Polish side took control over two districts and there were talks being held with the Czechs. The photo placed there had a comment saying that representatives of the Polish Army were discussing the conditions of leaving Zaolzie Cieszyn by the Czech army18. In subsequent issues of GP, photos were published showing the crossing of the border bridge on the Olza19, or welcoming soldiers by Silesian childrens20. Photo captions showing residents of Zaolzie, were presented generally in an emotional tone. It was the case with a photo showing a Polish woman welcoming General Bortnowski a commander of Polish soldiers taking over control of the disputed territory. A caption under the photo was as follows: “Such enthusiasm with which the Poles behind the Olza are welcoming the Polish army cannot be created ad hoc. It could only be invoked by a great longing for Motherland and pride when looking at its might. Here a Silesian woman, a mother of sons being brought up in the Polish culture and language, without hiding tears, with a son-like hug is being welcomed by General Bortnowski”21. In GP we find two photographs, one next to the other, showing the so-called ‘growing together’ of Zaolzie Silesia with Poland. In the photo placed above, President Ignacy Mościcki is presented, coming in an open car to the parade organised in Cieszyn to mark the celebrations of the 20th anniversary of regaining independence by Poland22. The second photo illustrates residents of Zaolzie in traditional folk clothes participating in a parade in Warsaw in which General Commander Marshal Edward Rydz-Śmigły took part23. The image of the Czechoslovakian state and the assessment of its leaders The Siedlce press presented the image of the Czechoslovakian state and its leaders mostly in a negative light. Particular attention was drawn to the fact that the rights of Polish population were not observed. Already, in one of the first press 17 GP 1938, 41: 506. GP 1938, 41: 511. 19 GP 1938, 42: 517. 20 GP 1938, 43: 525. 21 GP 1938, 43: 525. 22 GP 1938, 47: 572. 23 GP 1938, 48: 594. 18 Page | 132 news noted by me, and published in GP, it was indicated that Polish people were making demands in the area of culture, education and economy towards the government in Prague. The editorial team highlights that fellow countrymen in Czechoslovakia demand that their rights be observed, but despite assurances made by the authorities of the state, repressions towards the Polish population are going on24. From the very start, the Siedlce newspapers also stressed a difficult position of the Czechoslovakian state due to its ethnic variety. Most of all, the presence of the German minority, made up of about 3 million people, as well as numerous Slovaks, Hungarians, Poles and Ruthenians. This fact was pointed out by the editorial team of GP already at the beginning of April 1938. They also mentioned about the demands of the German requesting autonomy. The reader could also learn about potential making similar requests by other national groups specified above. The editors of the newspaper accurately assessed the situation of the Czechoslovakian state pinpointing that if its authorities did not fulfil Germans’ expectations, it would have the same consequences as in Austria, annexed by The Third Reich25. Among its readers, the Siedlce newspapers built a negative image of Czechoslovakian authorities, which violated the rights of national minorities; especially limitations imposed on Poles were pinpointed. Therefore, it is no surprise that when The Third Reich raised the issue of Sudety Germans, GP published on its pages detailed information on the actions of its fellow countrymen. It indicated that the Poles experiencing discrimination in Czechoslovakia, having first established an association, submitted a memorial to the government, in which they demanded autonomy, restoration of their rights which they had held until 192026. A week later, GP published a small note with the situation of fellow countrymen in Czechoslovakia. It stated that the Poles are persecuted there, similar to the Slovaks. Oppression by the Czechs towards minorities persists. Only Germans – as it is stated in newspapers – gained substantial freedoms, along with the possibility to post flags with the swastika on their houses27. In the same issue, the editorial team of GP in the section From the Country and the World28 referred to the current situation of the Czechoslovakian state, which in their estimation, was doomed to destruction on the hands of neighbouring Germany. It indicated that in such a tense situation in the region, Poland’s military strengthening shall be taken into account. It also raised the issue of relations with Czechoslovakia. The editors indicated treacherous, in their estimation, actions of the authorities of the neighbouring state. It reminded the readers that Czechoslovakia ultimately took hold of the western part of Cieszyn Silesia and a few communes of Spiš and Orava 24 GP 1938, 11: 128. GP 1938, 14: 163. 26 GP 1938, 15: 177. 27 GP 1938, 16: 189. 28 GP 1938, 16: 191-192. 25 Page | 133 in 1920 during the Bolsheviks’ invasion. It underlined that in the light of the provisions of the peace conference and due to the national composition of the inhabitants, Poland had the right to those lands. GP editors, subsequently in the article, stressed out that Poles inhabiting the Czech state were persecuted and subjected to uprooted in respect of their national identity. The attitude of the authorities in Prague did not change even at the moment when Sudety Germans voiced their claims against them. A positive aspect, in the editors’ opinion, was the uniting of all Polish organisations in Czechoslovakia, apart from socialists, in the fight to ensure themselves national rights. GP provided accounts not only the development of the situation in Czechoslovakia, but also, and probably most of all, the issue of bilateral PolishCzech relations. The readers could learn about the contacts at the governmental level. It was indicated that a conflict with the German caused that the Czechoslovakian authorities were inclined to keep closer contacts with the Polish ones. The evidence of the above – as estimated by the editors – was the presence of Czech economic circles in Poland, probing the possibility of exporting goods through the harbour in Gdynia, as well as the arrival to Warsaw of an envoy delegated by the government in Prague29. The image of the Czechoslovakian state in the Siedlce press not always was expressly negative. We can notice attempts at understanding the motives of the Czechs’ actions towards the German minority. We come across an interesting message from the previously mentioned A Letter from Czechoslovakia. Its author recalled the statement he heard from a Prague inhabitant that “whenever the power of Germany rises, the security of independent existence of Czech is decreased”30. He underlined that the current situation in Czechoslovakia in the face of an open conflict with the German, despite the society’s mobilisation, is hopeless. Further, the author developed the issue of the Czech-German conflict. He presented the Czechs’ historical reasons, indicating that Germans in the territory of their state are a colonising factor, and a non-native force. And since they found themselves in it, they should adjust to its legal regime. The author of the article did not question these reasons. He then presented the position of the other party, i.e. the German who raised a charge against the Prague authorities concerning too limited a number of schools, lack of access to official positions or leaving out local entrepreneurs from the areas with mixed nationalities in the process of awarding public contracts in favour of Czechs from the central provinces of the state. Referring to the last charge, the author of the correspondence recognised the justifiability of the authorities’ decision in selecting trusted companies, since these investments related to defensive structures, and then the governmental circles could not allow themselves to let in groups which were not uncertain in terms of their national identity on these issues. 29 30 GP 1938, 20: 239. GP 1938, 22: 269. Page | 134 To find balance in presenting internal matters of Czechoslovakia, the author of the publication in question, quoted an opinion of a German, a member of parliament, however, he did not give his name. The speaker when asked by a GP correspondent about the possibility of separating part of the lands from Czechoslovakia and their incorporation into The Third Reich, and potential benefits for the region of Sudety, stated that such possibility was not taken into account. He pinpointed that local entrepreneurs would lose on such incorporation, since they would not be able to compete with better developed factories from The Reich. He also touched upon the issue of treating Germans by the Czechoslovakian state. He said that it was not the worst thing. Whereas, he boiled down the German-Czech relations to prestigious and historical ones. Since he underlined that the German had rules the country for centuries. Upon creating of Czechoslovakia, they lost their privileged position. It will not be solved by granting autonomy to Sudety Germans since they will not be satisfied to be masters of only one province, whereas in the past they were masters of the whole country. The readers of GP received then an express message that the Czechoslovakian state is doomed to destruction since the German are treating this issue in terms of prestige as an issue of ‘Germanic superiority’. This message was able to create positive feelings of the readers towards the Czechs resulting from their belonging to Slavs. Further, the author of the news tried to analyse the defensive potential of the Czechoslovakian state and the attitude of its authorities towards Poland. When referring to the first issue, he pointed out that the Czechs did not show chivalry in the past, but currently they are declaring their reading to defend. He underlined their persistence and effectiveness in holding back the Germanic oppresion. They are however – as a correspondent of GP assessed – aware that they are not able to oppose the German collosus. Although they have a well-developed armaments industry and an extensive network of fortifications, they have a fatal geographical location. At that difficult moment for the authorities in Prague, the author of the news noticed a change of their attitude towards Poland. In his view, it is one of the means of looking for help for Czechoslovakia. He then underlined that the government in Prague “now the only point is that to find support, find something, which in the case of an outbreak, will allow us to stop them for the first three, four weeks until Europa wakes up from its slumber! Maybe at last the sound of cannons will make it. This is the last hope on which Prague counts”31. In the next weeks the tone od reports and assessments of the Czechoslovakian state presented in GP became expressly more aggressive. A territorial shape of the country was pinpointed, a charge that the Czechs oppressed national minorities many times or hostility towards Poland and the Poles. And then in Issue 39 of 1938 in the column From the Country and the World information was published on internal 31 GP 1938, 22: 270. Page | 135 problems of Czechoslovakia resulting from the country’s territorial shape and an ethnic variety of its citizens. The title of the article itself, Czechoslovakia in Flames, suggested to the readers the scale of threats to the safety of the state. The author of the text compared its area to a fish, where its head covers native Czech, they narrowing down to the east. In the second part mostly other nations reside. The Czechs, in the article author’s opinion, forming around the half of its citizens “suppress other nations and not long ago did not want to even listen to the suggestions that these nations [Germans, Poles, Slovaks, Ruthenins, Hungarians] be given rights, although had obliged themselves while creating their own state”32. In the statement on nonobservance of obligations there is a clear suggestion to the Pittsburg agreement signed on 31st May 1918, in which Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk undertook to ensure autonomy to Slovaks in the common Czechoslovakian state. In the further part of the discussed article the author pinpointed the surrounding of the native part of the Czechoslovakian state by Germany when Austria had been annexed by them. He also mentioned the increased activities of Sudety Germans. He predicted that they would take an armed action in the future33. In a more acerbic form the attitude to the Czechoslovakian state was expressed in another text published in the same issue of GP. The title An Artificial Patchwork itself was meaningful. The Czechoslovakian state was named with this expression referring to Hitler’s speeches and Mussolini’s public appearances. The form of expression indicates that the author of the text accepted the position of the leaders mentioned above, expressed in the statement: “Czechoslovakia forms an artificial patchwork of nations which do not have and do not want to have anything to do with the Czechs. Seven hundred thousand Hungarians, half a million Ruthenians, more than one hundred thousand Poles and three million Germans are living on the lands of their ancestors, where there is no native Czech population, since the Czechoslovakian state is represented there by an official, a teacher and a policeman. The Czechs, until not long ago sure of the support of France and England, warm friends and followers of Bolshevik Russia, as it was the case with Tsar Russia, did not respect their own minorities”34. The author of the article described the present situation of the Czechoslovakian state as hopeless. To defend the Czechs against the oppression of Germany, neither England nor France or the United States will stand, since they will not risk the outbreak of a world conflict. In this situation the Czechoslovakian authorities pressed by Germany will agree to a plebiscite as a result of which Sudety will be incorporated into the Reich. Since there will be concession to one of the minorities, further ones will follow and will demand incorporation to their national states. 32 GP 1938, 39: 478. GP 1938, 39: 478. 34 GP 1938, 39: 478. 33 Page | 136 Czechoslovakia carved out in this manner will remain a creation gathering only the Czechs, insufficient in terms of economy. It will fall – as the author of the text envisaged – into complete dependence from Germany. He described this scenario for the coming months. He was not mistaken much, especially when it comes to the issue of dependence on Germany. In a further text from the same issue of GP, entitled What is Poland’s interest?, reflections on the safety of Poland in respect of Czechoslovakian matters were published. The author perceived the threat resulting from the fact of Germans’ strengthening their position on the territory of the southern neighbour and predicted carving out of its territory. He underlined that the Poles could not contribute to a complete victory of Germany since each strengthening of the former makes Poland weaker. However, in this tragic situation, we cannot leave the minority oppressed by the Czech authorities in Zaolzie Silesia to their own devices. The Czechs close Polish schools, Poles are fired from work, their means of living are taking away. The author of the article returned to the often brought charge by the Polish side on treacherous taking over of Zaolzie by the Czechs in the difficult period of 1919-1920 for Poland and the oppression of the Polish population residing there35. In the Siedlce press we find critical assessments of the activities of Czechoslovakian politicians. An example is a text published in ZS. In the article we find a negative opinion referring to actions of President Edvarda Beneš. The author of the article with a significant title Learning History, devoted to discussing the current situation in Poland and neighbouring states, focused the attention on the political activities of the above mentioned leader starting from the world war and ending at modern times. He pinpointed, most of all, to dexterity of this politician and his ability to play around, which could be seen in obtaining by his of an expert status in the Central Europe’s matters. In these matters he became, in some ways, a person of trust in England and France. Without giving any specific charges, the editor of the Siedlce newspaper pointed out that Beneš: “he forgot about one thing that one of the basis of the operation of states shall be justice (iustitia fundamentum regnorum – justice is the basis of ruling), is one of the greatest moral values. He forgot about this morality completely and what is more – he ignored it outrageously very often. And it backfired. After honours and distinctions (presidency of the Republic!) – nowadays cursed by his own country fellows and foreign people, had to hide somewhere in the countryside. Condemned by history, spatted on and ignored even by his past followers”36. It was an allusive comment to Beneš’s situation after the Munich conference. A negative image of the Czechoslovakian state and its leaders was strengthened in the Siedlce newspapers still after the annexation of the Czech by 35 36 GP 1938, 39: 478. ZS 1938, 28: 3. Page | 137 Germany and establishing the Slovakian state dependant on the Germans. An example is the contents of a review of Stanisław Kolbuszewski’s book (Poland vs. Czech, Poznań 1939), and published in WDP. On the occasion of the description of the above publication, its author expressed his regret about the dismantling of the neighbouring state by Germany. He underlined that Hitler’s actions shook the international opinion. Moreover, as he noted “the fact of annexing Czechs and Moravia and a gradual incorporation of Slovakia goes down into history”37. However, the author’s positive attitude to the Czechs boils down to the above mentioned statements only. In the further part of the book review, he underlined that it was necessary to look at reasons that caused “the nation armed to the teeth, called an arsenal of Europe, without a single shot gives its greatest good – freedom to its longstanding enemy”38. This opinion does not find confirmation in the latest research of Polish historians which show that the Czechoslovakian army was not in a better condition than the Polish army in 1939, and could not provide an affective defence against the German39. In further part of the review, its author referring to the content of the publication discussed, portraying one thousand years of the neighbourhood of Poland and Czechs, emphasised the events which presented the Czech state in a negative light. And for the world war period he stated that it gained its independent existence, not as a result of decisions in battlefields, but in the comfort of diplomatic offices. He quoted the then common opinions in Poland about a traitorous behaviour of the Czechs during the Bolsheviks’ offensive on Warsaw, expressed by a perfidious seizure of part of Cieszyn Silesia during the time when Poles where figthing fiercely against the aggressor from the east. Through the whole 20-year long period until the war was over, the Czechoslovakian authorities acted to the detriment of Poland. Closing the period of existance of Czechoslovakia, he stressed out that the Czechs could not free themselves from foreign influences, most of all German ones. And that was, in his opinion, worse than the loss of independence itself. In a summary the author stated that the Czechs must in the present situation “fight and work tirelessly. They shall understand at last that getting out of the influences of and dependence on Germans may achieve based on Poland; it is Poland’s interest to defend the last fortress of Slavonic moved the furthest to the west, it is the Czechs’ interest not to yield to this pressure, but to persist and strengthen spirit”40. A memoir on priest Andrej Hlinka, an oustanding Slovak politician, who died in August 1938, diverges from the negative image of the Czechoslovakian leaders. The information on his death was published by GP in Issue 35 of 28th August 1938. 37 WDP 1939, 7-8: 336. WDP 1939, 7-8: 336. 39 MAJEWSKI 2004: 259-260. 40 WDP 1939, 7-8: 339-340. 38 Page | 138 In a short press note, it was underlined that in the funeral of this outstanding leader of Slovakia (the editors’ opinion), representatives of Polish authorities participated41. In the same issue of the periodical, an extensive article devoted to priest A. Hlinka entitled Death of the Slovak spiritual leader was published. A biography of the priest and politician was briefly described therein. It was indicated that he devoted his life to serve the nation that he loved. For his attachment to the Slovaks and his service for them, he suffered a lot on the hands of Hungarians and Czechs. He was held in prison by the former, whereas by the latter he was accused of state treason. In the newspaper editors’ opinion, repressions that fell on Hlinka from the Czechs resulted from the fact that he demanded that the above mentioned Pittsburg agreement be adhered to. It was also highlighted that the deceased had special ties with Poland and Poles. In Poland he had – in the newspaper’s opinion – many friends. He last visited Poland a year before his death. He was also a chevalier of the Order of Polonia Restituta42. The appearance of a positive opinion on priest Hlinka stemmed, on the one hand, from acclaim he enjoyed in church circles, and the other hand that during that time the Polish authorities with attention and positive feelings treated the activities of Slovak Folk Party, whose leader was the already mentioned priest43. On the reactions of the local society The Siedlce press during the Polish-Czechoslovakian conflict in the years 1938-1939 served a double role. In the first place, it informed about the society’s feelings, the attitude of the town and region inhabitants to the issue of incorporating the disputed lands into Poland. Moreover, in the Siedlce newspapers some incentives appeared to express solidarity with fellow countrymen from Cieszyn Silesia, Spiš and Orava by participating in manifestations and organisation of material help and military help. Besides war rhetoric dominated, pinpointing the need to preserve unity, bringing help to fellow countrymen, maintaining combat readiness in case of an external aggression. Based on the press accounts, we can learn about the organisation in Siedlce of a demonstration of support to the Poles in the territories of Cieszyn Silesia. And then in GP in Issue 40 of 2nd October 1938 informed about two meetings of the town inhabitants. They took place on 20th and 21st September under a common slogan ‘Zaolzie Silesia must belong to Poland’. When it comes to the first demonstration, the information about that is not precise and we do not know exactly where the demonstration took place. There a statement that “the whole Polish residents 41 GP 1938, 35: 425. GP 1938, 35: 424-425. 43 KAMIŃSKI 2014: 323-233. 42 Page | 139 of Siedlce” appeared in it. We only know that it took place on 20th September. From the press account it results that the manifestation “gathered all organisations, associations and craftsmen, the town inhabistants took place in it in large numbers”. The people present at the demonstration were addressed by professor of gimnazjum Ignacy Wojewódzki, who repeated the then common opinion among the Poles on ‘traitorous’ attitude of the Czechs towards Poland at the time of a threat from the Bolsheviks in 1920. From the accounts of GP it results that participants of the demonstration adopted a resolution unanimously “demanding the incorporation of fellow countrymen behind the Olza into Poland”44. A day later a support campaign for fellow countrymen from Zaolzie was organised in Siedlce by members of the local structures of Obóz Zjednoczenia Narodowego. First they met at a gathering in front of the Monument of Independence. The further part of the gathering, constituted an extraordinary meeting of members of Oddział Pocztowy Przysposobienia Wojskowego. It was presided over by the Chairman of the organisation Władysław Zembrzuski. The meeting took place under the slogan ‘For Brothers Behind Olza’45. From the Siedlce press accounts we learn about the tokens of support to the Polish authorities in their activities aiming at obtaining Spiš, Orava and Čadca district. And then ŻP published an extensive account from the demonstration that took place at a municipal sports stadium on 23rd October 1938. The organiser of the meeting was the Presidium and the Board of the District of the Camp of National Unity in Siedlce. The demonstration was held under the slogan: “incorporating Spiš, Orava and Čadca into Motherland and obtaining a common border with Hungary”. The demonstrated was attended “thousand-strong crowds”, who with their attitude wanted to express their “love and attachment to brothers, who until this very day lived under the Czech yoke”46. The participants adopted a resolution in which they appealed “the Government of the Republic of Poland to use all possible means for Orava, Spiš and Čadca – for our lands under the historical and ethnographic law to return to Motherland and to restore our common, through many centuries, border with traditionally friendly to us Hungarians”47. Upon adoption of the resolution, the people gathered went to the district office to submit it to the district head as a representative of national authorities. The Siedlce District Head Stanisław Guliński by adopting the document underlined that “the will of the gathered people goes along the lines of the Government who will make all efforts so that our long-standing rights to Spiš, Orava and Čadca, as well as the will of the Republic of Poland to obtain a common border with Hungary to be honoured”48. 44 GP 1938, 40: 493. GP 1938, 40: 493. 46 ŻP 1938, 34: 3. 47 ŻP 1938, 34: 3. 48 ŻP 1938, 34: 3. 45 Page | 140 In respect of the support campaign for incorporating Spiš, Orava and Čadca into Poland, in the Siedlce press there was an open discussion and presentation of differing views in this issue. It was initiated by professor of gimnazjum Józef Mikulski, who during the demonstration on 23rd October 1938, presented statistical summaries and historical justification for the Polish claims towards Spiš, Orava and Čadca. The contents of the report were commented in ZS doctor Stanisław Wąsowski, a wellknown Siedlce social acivist, connected with sanation left-wing. In his statement we find an appeal to be moderate in the relations with Czechoslovakia. It pertained especially to territorial claims supported with statistical data. With reference to J. Mikulski’s public appearance: he stated that “knows him to be a man of Benedictine work, precise and careful researcher and writer”. Wąsowski made a question mark over the statement that Mikulski acted on orders. In further part of the text he developed the idea by suggesting that the decisions are made in the ruling circles at the central level. It has significance to local communities, since it teaches them not to think about general matters, as well as improves various campaigns for which a public or local government official is responsible in the field, implementing guidelines ‘from above’49. In the description then S. Wąsowski included a critical review of the functioning of a centralised state, as well as the actions of Obóz Zjednoczenia Narodowego, being behind the organisation of a manifestation of support for Polish territorial claims towards Czechoslovakia. It is no surprise that the above mentioned J. Mikulski in ZS reacted to the charges brought forward. He presented a review of publications of Polish and foreign authors justifying on their basis pretentions to Spiš, Orava and Čadca. He charged S. Wąsowski of “marginalising in essays” of the Polish rationale. He indicated potential harm to the society caused by this approach. He then underlined that “a reader who is almost not critical may get a false impression that somewhere far away, over the mountains, Poland is reaching out its mean hands for something we are not entitled to, and it unnecessarily starts reclaiming activities”. And then, summarising these issues he stated that the demands, as he justified it, do not mean reaching for someone else’s property, but demand one’s own property. By addressing the emotional sphere, he asked rhetorically: “Are we to say to our fellow countrymen behind the cordon waiting for our help, just to have piece of mind: we do not know you and do not want to know you?” However, he answered straightforwardly and positively: “No! We must help them according to our skills and capacity. But most of all we must gather information about them, and then inform our public about them”50. 49 50 ZS 1938, 29: 7. ZS 1938, 31: 6. Page | 141 Both parties’ argumentation in the dispute over Polish claims to Spiš, Orava and Čadca reflected the discussions being held at that time in the ruling camp in Poland. These issues were undertaken by S. Pilarski in his publication51. The Siedlce press reports also raised the issue of the significance of the incorporated lands to Poland, and over which – as he underlined – there had been a conflict with the southern neighbour since the end of the world war. And then the editorial team of ZS on the title page of the issue of 10th October 1938, that is in the first issue, which was published after taking over Zaolzie, posted an editorial comment, in which they expressed satisfaction from the fact of incorporating the said territory into Poland. In the text it was underlined straightforwardly that “you cannot call yourself a Pole, you do not feel in Polish terms and you do not have a Polish heart and blood in your veins if you do not feel joy from the fact that the old-time part of Poland is being joined with Motherland”52. The issue of Zaolzie led the author to reflect on the need to stand up for the old Polish lands being under the foreign rule, most of all, the German rule. The author of the said comment emphasized the need to return into the Poland’s boundaries, among others, Opole Silesia, Wrocław or Mazury. All these lands “moan under the German yoke”. He also expressed a conviction that at the moment of joining of these lands with Poland “the German element shall pass, brutal Germanic culture shall pass – shall feel Poles again”53. The issue of potential reclaiming other Polish lands in respect of the seizure of Zaolzie was also referred to by GP. By noting down a positive territorial gain from the Polish perspective in the form of Zaolzie Silesia it was underlined that the Poles constitute in their own country 69.1% of the residents. Outside the country – as it was estimated – eight and a half million fellow countrymen reside. It became the basis for undertaking criticism in the said text of the Versailles Treaty. It was stated straight that as a result of post-war regulations a large part of Pomerania, Greater Poland and also a few historically Polish lands remained within the boundaries of Germany. In conclusion: “all these losses and carvings we owe to England and America, which such boundaries established and from the beginning did not want to let Poland become powerful”54. In the Siedlce press, the attention was directed on the meaning of the incorporated lands of Zaolzie for the Polish economy. Deliberations of this kind were undertaken by the author of the text published in GP, and entitled Economic Significance of Zaolzie55. In the introduction, he stated that incorporation of the new territory will be positive to the economy of the state. But most of all he indicated 51 PILARSKI 2008: 153-155. ZS 1938, 25: 1. 53 ZS 1938, 25: 1 54 GP 1938, 43: 526. 55 GP 1938, 43: 525. 52 Page | 142 mining and melting industries. He mentioned that in Zaolzie there are beds of the highest quality coking coal, as well as metallurgical plants operating in an exemplary manner. He expressed his conviction that the lands being incorporated would have a stimulating influence on other regions in Poland, among others on the Central Industrial District, and also counted on an increased transfer of goods through the harbours in Gdynia and Gdańsk. In the case of the former one, this optimism is not understandable, since this city remained outside the current Poland and was dominated by the Germanic element. From the discussed text, the reader was able to learn that development of the new territorial gain is connected with the possibility to take over plants and houses after leaving Czechs. The author also indicated that the level of economic development of the area taken over from the Czechoslovakian state, which in the author’s opinion placed itself higher than Poland in terms of economy. He described it using a conversion ratio of trade in goods in both countries when converted into one inhabitant: in Czechoslovakia 277.00 zloty, and in Poland only 71.00 zloty. In the Siedlce press, initiatives undertaken in other regions of Poland were reflected, and aiming at preparing military forces to potential fight for the lands of Zaolzie, Spiš and Orava. And then e.g. ZS informed its readers about establishing of the Zaolzie Corps. The organisational meeting of this formation took place in Siedlce on 24th September 1938 in the premises of The Fedearation of the Polish Associations of Motherland Defenders. At that time, an office and a recruitment commission were established. As it can be seen from earlier accounts of ZS until 29th September, i.e. within five days to the Voluntary Corps 494 people, including 24 officers, 67 deputy officers, 7 women and four Jews enrolled. However, it was pinpointed that the last mentioned ones, even participants of the Polish-Bolshevik War were not accepted56. Also in the same issue of the newspaper we find information about further forming of the Zaolzie Corps. It shows that the battalion headquarters was created. Its briefing took place on 27th September. On summons of the headquarters, volunteers from Siedlce and neighbourhoods appeared on the garrison pitch at 7.30 pm. From there, in a military array with signing Patriotic songs and cries of support for ‘Zaolzie Brothers’ the procession set out to the Monument of Independence. As press reports show: “public gathered in large numbers witnessed a serious manifestation for Zaolzie. After the demonstration, the Batallion Headquarters informed the volunteers about the need to be on alert”57. After initial swagger-like announcements, the issue of the Zaolzie Corps failed. The issue of organising material help for fellow countrymen residing in the discussed lands took a real shape. ZS published brief information about the sum of 3,192.01 zloty raised in Siedlce for fellow countrymen from Zaolzie. The amount was sent to the bank 56 57 ZS 1938, 24: 4. ZS 1938, 24: 4. Page | 143 account of Polska Kasa Oszczędności in Warsaw for Towarzystwo Pomocy Polonii Zagranicznej Ekspozytura Komitetu Walki o Śląsk za Olzą58. The same information was published by GP59. The information showed that the campaign had the Polishwide reach. We receive more precise data on the fund-rising for Poles from Zaolzie owing to notes in ŻP, where the list of donors and amounts they donated was published60. The message was structured in such a manner so that the reader gets the impression of mass participation in the campaign of employees of institutions working in town. The issue of organisation of the Zaolzie Corps in Siedlce and fund-rising for Poles in Zaolzie, Spiš and Orava was presented by A. Winter in his publication61. Conclusion The issue of incorporating the territories of Zaolzie, Orava and Čadca which are subject of a dispute of Poland with Czechoslovakia was reflected in the press published in provincial Siedlce. The reader of periodicals published in the district town, located in the centre of the country, was informed on the situation in the states subject to conflict, national minorities with special focus on the Polish community on a current basis. The message of the editorial teams of Siedlce periodicals was generally simple, and at the same time explicit. They did not have any doubts as to the rightness of Polish claims to the disputed lands. An exceptional was voice of S. Wąsowski in a discussion over the affiliation of Spiš, Orava and Čadca. In most of the texts, however, there were such doubts as the above author raised. In the periodicals subject to analysis, the takeover by Poland of disputed territories of Zaolzie and parts of Spiš, Orava and Čadca was presented a sign of historical justice. The need of uniting all Polish people to bring help to fellow countrymen from the incorporated lands was indicated. It became an opportunity for mobilising pro-government organisations which was expressed by gatherings and manifestations, as well as a fund-rising event for fellow countrymen in need. The press had a significant contribution in activating the local society to campaign for annexing the disputed territories through ongoing press coverage, but sometimes also an emotional tone of reports and appeals. Editorial teams contributed to awakening patriotic attitudes as well as nationalistic ones expressed in the society’s mobilisation. The expression of the latter ones was the manner of portraying the Czechoslovakian state blamed for the conflict with Poland. An extreme example of aversion to the southern neighbour was calling it ‘an artificial creation’. 58 ZS 1938, 29: 3. GP 1938, 48: 594. 60 ŻP 1938, 37: 3. 61 WINTER 2015: 40-41. 59 Page | 144 It is also worth mentioning that the Siedlce press did not notice independence aspirations of the Slovaks. A special article devoted to outstanding politician and priest Andrej Hlinka was exceptional in this area. When presenting the Czechoslovakian state, it was who the Czechs were recognised as its main host. Bibliography Sources Wiadomości Diecezjalne Podlaskie /Podlasie Diocese News Ziemia Siedlecka /Siedlce Land Życie Podlasia /The Life of Podlasie Głos Podlaski /The Voice of Podlasie Literature JARNECKI M. (2009), Irredenta ukraińska w relacjach polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918-1939, Kalisz-Poznań. JONCA K. (2005), Dekrety prezydenta Edvarda Beneša. Niemcy w czechosłowackiej doktrynie politycznej i prawnej z lat 1920-1945, Wrocław. KAMIŃSKI K. (2014), Szkice z dziejów Polski i Czechosłowacji w latach trzydziestych XX wieku, Warszawa. LESIEWICZ E. (2000), Wielkopolska wobec stosunków polsko-czechosłowackich w latach 1918-1939, Poznań. MAJEWSKI P. (2004), Nierozegrana kampania. Możliwości obronne Czechosłowacji jesienią 1938 roku, Warszawa. PILARSKI S. (2008), Polskie ugrupowania polityczne wobec Czechosłowacji 1938-1939 , Warszawa. SYSIK T. (2015), ‘Sprawa przyłączenia Zaolzia, Spiszu i Orawy do Polski jesienią 1938 r. na łamach ›Głosu Podlaskiego‹”, in Prasa podlaska w XIX-XXI wieku. Szkice i materiały. T. 4, ed. J. CABAJ, Siedlce, 145-158. WINTER A. (2015), Siedlce 1918-1939, Siedlce. Page | 145 Page | 146 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Mikhail STEPANOV (Katanov Khakass State University, Russia) Принудительная миграция трудовых ресурсов (на примере депортации немцев в Хакасию) Forced migration of labor resources (on the example of deportationof Germans to Khakassia) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.09 Abstract: In the article on the basis of archival materials (The state archive of the Russian Federation, The state archive of the Krasnoyarsk territory, The national archive of the Republic of Khakassia) considers the process of forced labor migration as a result of deportation of Russian Germans during the war. Analysis of archival information led to the conclusion that the labor resources of the germans were used in agriculture, logging and industrial enterprises. Key words: deportation, labor, Russian Germans, Khakassia, repression, stalinism Первые основы для проведения массовых депортаций советских граждан разной национальной принадлежности были заложены уже в Указе Президиума Верховного Совета СССР «О военном положении», выпущенном 22 июня 1941 г., где военным властям на прифронтовых территориях, объявленных на военном положении, предоставлялось право выселять в административном порядке всех лиц, признанных социально опасными. Непосредственным началом депортации поволжских немцев послужил Указ Президиума Верховного Совета СССР от 28 августа 1941 г. «О переселении немцев, проживающих в районах Поволжья»1. Также 28 августа 1941 г. в составе центрального аппарата НКВД был образован Отдел спецпоселений, создававшийся исключительно для приема и размещения перемещенных немцев2. Депортируемые немцы, проживающие до депортации большей частью в компактных поселениях, были расселены на обширных просторах Сибири. Основным местом принудительного расселения  ORCID iD 0000-0002-6710-482X. StepanowM@yandex.ru; Исследование выполнено при финансовой поддержке РФФИ Республики Хакасия в рамках научного проекта №18-49190002р_а. 1 2 Сборник законодательных и нормативных актов 1999: 167-168. Лубянка 1997: 31. Page | 147 этнических депортантов стали в первую очередь регионы Западной Сибири. Это Новосибирская, Омская, Томская и Кемеровская (после выделения последних из состава Новосибирской области в 1943 и 1944 гг. соответственно) области, Алтайский и Красноярский края. Первым народом, который в период войны был депортирован в Хакасскую автономную область и Красноярский край, стали российские немцы, проживающие в районах Поволжья. Всего было выселено 438,7 тыс. немцев, в том числе из АССР Немцев Поволжья – 365,8, из Саратовской области – 46,7 тыс. и из Сталинградской области – 26,2 тыс. человек3. В Красноярский край по состоянию на 5 ноября 1941 г. прибыло 77259 немцев из районов Поволжья. Из числа так называемого «спецконтингента», который был депортирован осенью 1941 г. в Красноярском крае формировалась группа, немцев перебрасываемая в Хакасию. Вопросом приема и размещения депортируемого контингента в Хакасии занималась созданная 8 сентября 1941 г. областная «тройка» из числа представителей Хакасского обкома ВКП(б), областного управления НКВД и исполкома облсовета. Областная «тройка» планировала принять на расселение в Хакасии 10,5 тыс. советских граждан немецкой национальности. Для обустройства на новом месте предусматривалось: 1) утвердить план распределения средств по районам Хакасской автономной области на расходы по переселению (питание и перевозки переселенцев на места вселения); 2) предложить сельхозбанку обеспечить своевременную выдачу кредитов семьям переселенцев. Установить, что семьям переселенцев из Поволжья, которым не предоставлены в местах вселения дома, выдается на постройку домов, а в необходимых случаях и на ремонт домов, кредит по линии сельхозбанка в размере до 2000 рублей сроком на 5 лет из 3% годовых, с погашением полученного кредита со второго года после получения»4. По данным Государственного архива РФ в Хакасию было депортировано 15136 немцев из районов Поволжья5. Прибывшие в область спецпереселенцы сразу же брались на учет Хакасским областным управлением НКВД СССР. Государством был четко определен статус депортированных немцев: «…Имеющиеся у ссыльнопоселенцев на руках паспорта, подлежат уничтожению органами НКВД и замене их соответствующими удостоверениями, установленными для этой категории лиц (ссыльных). Ссыльнопоселенцы обязаны являться на регистрацию в органы НКВД в установленное время. Самовольный выезд из места поселения рассматривается как побег из ссылки. За совершенные преступления История сталинского Гулага 2004: 326. ГАКК. Ф. 26. Оп.3. Д. 116. ЛЛ. 85-86. 5 ГАРФ. Ф.Р-9479. Оп. 1. Д. 83. ЛЛ. 90, 94, 106, 156, 161, 165. 3 4 Page | 148 ссыльнопоселенцы привлекаются к уголовной ответственности в общем порядке. Ссыльнопоселенцы имеют право: а) работать на государственных, кооперативных и других предприятиях и в учреждениях, быть членами сельскохозяйственных, кустарно-промысловых и рыболовецких артелей, с распространением на них общего трудового законодательства; б) вступать в брак, как между собой, так и с другими гражданами; в) получать государственное пособие по инвалидности, по смете НКВД СССР»6. В справке Отдела спецпоселений НКВД СССР также затрагивался статус депортированных в регионы страны немцев. В ней отмечалось следующее: «Место явки на периодическую регистрацию лица, состоящего под гласным надзором, назначается ближайшее от его места жительства районное отделение РКМ, где на каждое такое лицо ведется контрольный лист явок. Указания о взятии под гласный надзор, о сроках явки на регистрацию и контрольные листы явок органы РКМ получают от соответствующего 1 Спецотдела УНКВД. Учет ссыльных сосредотачивается в 1 Спецотделе НКВД/УНКВД по карточке Ф.№1. Кроме того, на каждое лицо заводится личное учетное дело, куда приобщаются: выписка из протокола Особого совещания, подписка, заявления с результатами их рассмотрения, копии выданных удостоверений и прочее (§ 38 инструкции)… Вопрос о перемене места ссылки разрешается только постановлением Особого совещания»7. Трудовое использование немцев началось практически сразу же по прибытии в районы спецпоселения. На заседании бюро Хакасского обкома партии 18 ноября 1941 г. был рассмотрен вопрос об устройстве прибывших немцев-спецпереселенцев в Хакасию. Было отмечено следующее: «Проведенной проверкой ОК ВКП(б) Усть-Абаканского, Боградского и Бейского районов установлено, что в основном переселенцы, прибывшие в Хакасскую область, хозяйственно устроены, с прибытием на места расселения сразу же включились в производственную работу колхозов, предприятий. Наряду с этим, райкомы ВКП(б), исполкомы райсоветов и райзо неудовлетворительно проводят работу по оформлению и приему переселенцев в члены колхозов, по Шарыповскому району ни одного хозяйства не принято, по Усть-Абаканскому из 184 хозяйств оформлено и принято в колхозы 43 хозяйства, по существу райкомы ВКП(б) и исполкомы райсоветов не знают фактического положения дел в работе по приему переселенцев в члены колхозов и эта работа пущена на самотек»8. Также на заседании Бюро подчеркивалось, что специалисты среди спецпереселенцев использовались не по специальности, особенно это проявлялось в Шарыповском районе, также отмечался факт недостаточной НАРХ. Ф. Р-674. Оп. 1. Д. 87. Л. 1об. НАРХ. Ф. Р-674. Оп. 1. Д. 87. Л. 2. 8 НАРХ. Ф. 2. Оп. 1. Д. 798. Л. 316. 6 7 Page | 149 включенности в производственную работу женщин, имеются факты отказа отдельных спецпереселенцев от физической работы в колхозе (Боград, Шарыпово, Усть-Абакан)9. 20 декабря 1941 г. в Хакасский обком ВКП(б) поступила информация от секретаря Аскизского райкома ВКП(б) А. Серпуховитина об устройстве переселенцев-немцев Поволжья из Сталинградской и Саратовской областей: «Из прибывших переселенцев – немцев трудоспособных старше 16 лет – 820 человек, имеющих квалификации: трактористов – 51, комбайнеров – 7, шоферов – 2, счетоводов-бухгалтеров – 11, учителей – 14, агрономов – 2, зоотехников – 1, сапожников – 7, плотников – 6. В числе прибывших переселенцев-немцев 13 членов ВКП(б), 1 кандидат, всего 14, из них работают в колхозах 13 человек. За время пребывания в районе много переселенцев выдвинуто на руководящую работу, например: Эргардт, член ВКП(б) – председатель колхоза «Горный Абакан», Крайсман – зам. председателя колхоза «Ленин Чубе», Роот – зав. МТФ «Аргыс Ленина», Меркер – зав. райторготделом, до 20 человек работают бригадирами, зав.фермами»10. Таким образом, в более выгодном положении оказались работники сельского хозяйства: механизаторы, комбайнеры, агрономы, ветеринары, зоотехники, счетоводы, что позволило деревне в какой-то мере ликвидировать дефицит рабочей силы, вызванный военной мобилизацией. Однако, большинству представителей немецкой интеллигенции, ученым, врачам, учителям, инженерно-техническим работникам и другим специалистам пришлось работать на неквалифицированных работах. Достаточно трудное положение депортированных в Хакасию немцев вызывало недовольство своими бытовыми условиями. Так, 20 декабря 1941 г. отмечалось, что: «В переселенческий отдел при исполкоме крайсовета за последние 2 месяца стали поступать заявления от переселенцев – немцев по вопросам выдачи продовольственного хлеба и скота по квитанциям… В переселенческий отдел поступило 114 заявлений от переселенцев, в которых они просят хлебную помощь. С хлебным вопросом эти переселенцы осаждают исполком райсоветов»11. Достаточно распространенным способом, которым пытались повлиять на властей ссыльнопоселенцы, был невыход на работу. К примеру, в Ширинском районе: «…В колхозе «Алтын Чул», переселенец Гарт Андрей Карлович отказался выехать на работу лесозаготовок. Зеферт, работающий в МТС, отказался пойти на работу, не заявляя мотивы невыхода»12. НАРХ. Ф. 2. Оп. 1. Д. 798. Л. 317. НАРХ. Ф. 2. Оп. 1. Д. 798. ЛЛ. 715а, 715а об. 11 ГАКК Ф. 26. Оп. 3. Д. 6. Л. 177. 12 ГАКК Ф. 26. Оп. 3. Д. 6. Л. 317а, 317б. 9 10 Page | 150 В Аскизском районе ситуация была достаточно похожая: «…Колхозник колхоза «Ленин Чубе» Гельцман не хочет работать на трудодни… Денк в колхозе им. Кагановича, когда его посылали в ночную смену молотить, он выступил и заявил, что с колхозниками обращаются как с животными, издеваются»13. Депортация немцев из районов Поволжья была лишь первым этапом проявления репрессивной политики в отношении национальных меньшинств государством. На территории Хакасии находилось, более 30 спецкомендатур НКВД, в задачи которых входило: установление численности семей и количества спецпереселенцев; обеспечение контроля за движением спецпереселенцев в границах районов расселения; выявление трудоспособных спецпереселенцев в целях контроля за их трудовым устройством; своевременное выявление побегов спецпереселенцев с мест их расселения; выдача справок спецпереселенцам14. На основании этих положений немцы-спецпереселенцы оказались привязанными к месту своего района и спецкомендатуры, становясь объектом тотального контроля со стороны властей. Следующим этапом репрессивной политики государства в отношении немцев была мобилизация трудоспособного населения в трудовые армии. Мобилизация всех трудоспособных мужчин и женщин происходила через военкоматы, из этого контингента создавались военизированные формирования, имевшие трехзвенную структуру (рабочие отряды – рабочие колонны – рабочие бригады). Трудармии сочетали в себе элементы военной службы, производственной деятельности, гулаговского режима содержания. Зачатки трудармии появились в конце 1941 г., когда были созданы первые рабочие колонны из мобилизованных украинских немцев и немцев, изъятых из Красной Армии. Массовый характер это явление прибрело после постановлений ГКО СССР от 10 января и 14 февраля 1942 г. «О порядке использования немцевспецпереселенцев призывного возраста от 17 до 50 лет». Трудармии просуществовали до 1946 г., а когда были ликвидированы «зоны», трудармейцы смогли вызвать к себе семьи, и перешли в категорию спецпереселенцев15. Касаясь проблемы трудовой мобилизации, то в этом контексте следует выделить монографию А.А. Германа и А.Н. Курочкина «Немцы СССР в «Трудовой армии» (1941-1945 гг.)», в которой предпринята попытка определить хронологические рамки функционирования «трудармии» в годы Великой Отечественной войны (1941-1945 гг.). В результате ученые выделили четыре этапа: «Первый этап – с сентября 1941 г. по январь 1942 г. Происходит НАРХ. Ф. 2. Оп. 1. Д. 808. ЛЛ. 715а-715а об. ЗЯБЛИЦЕВА 2001: 92. 15 Мобилизовать немцев в рабочие колонны 1998: 8. 13 14 Page | 151 трудовая мобилизация мужчин-немцев призывного возраста. Одновременно начат отзыв военнослужащих немецкой национальности из Красной Армии. Осуществляется депортация всего немецкого населения из европейской части СССР и расселение его в Сибири и Казахстане. Второй этап – с января по октябрь 1942 г. На этом этапе происходит массовый призыв в рабочие отряды и колонны немцев – мужчин от 17 до 50 лет. Из них формируются рабочие отряды и колонны, которые придаются важнейшим лагерям и стройкам НКВД. Третий этап – с октября 1942 по декабрь 1943 г. – характеризуются проведением самой массовой мобилизации советских немцев, к которой привлекались не только мужчины, но и женщины-немки. Рабочие отряды были сформированы не только при лагерях и стройках НКВД, но и на предприятиях других наркоматов и ведомств. Четвертый этап – с января 1944 г. до ликвидации «трудармии» (в основном в 1946 г.). Значительных по количеству призывов немцев уже не проводится и пополнение рабочих отрядов и колонн идет за счет прибытия на территорию СССР бывших советских граждан немецкой национальности, репатриированных из освобожденных Красной Армией стран и Германии»16. В Хакасской автономной области депортированные немцы использовались по линии Народного комиссариата путей сообщения СССР на строительстве железной дороги Сталинск-Абакан. Кроме того, спецперселенцы использовались в качестве рабочей силы на лесозаготовках. Всего в предприятия лесной промышленности «направлено переселенцев спецконтингента 6858 человек, из них трудоспособных 2794 человека и работает 2673 человека». К тресту «Хакасслес» было приписано 1748 человек, из которых работало 433 человека. Администрацией треста отмечалось, что: «Вследствие отсутствия навыков и недостаточной работы руководства предприятиями по производственному обучению, большинство работающих из спецконтингента не выполняют дневных норм выработки, медленно осваивают квалификацию лесного рабочего»17. Депортация немцев Поволжья имеет несколько особенностей. Во-первых, она отличалась массовостью (около полумиллиона человек было выселено за два месяца), во-вторых, впервые за всю историю депортаций советского периода публично была указана причина принудительного переселения – превентивная мера с целью предупреждения политических преступлений (предыдущие же акции проводились в условиях секретности). Однако сам механизм депортации оставался неизменным. 16 17 ГЕРМАН, КУРОЧКИН 1998: 7-10. ГАКК. Ф. 26. Оп.13. Д. 383. ЛЛ. 121-122. Page | 152 Анализируя положение депортированных в сентябре-октябре 1941 необходимо отметить, что ситуация, в связи с прибытием переселенцев-немцев на места вселения, сложилась противоречивой: Во-первых, органы НКВД, проводившие депортацию, и местные структуры, обеспечивавшие прием и расселение спецпереселенцев-немцев, выполнили поставленную перед ними советским и партийным руководством задачу – депортация прошла организованно, в сжатые сроки, с минимально возможными потерями и недостатками. Все немцы были расселены в составе семей, получили крышу над головой и возможность трудоустройства в сельской местности. Во-вторых, местное руководство делало, особенно осенью 1941 г., все возможное для быстрейшего устройства депортированных. Изыскивались средства на расселение немцев, свободные жилищные фонды, решались вопросы трудоустройства. Другое дело, что этих возможностей было не так уж и много. С началом Великой Отечественной войны у регионального руководства на первое место выходит задача – обеспечить нужды фронта любой ценой, в связи с этим спецпереселенцы, практически до конца войны оказались предоставленными сами себе. Функции же НКВД сводились к их трудовому использованию и контролю. В-третьих, несмотря на детальное планирование, прибытие практически единовременно столь значительной массы людей привело к резкому обострению хозяйственной ситуации на местах – катастрофически не хватало отдельного жилья, не были полностью решены вопросы компенсации за оставленное имущество, централизованного обеспечения спецпереселенцев продуктами питания. Основной причиной сложившегося положения явилось отсутствие у областной власти материальных и финансовых возможностей, отказ центральных органов власти от дополнительного финансирования. В-четвертых, отсутствие проработанной правовой базы, обеспечивающей соблюдение прав спецпереселенцев, привело к невыполнению декларированных в Указе о переселении обещаний правительства, сделало невозможным разрешение вопросов рационального трудоустройства немцев, обострило социальные проблемы. Вышеуказанные проблемы, нерешенные во время подготовки и проведения депортации, обусловили в дальнейшем резкое ухудшение положения немцев в период их проживания на спецпоселении. Создание режима спецпоселения для депортированных немцев в Хакасскую автономную область было одной из форм политических репрессий. Так называемый «спецконтингент», компактно расселившийся в районах области, прошел все этапы карательных акций государства Подводя итоги, мы можем констатировать, что в период Великой Отечественной войны сталинский режим, как на центральном, так Page | 153 и региональном уровнях занимался активным выявлением так называемой «пятой колонны» рассматривавшаяся в качестве пособника напавшего врага в лице нацистской Германии, ее сателлитов. Следствием этого явились массовые депортации целых народов из прифронтовой зоны. Как и другие восточные регионы СССР, Хакасская автономная область вынуждена была принять и расселить часть депортированного «спецконтингента» - немцев, проживавших в районах Поволжья. Подавляя преимущественно нелояльные «антисоветские» слои (к которым в частности относились депортированные немцы), или признаваемые таковыми, государство, как и в предшествующие годы, стремилось добиться в обществе однородного восприятия и единой оценки политических событий в стране и мире, адекватных официальным установкам. В то же время преследования за «контрреволюцию» были рассчитаны на преодоление острейших хозяйственных проблем в тылу, а меры наказания в отношении «вредителей», «саботажников», «шпионов», «антисоветских агитаторов» и «дезертиров трудового фронта» выступали как важный инструмент «мобилизирующего права» – права с выраженными военнополитическими целями, но без строго очерченных юридических границ. Библиография Источники Государственный архив Российской Федерации (ГАРФ). Ф. Р-9479. Оп. 1. Д. 83. Государственный архив Красноярского края (ГАКК). Ф. 26. Оп. 3. Д. 6. Государственный архив Красноярского края (ГАКК). Ф. 26. Оп.3. Д. 116. Государственный архив Красноярского края (ГАКК). Ф. 26. Оп.13. Д. 383. Национальный архив Республики Хакасия (НАРХ). Ф. Р-674. Оп. 1. Д. 87. Национальный архив Республики Хакасия (НАРХ). Ф. 2. Оп. 1. Д. 798. Национальный архив Республики Хакасия (НАРХ). Ф. 2. Оп. 1. Д. 808. Литература ГЕРМАН А.А., КУРОЧКИН А.Н. (1998), Немцы СССР в «Трудовой армии» (1941-1945 гг.), М. : Прогресс, 206 с. ЗЯБЛИЦЕВА С.Н. (2001), Особенности репрессивной политики государства по отношению к гражданам немецкой национальности в 1940-1960-е гг. // Политические репрессии в Хакасии и других регионах Сибири (1920-1950-е годы). Материалы межрегиональной научно-практической конференции, проходившей 20 декабря 2000 г. в г. Абакане / отв. ред. А.П. ШЕКШЕЕВ, Абакан : Хакасское книжное издательство, 224 с. История сталинского Гулага. Конец 1920-х – первая половина 1950-х годов: Т.5. Спецпереселенцы в СССР (2004) / отв. ред. Т.В. ЦАРЕВСКАЯ-ДЯКИНА, М. : РОССПЭН, 824 с. Лубянка. ВЧК-ОГПУ-НКВД-НКГБ-МГБ-МВД-КГБ. 1917-1960. Справочник (1997) / науч. ред. Р.Г. ПИХОЯ, М. : Московский фонд демократии, 352 с. «Мобилизовать немцев в рабочие колонны…И. Сталин». Сборник документов (1940- годы) (1998), М. : Готика, 352 с. Сборник законодательных и нормативных актов о репрессиях и реабилитации жертв политических репрессий (1999), Курск : Генеральная прокуратура РФ, Т.2. 410 с. Page | 154 REVIEWS AND POLEMICS Page | 155 Page | 156 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Erich KETTENHOFEN (University of Trier, Germany) Ilkka Syvänne and Katarzyna Maksymiuk, The Military History of the Third Century Iran. Scientific Publishing House of Siedlce University, Siedlce 2018, ISBN: 978-83-7051-894-3 https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.10 Die Autoren des vorliegenden Bandes, der finnische Gelehrte I. Syvänne sowie die Herausgeberin dieser Zeitschrift, sind durch zahlreiche Publikationen auf den Feld der Geschichte der Sāsāniden, speziell der Militärgeschichte Irans, bestens ausgewiesen1. So ist es nicht verwunderlich, dass hier die Militärgeschichte des 3. Jhs. n. Chr. aus iranistischer Sicht näher beleuchtet werden soll2. Das Buch, das 148 Seiten fasst, ist im Quartformat gedruckt; 25 Karten und Photos in Schwarz-weiß sind beigegeben. Es ist in zehn Kapitel unterteilt; nach einer knappen Einführung und einem Überblick über den parthischen Hintergrund folgen sieben Kapitel, die den Herrschern von Ardašīr I. bis Narse gewidmet sind, wobei die Kapitel über die beiden ersten Könige in acht bzw. sechs Abschnitte nochmals unterteilt sind. Ein knapper Epilog beschließt den ansprechend gestalteten Band, in dem nur wenige orthographische Fehler zu beanstanden sind. Register fehlen. Ein Appendix bietet (S. 131-136) vier Quellenzeugnisse in englischer Übersetzung3. Die Bibliographie fasst “Primary Sources” (einige im Original, einige nur in Übersetzung) sowie “Secondary Sources”4. Ein Positivum sei sogleich hervorgehoben: Fragen zum sāsānidischen Heer, seiner Struktur, zu Waffen und Ausrüstung werden auf der Basis einer breiten Quellenbasis (bis hin zu arabischen Autoren) kenntnisreich beantwortet.  Abteilung Alte Geschichte, kettenhofen@schlau.com Vgl. “Secondary Sources”, S. 143-144 und S. 146-147. Die Themen in den Bänden dieser Zeitschrift belegen das Interesse an der Militärgeschichte Irans eindrücklich. 2 Die Autoren begründen dies (S. 9) damit, dass diesem Aspekt in früherer Zeit nicht die nötige Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet wurde und auch Missverständnisse über die sāsānidische Kampfesweise zu beklagen seien. 3 Lact., De mortibus persecutorum 5, Kap. 8,1-9,1 der Vita Cari der Scriptores Historiae Augustae, die Fragmente 13 und 14 aus dem nur durch die konstantinischen Exzerpte überlieferten Werk des Petros Patrikios sowie ein Abschnitt aus Dēnkard IV. Duzd-sar-nizad Nask 6 (Artēštarestān “Warrior code”). Die Auswahl wird jedoch nicht begründet. Ich hätte den Abdruck der so häufig zitierten Kapitel 2, 71-74 der Patmuṭiwn Hayoç des Movsēs Ḫorenaçi begrüßt. 4 Einige Fehler sind zu finden, die ich aber hier nicht auflisten möchte. 1 Page | 157 In der Einführung wird auf die schwierige Quellenlage zum Thema des Werkes hingewiesen. Zu den armenischen und georgischen Quellen heißt es, sie seien voller Widersprüche und Fehler, was ihre Benutzung riskant erscheinen lasse (S. 9). Im Verlauf der Darstellung ist von diesen Bedenken jedoch nicht mehr die Rede. In reichem Maße wird die sogenannte Agaṭangełos-Überlieferung herangezogen, noch häufiger die Geschichte der Armenier (patmuṭiwn Hayoç) des Movsēs Ḫorenaçi5. Für deren häufige Benutzung können sich die Autoren auf G. Traina berufen, der seit vielen Jahrzehnten die Geringschätzung dieses Autors kritisiert6. Ich will hier nur die Informationen über “König Ḫosrov”7 aus der Familie der armenischen Arsakiden zusammenstellen, die die Autoren in ihrem Werk zitieren. Nach Movsēs II 74 soll er 48 Jahre in Armenien regiert haben8. Dodgeon und Lieu, auf deren Quellensammlung verwiesen wird9, sagen mit mit Recht: “…(Ps.) Moses Khorenats'i gives the Armenian king Khosrov (Chosroes) (I) as the hero of the hour”. Syvänne und Maksymiuk identifizieren ihn mit Trdat II., der von 216/7-252/256 regiert haben soll10. Ḫosrov soll bereits aktiv geworden sein, als er von Streitigkeiten nach dem Tod Artavans in der Familie Pahlav erfahren habe (Movsēs II 71); er soll den römischen Kaiser Philippus um Hilfe gebeten haben11. Nach der hier vorliegenden Darstellung soll sich das Hilfegesuch allerdings an Kaiser Alexander Severus gerichtet haben12, in dessen früher Regierungszeit (S. 68: already in 224) Ardašīr (armenisch: Artašir) Ḫosrov besiegt oder ihn zumindest zum Rückzug nach Armenien gedrängt habe. Eine Koalition, die Ḫosrov angeführt habe13, habe dann Ardašīr besiegt 5 Es fehlen jedoch durchweg Hinweise, wo Movsēs auf der armenischen Agaṭangełos-Tradition fußt, die Darstellung daher hier keinen eigenen Quellenwert besitzt. Vgl. dazu Moses Khorenats'i. History of the Armenians. Translation and Commentary on the Literary Sources by R.W. THOMSON. Revised Edition, Ann Arbor 2006, hier S. 40-45. 6 Der Verfasser dieser Rezension ist einer derer, die dafür schon oft harsche Kritik einstecken mussten. Vgl. G. TRAINA, ‘Moïse de Khorène et l’Empire sassanide’, in: Des Indo-Grecs aux Sassanides: Données pour l’histoire et la géographie historique, Res Orientales XVII, Bures-sur-Yvette 2007, S. 157179, hier S. 157: L’Histoire des Arméniens de Moïse de Khorène constitue un texte fondamental pour l’histoire ancienne de l’Arménie, et contient également des éléments d’un certain intérêt pour l’histoire de l’Iran sassanide. 7 S. 43 Anm. 143 wird er ‘Xusrō the Great’ genannt. Im armenischen Text heißt er Խոսրով. 8 Vgl. dazu die Überlegungen S. 94 Anm. 337. THOMSON (hier Anm. 5), S. 218 Anm. 525 weist darauf hin, dass Agaṭangełos die Zahl der Regierungsjahre nicht überliefert. 9 The Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars (AD 226-363). A Documentary History. Compiled and edited by M.H. DODGEON and S.N.C. LIEU, London and New York 1991, S. 351 Anm. 10. Vgl. S. 32 Anm. 103. 10 S. 32. Unabhängig davon, ob die Gleichsetzung berechtigt ist, widerspräche sie der Länge der Regierungszeit, die Movsēs in II 74 nennt. 11 Vgl. meinen Beitrag: ‘Römische Kaiser des 3. Jhs. n. Chr. in den Patmuṭiwn Hayoç des Movsēs Ḫorenaçi’, in: Diwan. Untersuchungen zu Geschichte und Kultur des Nahen Ostens und des östlichen Mittelmeerraumes im Altertum. Festschrift für Josef Wiesehöfer zum 65. Geburtstag, hrsg. v. C. BINDER, H. BÖRM, A. LUTHER, Duisburg 2016, S. 665-682, hier S. 668. 12 Vgl. S. 67. Diesen Kaiser kennt Movsēs nicht; die Textstelle S. 67 Anm. 231 ist daher nicht korrekt. 13 Vermutlich ist hier angespielt auf die von Cassius Dio 80, 3,3 erwähnte Koalition von einheimischen Armeniern, einigen Medern und den Söhnen des Artabanos. Einen König Ḫosrov erwähnt Dio nicht. Vgl. S. 67. Page | 158 und den Sohn Artavans auf dem Thron in Ktēsiphōn installiert. Eine zweite Einnahme Ktēsiphōns durch Ardašīr datieren die Autoren in das Jahr 227-228; sie erwähnen auch eine weitere Niederlage der Armenier, was Ḫosrov dann zu seinem Hilfegesuch veranlasst habe14. Für Angriffe gegen die sāsānidischen Nachschublinien beim Vorstoß auf römisches Gebiet im Jahr 230 soll wiederum u.a. Movsēs als Grundlage dienen15. Im Feldzug des Kaisers Severus Alexander soll die nördliche Armee einen “beträchtlichen Erfolg” erzielt haben, “zweifellos, weil sie dabei durch die Armenier unterstützt wurden”16. Die Hilfe der von Kaiser Philippus geleisteten Unterstützung17 wird von den Verfassern als Bruch des Friedens von 244 n. Chr. interpretiert18. Die Kaiser Decius, Gallus und Valerian leisten Ḫosrov keine Hilfe, so Movsēs II 73; dennoch ist er imstande, Ardašīr zu besiegen (“with his army and other friends who had rallied to him and with the nations of the north”) und ihn bis Indien zu verfolgen19. Die Autoren kennen zwar die Textstelle aus Zon., ann. XII 2120, doch bleibt sie zuerst unberücksichtigt; vielmehr wird die Ermordung Ḫosrovs in den Winter 253 “or after this” datiert. Im Jahr 253/254 sei Valerian im Osten angekommen, aber das Entscheidende sei “die entscheidende Rolle des armenischen Königs Ḫosrov” gewesen, der mit seinen Verbündeten die Perser in Ādurbādagān und “Assyrien” angegriffen habe21. Auf der Basis von Movsēs II 73-74 behaupten dann die Autoren, dass die Armenier, Iberer und die “northerners” Persien verwüsteten und Šāhpuhrs I. Armee vernichteten. Dank der Siege Ḫosrovs sei Šāhpuhr gezwungen gewesen, seinen Vormarsch zu stoppen und Valerian sei imstande gewesen, die an die Sāsāniden verlorenen Städte zurückzuerobern und eine Victoria Parthica auf seinen Münzen zu feiern22. Erst jetzt habe Šāhpuhr23 durch Versprechungen versucht, Ḫosrov 14 Vgl. S. 68. Vgl. S. 68-69 mit Anm. 243. Die hier angegebene Textstelle aus Movsēs II 73 belegt allerdings eine Verfolgung Ardašīrs “as far as India”, und zwar nach dem Tod des römischen Kaisers Philippus. 16 Vgl. hier S. 71-72 mit Anm. 250. Von einer Unterstützung durch die Armenier weiß Herodian in Buch 6, 4-6 allerdings nichts. 17 II 72: But he (sc. Philip) helped him by means of a letter ordering that he be given assistance from every region (THOMSON [hier Anm. 5], S. 215). 18 Vgl. S. 82: In fact, he (sc. Philip) appears to have broken his part of the contract almost immediately by providing some direct military support for Xusrō. In Anm. 293 wird Movsēs II 72 als Quellenbeleg zitiert. Vgl. auch meinen Beitrag ( hier Anm. 11) S. 668-669. 19 Vgl. S. 82 Anm. 293 (“… troops for Xusrō which he used with great success”). Die hier angegebene Textstelle Zonaras 12,19 kann diese Aussage allerdings nicht stützen. 20 Vgl. S. 84 Anm. 300; Die Textstelle erwähnt jedoch nicht die Ermordung Ḫosrovs, sondern die Eroberung Armeniens in der Regierungszeit des Kaisers Gallus durch sāsānidische Truppen, die Flucht des armenischen Königs Tēridatēs (sic) und die Flucht seiner Söhne zu den Persern. Der Quellentext ist mit deutscher Übersetzung abgedruckt bei S. BRECHT, Die römische Reichskrise von ihrem Ausbruch bis zu ihrem Höhepunkt in der Darstellung byzantinischer Autoren, Rahden/Westf. 1999, S. 212-213. Vgl. auch die Kommentierung S. 220, Nr. 21. Dieses Buch hat leider nicht die Aufmerksamkeit in der Forschung gefunden, die es verdient. 21 Vgl. S. 93. 22 Vgl. S. 93: “Consequently, it was the severe defeat suffered by Šāpur at the hands of Xusrō’s army probably in ca. 253 that caused the lull in Persian activities against the Romans”. Die communis opinio 15 Page | 159 zu beseitigen, was dann einer der Verwandten, Anak aus der Familie der Sūrēn, ausführte. Die Ermordung Ḫosrovs wird schließlich in die Zeit “um 256” datiert24. Die Sāsāniden hätten schließlich die Armenier nach der Niederlage Valerians “bestraft”, weil Artavasdes, der 256 die Seiten gewechselt, sie in ihrem Kampf gegen Valerian nicht unterstützt habe25. Eine bedeutende Rolle im vorliegenden Buch spielt der den Kāren Pahlav gehörende Vehsachan (Վեհսաճան). Nach Movsēs II 72 hatte er sich Artašir nicht unterworfen, sondern soll Ḫosrov zu Hilfe geeilt sein. Sein präzises Todesjahr (245) wird genannt26, doch bleibt er in der Movsēs zugrundeliegenden Quelle, dem armenischen Agaṭangełos, noch unerwähnt, und sein Name, welcher “having good advice” bedeutet27, spricht eher für die literarische Darstellungskunst des armenischen Autors. Die Verfasser erwähnen ihn oft28. Auch nur durch Movsēs bekannt ist Perozamat (Պերոզամատ), “one youth”, das gerettet wurde, als Artašir den gesamten männlichen Zweig der Kāren Pahlav tötete (II 73)29. Manches wäre noch vorzubringen, so das Vertrauen in die Chronik von Arbela, deren Glaubwürdigkeit umstritten ist30, ebenso dasjenige in die Historia Augusta31. Auch georgische Quellen werden ohne spricht hingegen von einem Zurückdrängen eines sāsānidischen Trupps bei Hemesa unter Führung des Sampsigeramus. Vgl. U. HUTTNER, ‘Von Maximinus Thrax bis Aemilianus’, in: Die Zeit der Soldatenkaiser. Krise und Transformation des Römischen Reiches im 3. Jahrhundert n. Chr. (235-284). Bd. I. Hrsg. v. K.-P. JOHNE unter Mitwirkung von U. HARTMANN und Th. GERHARDT, Berlin 2008, S. 161-221, hier S. 220-221. 23 Bei Movsēs II 74 ist es Artašir, der demjenigen große Versprechungen gab, der Ḫosrov umbrächte. Der gravierende Anachronismus bei Movsēs ist allerdings nicht so leicht aus der Welt zu schaffen; vgl. hingegen hier S. 93 Anm. 335. 24 Vgl. S. 95. Valerian habe 256 oder 257 “for good” in den Osten zurückkehren können, da er von der Ermordung Ḫosrovs erfahren haben müsse. 25 Vgl. S. 95 Anm. 342. Die Flucht des Tēridatēs mit seinen Beschützern auf römisches Territorium sei folglich erst in die Jahre “ca. 260-262” zu datieren, so ebenda. Dass die Flucht nach Zonaras, ann. XII 21 in die Regierungszeit des Kaisers Gallus zu datieren ist, wird ebenso übersehen, wie, dass “Beschützer” nur aus der armenischen Überlieferung bei Agaṭangełos, § 36 bekannt sind. 26 Vgl. S. 32 Anm. 105. 27 Vgl. THOMSON (hier Anm. 5), S. 215 Anm. 511. Thomson weist mit Recht darauf hin, dass er in keiner sonstigen armenischen Quelle genannt wird. 28 Vgl. S. 32. 47. 49.51. 68. 29 THOMSON (hier Anm. 5), S. 216. Dass Perozamat, ebenfalls nach Movsēs II 73, der Stammvater des Geschlechts der Kamsarakan wurde, sei noch bemerkt. Der Name kann bereits auf eine frühe neupersische Form zurückgehen: Pērōz āmad (“der Siegreiche kam”). Vgl. dazu auch H. HÜBSCHMANN, Armenische Grammatik. 1. Teil, Leipzig 1897 (ND Hildesheim/New York 1972), S. 68. Erwähnt wird er S. 41.51 mit Anm. 163, 79 Anm. 281, 83 als Pērōzmat Kārin. 30 Die Verfasser äußern keine Zweifel; vgl. S. 10 mit Anm. 10, S. 79 mit Anm. 281 sowie S. 83 mit Anm. 297. 31 Vgl. etwa S. 72 zum Sieg des Severus Alexander über Ardašīr, S. 85 Anm. 300, wo die Unabhängigkeit Armeniens in der Zeit Kaiser Valerians behauptet wird anhand von SHA, Val. 2.1-4.1; anders hingegen S. 89 Anm. 319, wo Artavasdes in Val 3.1 als propersischer König genannt wird; dass manche Forscher diesem Artavasdes die Historizität absprechen, wird jedoch eingeräumt (vgl. S. 94 mit Anm. 340). Vgl. auch S. 99 Anm. 352, wo auf der Basis von SHA, Val. 1.4 behauptet wird, die kaukasischen Länder Armenien, Iberien und Albanien seien erst “before the final campaign against Valerian” zu den Sāsāniden übergegangen. Die Zahlen in SHA, AS 55-56 erscheinen den Verfassern (S. 73) hingegen suspekt. Page | 160 Bedenken herangezogen32 wie der persische Autor Mīrḫānd, der im 15. Jh. lebte. Hier wäre zuerst einmal zu klären, ob bei diesen späten Autoren Informationen vorliegen können, die über Zwischenquellen bis ins 3. Jh. n. Chr. zurückreichen können, wie dies bei den Annalen des Zonaras der Fall ist, auch wenn der Autor erst in der Zeit des ersten Komnenen-Kaisers sein Werk verfasste. Anachronismen – für das 3. Jh. n. Chr. – begegnen gelegentlich, so S. 40 ein Krieg Ardašīrs gegen die Kurden; die Hunnen sollen auf der Seite des Arsakidenhauses gestanden haben (S. 40), Hormozd I. soll gegen die Haiṭaliten (vermutlich die Hephthaliten) gekämpft haben (S. 110), die Chazaren sollen Darband attakiert haben (S. 113). Angesichts der Disparatheit der Quellen wie auch der Lücken in den Quellen mag es durchaus sinnvoll sein, alternative, von der gängigen Forschung abweichende Hypothesen zu formulieren, so zur mehrmaligen Belagerung von Hatra wie von Nisibis33. Es überrascht, dass das Datum (260) der 3. militärischen Auseinandersetzung Roms mit den Sāsāniden, das heute weithin vertreten wird, von den Verfassern wieder in Zweifel gezogen wird34. Man kann ihnen letztlich dankbar sein, dass sie eine von der communis opinio so stark abweichende Darstellung hier vorlegen. So kann der/die Leser/in sich selbst überzeugen, ob eine solche, die sich durch ihre auffallende Heranziehung armenischer Quellen auszeichnet, zu einem überzeugenderen Bild des 3. Jhs. n. Chr. führt als in den gängigen Darstellungen, etwa in dem hier erwähnten Handbuch zu den Soldatenkaisern35. Eine sterile Hyperkritik gegenüber der armenischen Überlieferung, besonders gegenüber Movsēs, deren ich oft bezichtigt wurde, kann man Syvänne und Maksymiuk wahrlich nicht vorwerfen. Vgl. u.a. S. 107. 110 und S. 112. Wie fragmentarisch unser Wissen über Georgien im 3. Jh. n. Chr. ist, habe ich im Beitrag zu dem hier in Anm. 22 genannten Band zu den Soldatenkaisern aufzuzeigen versucht: Die kaukasischen Reiche, ebenda, S. 475- 500, hier S. 491-493. 33 Vgl. zu Hatra etwa S. 74-75 mit Anm. 264, S. 91-92, zu Nisibis S. 90-92. 34 Vgl. S. 86 Anm. 307, S. 96 mit Anm. 345 sowie S. 103 mit Anm. 366. 35 Vgl. etwa auch J. WIESEHÖFER, ‘Ardašīr I’, EIr II, 1987, S. 371-376, wo man den Namen Ḫosrov vergebens sucht. 32 Page | 161 Page | 162 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Anita SMYK (Siedlce University, Poland) Michael R. Jackson Bonner, The Last Empire of Iran. Gorgias Press, Piscataway 2020, ISBN: 978-1-4632-0616-1 https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.11 Dr. Michael Richard Jackson Bonner is a scholar who majors in the history of Iran. He is a linguist with a significant background in classical literature and studies of the Late Antiquity of the Near East. Although he specializes in Iran under the Sasanian rule, his competences extend much further. He is proficient in both the pre-Islamic history of the Mediterranean world and the origins of Islam. His thesis (MPhill, Oxford 2010) on Iran in the 6th century was published in 2011 by Studia Iranica, a series published by Peeters Publishers in Louvain, under the title Three neglected sources of Sasanian history in the reign of Khusraw Anushirvan. A doctoral thesis (DPhill, Oxford 2014), which also related to Iran, was published in 2015 in the Res Orientales series, entitled Al-Dīnawarī's Kitāb al-Aḥbār al-Ṭiwāl: a historiographical study of Sasanian Iran. Michael RJ Bonner’s latest publication, The Last Empire of Iran, tells the story of the Sasanian dynasty, rulers of the last Iranian empire, from its uprising in the 3rd century to the Arab conquests in the 7th century. The book is a narrative presenting the Iranian Sasanian as a powerhouse between Rome and the nomadic world of Inner Asia. Bonner, presenting the military and political history of the Iranian Sasanian, made an attempt to tell them a little differently than it was in the few existing publications. According to him, the history of late antiquity in the modern narrative, due to the domination of the late Roman Empire and the Mediterranean world, neglects the former peoples of Central Asia. He showed that these folk, through their goals, both military and political as well as commercial, impressed the Roman and Iranian states, and therefore deserve to be included in history. And not as demons or supernatural forces or barbarians. He focused on military and political matters  ORCID iD 0000-0002-6006-7309. anitasmyk@op.pl; Institute of History, Faculty of Humanities. Page | 163 to demonstrate that the Sasanian state could become a power like the Roman Empire or China. He pointed out how difficult it is to rely on historical sources, no literary source of which was created by the Sasanian. The sources of the Roman world, which was hostile, are therefore not perfect. They show little interest in information about politics, culture or religion. Bonner delved into these messages and read “between the lines” Rome’s fear of the Sasanian, their diplomacy, propaganda and espionage. He also used the latest archaeological and sigillography data. Importantly, the author also knows the classical Armenian language which is a key to analyze Armenian sources and be able to use them. This is important as they actually come from the Iranian world. Particularly noteworthy is Bonner's use of oriental messages in original languages, primarily Arabic texts, which enabled the author to understand not only the linguistic nuances, but also the historical nuances of the events described. In terms of materials used and content, Bonner’s work does not arouse any doubt. Although the ‘Introduction’ (1-6) lacks information that would contain the objectives, methodology and outline of chapters, the book is intended as a didactic aid, so as a possible textbook for students, such a division is not necessary. The work is divided into 10 chapters: ‘Eurasia from the Conquests of Alexander to the Fall of Parthia’ (7-23); ‘The Establishment of the House of Sasan’ (25-48); ‘From Shapur I to Shapur II’ (49-91); ‘The World of the Nomad’ (93-122); ‘Humiliation and Heresy’ (123-170); ‘The Iranian Recovery’ (171-235); ‘Triumph and Tribulation’ (237-266); ‘The Last War of Antiquity’ (267-311); ‘The Collapse of the House of Sasan’ (313340); ‘Observations on the Fall of the Iranian Empire’ (341-347). The work is supplemented by an extensive ‘Bibliography’ (349-387) and person and geographical ‘Index’ (389-396). The author carefully used various types of existing sources. He displayed absolute knowledge of the primary sources. The book is written in an understandable language, it is consistent and transparent. He combines historical knowledge with a fine writing style. It presents a chronological study of the turbulent history of the Sasanian as well as analyzing wider issues. It is a superior scientific material. Michael RJ Bonner’s The Last Empire of Iran is the best source for learning and textbook that has been written in recent years. It provides a clear and complete picture of the history of the Sasanian Empire. Page | 164 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Józef PIŁATOWICZ (UPH Siedlce, Polska) Metamorfozy społeczne 22: Wokół nowej syntezy dziejów Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej, red. nauk. Włodzimierz Mędrzecki. Instytut Historii PAN, Warszawa 2019, ISBN: 978-83-65880-61-1 https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.12 Profesor Tadeusz Stegner z Instytutu Historii Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego w swoim artykule poświęconym religiom i wyznaniom przywołał starą prawdę: „Każde niemal nowe pokolenie historyków ma ambicje pisania historii »na nowo«, zmieniają się uwarunkowania polityczne, cywilizacyjne, niemal lawinowo narasta ilość publikacji na tematy historyczne, zmienia się sposób widzenia przeszłości” (s. 159). Choć nie znam dokładnie życiorysów wszystkich autorów, to sądzę, że zaprezentowany zbiór artykułów ma również charakter pokoleniowy. Omawiany zbiór artykułów to efekt pracy zespołu historyków powołanego „/…/ w celu przygotowania nowej syntezy czy raczej nowych syntez Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej” (s. 7). Prof. Włodzimierz Mędrzecki we „Wstępie” zakreślił ogólne zakresy problemowe (państwo, gospodarka, polityka, społeczeństwo), podkreślił znaczenie dla historyków roku 2019 nowych wątków: genderowego, modernizacyjnego, zróżnicowania terytorialnego. W konkluzji W. Mędrzecki podkreślił jednak, że nie chodzi o napisanie kanonicznego dzieła, ale „Celem naszego zespołu jest zaproponowanie pewnych wyznaczników, które mogą pomóc uczonym specjalizującym się w badaniach różnych aspektów historii Polski międzywojennej w zdecydowanie potrzebnym, a niestety często poniechanym syntetyzującym myśleniu o Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej. Tego typu szersza refleksja wydaje się niezwykle ważna dla realnego rozwoju historiografii” (s. 15). Niestety, nie dowiedzieliśmy jak będzie wyglądała koncepcja dzieła w wypadku jednej syntezy, a jak w przypadku wielu syntez, tzn. ile ich będzie i jakie problemy obejmą poszczególne syntezy.  ORCID iD 0000-0003-1581-224X. jozef.pilatowicz@uph.edu.pl; Institute of History. The results of the research carried out under the research theme No. 113/20/B were financed from the science grant granted by the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. Page | 165 Prezentowany tom obejmuje problemy, jeśli tak można powiedzieć tradycyjnie występujące w syntezach: polityka zagraniczna (Marek Kornat), historia polityczna (Marek Sioma), państwo (Przemysł Olstowski), Polska lokalna (Janusz Mierzwa), gospodarka (Cecylia Leszczyńska), społeczeństwo (Włodzimierz Mędrzecki), religie i wyznania (Tadeusz Stegner), zagadnienia narodowościowe (Roman Wysocki). Do nowych propozycji można zaliczyć: kobiety w życiu publicznym (Joanna Dufrat), polityka społeczna (Paweł Grata), rola płci w mikrostrukturach społecznych (Katarzyna Sierakowska). W każdej z tych rozpraw autorzy omówili literaturę przedmiotu, z reguły najnowszą, oraz problemy badawcze, zwłaszcza te, które powinny być podjęte na nowo lub dotychczas w ogóle nie uwzględnione w badaniach. Oczywiście, każdy historyk, w tym również ja, ma własne zainteresowania badawcze i wyobrażenie o kształcie ewentualnej syntezy. Sądzę, że w zaproponowanej koncepcji zabrakło kilku bardzo ważnych zagadnień dla II Rzeczypospolitej, w tym: scalenia i rozbudowy infrastruktury technicznej oraz szkolnictwa wyższego, zwłaszcza technicznego, które ma kluczowe znaczenie dla rozwoju cywilizacji technicznej. Jeśli chodzi o infrastrukturę techniczną, to chciałbym zwrócić uwagę na kluczowe znaczenie elektryfikacji, która odpowiednio szybko rozwijana mogła przyczynić się do przyspieszenia zasypywania olbrzymich różnic cywilizacyjnych między regionami, zwłaszcza między województwami zachodnimi i wschodnimi. Tym samym ułatwić i przyspieszyć procesy integracyjne1. W procesach modernizacyjnych ważną rolę odgrywały grupy społeczne posiadające wyższe wykształcenie, przede wszystkim chodzi tu o inżynierów, ale także o techników. Obie te grupy wprowadzały nowoczesne rozwiązania nie tylko poprzez pracę zawodową, ale także działalność stowarzyszeniową, która polegała na popularyzacji najnowszej techniki poprzez szerokie akcje odczytowe i wydawanie czasopism technicznych2. W pracach nad syntezą lub syntezami trzeba uwzględnić dorobek naukowy wszystkich ośrodków naukowych w Polsce, a przynajmniej tych najważniejszych, należała do nich Warszawa z ważną rolą prof. Ireny Pietrzak-Pawłowskiej, „Kwartalnika Historii Nauki i Techniki” i stowarzyszeń naukowo-technicznych3. Szerzej na ten temat por. J. Piłatowicz, Integracja elektroenergetyki w latach 1918-1939, „Dzieje Najnowsze” 1978, nr 4, s. 81-99. 2 Szerzej por. J. Piłatowicz, Ruch stowarzyszeniowy inżynierów i techników polskich do 1939 r., T. I, Warszawa 2003, T. II. Słownik polskich stowarzyszeń technicznych i naukowo-technicznych do 1939 r., Warszawa 2005. 3 Por. J. Piłatowicz, Stan badań nad dziejami przemysłu w Polsce, „Kwartalnik Historii Nauki i Techniki” 2008, nr 2, s. 31-81; J. Piłatowicz, Badania nad dziejami przemysłu w Warszawie, [w:] Przemysł regionu siedleckiego w XIX-XXI wieku. Pod red. D. Grzegorczuka, J. Piłatowicza, A. Zawadzkiego, Siedlce 2010, s. 7-31. 1 Page | 166 Na szczególną uwagę zasługuje dorobek publikacyjny i organizacyjny prof. Ireny Pietrzak-Pawłowskiej, której Komitet Nauk Historycznych PAN powierzył organizację badań nad dziejami przemysłu. Wynikiem konferencji poświęconych dziejom przemysłu na ziemiach polskich, z udziałem historyków m.in. z Łodzi, Katowic, Wrocławia, Krakowa i Warszawy, były trzy obszerne tomy pod jej redakcją: Zakłady przemysłowe w Polsce XIX i XX wieku (Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków 1967); Uprzemysłowienie ziem polskich w XIX i XX wieku (Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków 1970), Gospodarka przemysłowa i początki cywilizacji technicznej w rolniczych krajach Europy (Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków-Gdańsk 1977)4. Środowisko historyków związanych z Warszawą przez wiele lat brało udział w cyklicznych konferencjach poświęconych dziejom Warszawy i zostały utrwalone w obszernych tomach5. Powyżej zwróciłem uwagę na Warszawę, ale podobne konstatacje można sformułować również w przypadku: Katowic i Śląska, Krakowa, Poznania, Lwowa. A zatem prezentowane opracowanie może stanowić dobry punkt wyjścia do dalszych dyskusji na temat koncepcji syntezy dziejów dwudziestolecia międzywojennego. Na temat dorobku naukowego I. Pietrzak-Pawłowskiej por. J. Piłatowicz, Pietrzak-Pawłowska Irena (1909-1994), [w:] Słownik Biograficzny Techników Polskich, T. 20, Warszawa 2009, s. 126-130. 5 Tytułem przykładu można podać: Wielkie zakłady przemysłowe Warszawy, Warszawa 1978; Szkolnictwo i oświata w Warszawie, Warszawa 1982; Nauka i szkolnictwo wyższe w Warszawie, Warszawa 1987. 4 Page | 167 Page | 168 SOURCES Page | 169 Page | 170 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Rafał ROGUSKI (UPH Siedlce, Polska) Sprawozdanie Komendy Policji Państwowej na Małopolskę za styczeń 1920 r. (Report of the State Police Headquarters in Małopolska for January 1920) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.13 Abstract: The presented text concerns the source material describing the internal security of Galicia, here referred to as Małopolska. The document comes from the collection of the State Archives of Lviv Oblast in Ukraine – the collection of the Provincial Office in Lviv. This is a monthly report of the State Police Headquarters in Małopolska for January 1920. Key words: Galicia, internal security, source material, polish-soviet war 1920 Lata 1918-1921 to okres walki o granice odrodzonej Rzeczpospolitej. Zmagania o jej kształt terytorialny rozpoczęły się walkami o Lwów, a zakończyły (przynajmniej w teorii) podpisaniem 18 marca 1921 r. w Rydze traktatu pokojowego między Polską a Rosją i sowiecką Ukrainą. W rzeczywistości przez cały okres międzywojenny wschodnie pogranicze stanowiło obszar zagrożony wrogim działaniem Rosji sowieckiej lub nacjonalistycznych organizacji ukraińskich. Nazwa Galicja Wschodnia określa część terytorium Polski obejmujące późniejsze województwa lwowskie, tarnopolskie i stanisławowskie w granicach określonych Ustawą z dnia 3 grudnia 1920 r.1. Województwa te nazwano południowo ORCID iD 0000-0002-3635-6768. rafał.roguski@uph.edu.pl; Materiały z zasobu Centralnego Archiwum Historycznego we Lwowie oraz Państwowego Archiwum Obwodu Lwowskiego zostały pozyskane dzięki realizacji grantu Narodowego Centrum Nauki. Grant Miniatura 1 Nr 97/17 G. Kresy południowo-wschodnie Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej w latach 1918-1923. Ustawa z dnia 3 grudnia 1920 r. o tymczasowej organizacji władz administracyjnych II instancji (województw) na obszarze b. Królestwa Galicji i Lodomerii z W. Ks. Krakowskiem oraz na wchodzących w skład Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej obszarach Spisza i Orawy. Dz.U. 1920 nr 117 poz. 768. Zgodnie z nią w skład województw południowo-wschodnich wchodziły województwa: II Województwo Lwowskie: powiaty Bóbrka, Brzozów, Cieszanów, Dobromił, Drohobycz, Gródek, Jarosław, Jaworów, Kolbuszowa, Krosno, Łańcut, Lwów miasto, Lwów powiat, Lisko, Mościska, Nisko, Przemyśl, Przeworsk, Rawa, Rudki, Rzeszów, Sambor, Sanok, Sokal, Stary Sambor, Strzyżów, Tarnobrzeg, Żółkiew. III Województwo Stanisławowskie: Bohorodczany, Dolina, Horodenka, Kałusz. Kołomyja, Kossów, Nadwórna. Peczeniżyn, Rohatyn, Skole, Śniatyń, Stanisławów, Stryj, Tłumacz, Turka, Żydaczów. IV Województwo Tarnopolskie: Borszczów, Brody, Brzeżany, Buczacz, Czortków, Husiatyn, Kamionka, Podhajce, Przemyślany, Radziechów, Skałat, Tarnopol, Trembowla, Zaleszczyki, Zbaraż, Zborów, Złoczów. 1 Page | 171 wschodnimi. Obszar ten zamieszkiwali Ukraińcy zwani Rusinami, Polacy, Żydzi, Niemcy, Ormianie, Czesi oraz ludność rusińska-Huculi. Na południu i wschodzie regionu przeważał żywioł ukraiński, a Polacy na wielu obszarach stanowili zdecydowaną mniejszość. Głównymi miastami Galicji Wschodniej były Lwów, Stanisławów i Tarnopol, a Galicji Zachodniej Kraków, Tarnów oraz Rzeszów2. W monarchii austro-węgierskiej interesujący nas region wchodził w skład kraju koronnego Królestwa Galicji i Lodomerii. Po rozpadzie Austro-Węgier w 1918 r. władzę w Krakowie i Galicji Zachodniej objęła Polska Komisja Likwidacyjna. Traktatem w Saint-Germain-en-Laye 10 listopada 1919 r. Austria zrzekła się Galicji. Na obszarze Galicji Wschodniej toczyła się wojna polsko-ukraińska, zakończona 25 czerwca 1919 r. zwycięstwem wojsk polskich. 18 maja 1919 r. rozpoczęła się polska ofensywa w Galicji Wschodniej przeciwko wojskom Zachodnioukraińskiej Republiki Ludowej. 24 maja 1919 r. została podpisana umowa o współpracy wojskowej między rządem Rzeczpospolitej a Dyrektoriatem Ukraińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Miesiąc później, 25 czerwca Rada Najwyższa Konferencji Pokojowej w Paryżu zezwoliła Polsce na zorganizowanie tymczasowej administracji wojskowej w Galicji Wschodniej po rzekę Zbrucz. 21 listopada 1919 r. Rada Najwyższa Konferencji Pokojowej w Paryżu przyznała Polsce 25-letni mandat nad Galicją Wschodnią. Nadzór nad jego sprawowaniem powierzono Lidze Narodów. 2 grudnia 1919 r. w Warszawie delegacja URL w Warszawie uznała Zbrucz za rzekę graniczną3. W styczniu 1920 r. Wojsko Polskie zdobyło Dyneburg i jego okolice do linii Dźwiny4. Ostateczne przyznanie Polsce całości terenów byłej Galicji nastąpiło 15 marca 1923 r. na podstawie decyzji Konferencji Ambasadorów5. Galicja Wschodnia charakteryzowała się bardzo niskim potencjałem ekonomicznym. Poza niewielkimi złożami ropy naftowej i węgla w Zagłębiu Borysławsko-Drohobyckim nie dysponowała wystarczającym zasobem surowców. W ślad za tym szedł niski poziom produkcji przemysłowej. Region był uzależniony od dostaw zza granicy, a te wskutek zagrożenia lub blokady szlaków komunikacyjnych (m.in. prowadzących przez Rumunię i Czechosłowację) były blokowane. Natomiast w miarę korzystna na tle innych regionów Polski była sytuacja aprowizacyjna. Rada Ambasadorów 15 marca 1923 r. wydała decyzję o uznaniu suwerennej władzy Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej nad Galicją Wschodnią z zastrzeżeniem nadania jej statusu autonomicznego. Namiastkę tej autonomii stanowiła Ustawa z dnia 26 września 1922 r. o zasadach powszechnego samorządu wojewódzkiego, a w szczególności województwa lwowskiego, tarnopolskiego i stanisławowskiego. Dz.U. 1922 nr 90 poz. 829. 3 KLIMECKI 2000: 249. 4 O polsko-ukraińskiej umowie z 24 maja 1919 r., tzw. układzie Kudrynowski-Paderewski patrz np. LEGIEĆ 1998. 5 15 marca 1923 r. Rada Ambasadorów wydała decyzję o uznaniu suwerennej władzy Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej nad Galicją Wschodnią z zastrzeżeniem nadania jej statusu autonomicznego. Namiastkę tej autonomii stanowiła Ustawa z dnia 26 września 1922 r. o zasadach powszechnego samorządu wojewódzkiego, a w szczególności województwa lwowskiego, tarnopolskiego i stanisławowskiego. Dz.U. 1922 nr 90 poz. 829. 2 Page | 172 Pomimo niskiej wydajności upraw i zacofanych metod produkcji zwierzęcej obszar ten na wypadek wojny był samowystarczalny6. Galicja Wschodnia była regionem zróżnicowanym etnicznie, choć proces tworzenia się nowoczesnego narodu ukraińskiego rozpoczął się w zasadzie dopiero pod koniec XIX w. Wiązało się to z niskim poziomem wykształcenia mas ludowych. Wyższe warstwy społeczeństwa galicyjskiego były spolonizowane. Z chwilą rozpowszechnienia haseł separatystycznych, a następnie nacjonalistycznych, jednolite dotychczas wschodnie pogranicze zaczęło się różnicować narodowościowo. Proces ten miał charakter uniwersalny i dotyczył całej środkowo-wschodniej Europy. Reprezentanci nowych ruchów narodowych kwestionowali potrzebę i sens odrodzenia państwa w jego przedrozbiorowych granicach historycznych. Z czasem nacjonaliści ulegali radykalizacji głosząc potrzebę utworzenia państw narodowych. Polskie środowiska niepodległościowe potraktowały to jako zamach na tradycje jednolitej i tolerancyjnej Rzeczypospolitej7. Ukraińcy z Galicji mieli wysoki poziom świadomości obywatelskiej ukształtowany przez monarchię Habsburgów oraz działania ukraińskich organizacji kulturalno-oświatowych8. Wśród Ukraińców kwestia narodowa łączyła się z rewolucją społeczną. W czasie wojny polsko-sowieckiej Ukraińcy z Galicji Wschodniej uważali, że po jej zakończeniu przy wsparciu aliantów, w tym Wielkiej Brytanii powstanie niepodległe państwo ukraińskie. Natomiast chłopi będący pod wpływem bolszewickiej agitacji, ale również polska biedota, czy Huculi liczyli na wkroczenie Armii Czerwonej9. Bolszewicy widzieli w Galicji Wschodniej i Bukowinie teren, którego opanowanie umożliwi Armii Czerwonej przeniesienie rewolucji na Węgry i do Austrii, a w dalszej perspektywie na południe Europy. Ukraińscy bolszewicy uważali Galicję Wschodnią za swoją ziemię etniczną, która powinna stać się częścią Ukraińskiej Socjalistycznej Republiki Rad10. Natomiast bolszewicy rosyjscy z Leninem na czele nie dostrzegali w Ukraińcach oddzielnego narodu i odmawiali im prawa budowy własnej państwowości. Byli w stanie uznać suwerenność organizmów państwowych utworzonych przez Tadżyków, Ormian, Gruzinów, Finów, Litwinów czy inne narody niesłowiańskie, ale nie Ukraińców11. Już w latach 1914-1916 Rosjanie represjonowali galicyjskich Ukraińców zakładając, że nie ma żadnego narodu ukraińskiego, za to jest jeden naród rosyjski12. Pod względem administracji wojskowej tworzące się państwo polskie zostało podzielone na Okręgi Wojskowe. 7 lipca 1919 r. zgodnie zarządzeniem Ministerstwa Spraw Wojskowych dokonano zmiany terenowej administracji wojskowej, która w takim kształcie funkcjonowała do końca wojny polsko-sowieckiej. Zniesiono ŁACH 2006: 172. EBERHARDT 2015: 15. 8 HUD 2018: 284. 9 GRÜNBERG, SPRENGEL 2005: 292. 10 KLIMECKI 2006: 21. 11 KLIMECKI 2006: 22. 12 RUTKOWSKA 2017: 28. 6 7 Page | 173 Dowództwa Okręgów Wojskowych, a na ich miejscu powstały Okręgi Generalne o jednolitej strukturze13. Najniższymi strukturami terenowymi Okręgów Generalnych były komendy miast, garnizonów i placów14. Komendy miast istniały w Warszawie, Lublinie, Kielcach, Łodzi i Lwowie, a w mniejszych miejscowościach powołano komendy placów i garnizonów. W latach 1918-1919 tymczasowym organem administracji w Galicji i na Śląsku Cieszyńskim była Polska Komisja Likwidacyjna. W jej kompetencjach leżało m.in. bezpieczeństwo regionu. Za sprawy wojskowe odpowiadał powołany do życia w dniu 31 października 1918 r. Wydział Wojskowy, który swoje kompetencje miał dzielić z krakowską Komendą Wojskową. Główna rola tego wydziału polegała na zabezpieczeniu finansowym oraz materiałowym sił zbrojnych. Pod koniec listopada 1918 r. Komenda Wojskowa w ramach reorganizacji obejmującej również inne ziemie polskie została przemianowana na Dowództwo Okręgu Generalnego. W styczniu 1919 r. z części obszaru Okręgu Generalnego Krakowskiego został wydzielony cały okręg przemyski i jeden powiat z okręgu rzeszowskiego. Komendę nad nimi objęło dowództwo Wojsk Polskich na Galicję Wschodnią15. W pierwszych miesiącach 1920 r. Galicja Wschodnia znajdowała się na obszarze operacyjnym podległym Naczelnemu Dowództwu WP. Dopiero w kwietniu 1920 r. siedem powiatów Galicji Wschodniej (Zbaraż, Tarnopol, Skała, Trembowla, Czortków, Husiatyn i Borszczów) przeszło z terenu etapowego i operacyjnego do Dowództwa Okręgu Generalnego Lwów16. Organem wykonawczym władz państwowych była Policja Państwowa, podległa Ministrowi Spraw Wewnętrznych i wyszkolona na wzór wojskowy. Strukturę Policji Państwowej przystosowano do podziału administracyjnego kraju. Policja dzieliła się na komendy okręgowe łączące kilka lub kilkanaście komend powiatowych, komendy powiatowe odpowiadające powiatom i komisariaty obejmujące większe miasta lub dzielnice w dużych miastach. Najniższym szczeblem organizacji był stały posterunek w gminie. W miastach będących samodzielną jednostką administracyjną policja była zorganizowana na prawach komendy powiatowej lub okręgowej. Przy komendach okręgowych funkcjonowały urzędy śledcze17. Funkcję Komendanta Głównego Policji Państwowej w okresie od 24 lipca 1919 r. do 20 kwietnia 1922 r. 13 WRZOSEK 1992: 66. Centralne Archiwum Wojskowe, I. 341. 1. 67 Naczelna Komenda Wojsk Polskich we Lwowie. Akta z listopada i grudnia 1918 r. Rozkazy dzienne za czas od 5 XI – 4 XII 1918 r., Rozkaz dzienny Komendy Naczelnej Wojsk Polskich we Lwowie nr 11 z dnia 14 listopada 1918, k. 24. 15 PRZENIOSŁO 2010: 151, 152, 154. 16 Rozporządzenie Ministra Spraw Wewnętrznych w porozumieniu z Ministrem Spraw Wojskowych z dnia 26 kwietnia 1920 r. w przedmiocie rozciągnięcia organizacji Policji Państwowej na dalszych 7 wschodnich powiatów Małopolski, wydane na zasadzie art. 3 przepisów przejściowych do ustawy o Policji Państwowej z dnia 24 lipca 1919 r. Art. 1. (Dz. Pr. P. P. № 61, poz. 363). 17 Ustawa z dnia 24 lipca 1919 roku o policji państwowej Dziennik Praw, Państwa Polskiego 1919, nr 61, poz. 363. Art. 4-5. 14 Page | 174 pełnił Władysław Henszel. Policja Państwowa w czasie wojny polsko-sowieckiej była oprócz Żandarmerii Polowej i Żandarmerii Polowej Etapowej główną instytucją odpowiedzialną za bezpieczeństwo na terenach leżących za linią frontu. Państwowe Archiwum Obwodu Lwowskiego we Lwowie, Zespół Lwowski Urząd Wojewódzki. Wydział Prezydialny Fond 1, opis 57, teczka 28. Komenda Policyi Państwowej na Małopolskę L. prez. 394 Sprawozdanie za styczeń 1920 r. Lwów, dnia 6. Lutego 1920 r. Sytuacya polityczna w Małopolsce w styczniu 1920 r. przedstawia się na ogół pomyślnie. Wedle sprawozdań powiatowych Komend Policyi Państwowej w Tłumaczu, Bohorodczanach, Bóbrce, Rohatynie, Rudkach, Stanisławowie i Kałuszu, stosunki polityczne nie pozostawiają nic do życzenia. Ludność ruska 18 zachowuje się biernie i wykonuje rozkazy władz polskich. W innych powiatach a to i w skolskim, rawskim (Lubycza Kniazia, Żurawiec i Uhnów), nadwórnaińskim, żydaczowskim i lwowskim niewyśledzone dotąd indywidua rozsiewają wśród ciemnej ruskiej ludności zmyślone wieści o zwycięstwach bolszewików nad Wojskami Polskimi i rychłem wkroczeniu bolszewików do Małopolski. Najprawdopodobniej ma się tu do czynienia z uwolnionymi z obozu internowanych działaczami ukraińskimi, którzy nie mogąc w inny sposób działać na szkodę Państwa, obrali taktykę szerzenia popłochu wśród bezkrytycznej ludności i utrzymywania jej w ciągłym niepokoju, a tem samem osłabiania ufności tejże w trwałość rządów polskich we wschodniej Małopolsce. W powiecie lwowskim dała się ponadto zauważyć silniejsza agitacya wśród duchowieństwa ruskiego. W powiecie Samborskim ruch ukraiński wzmaga się nieco podsycony tajną agitacyą działaczy i agitatorów zwolnionych z obozu internowanych. W powiecie doliniańskim wykryto kilka wypadków agitacyi antypaństwowej. W powiecie liskim19 ruscy działacze (księża i nauczyciele) rozsiewają wieści o poważnych zmianach z nastaniem wiosny, odnośnie do rządów, jednak mało znajdują wiary u ogółu. W powiecie sanockim daje się zauważyć silny ruch organizacyjny wśród żydów. Szerzy się tam agitacya bundowców20, przekradająca się z b. Kongresówki 21. Tak Rusini jak i Żydzi prowadza swe agitacyie o których mówią bardzo skrycie. W miejscowościach granicznych zachodniej Małopolski okupanci ujawniają się za pomocą czasopism i pism ulotnych (rzucanych między innymi w Nowym Targu z latawca). Chcą zjednać sobie ludność na terenach plebiscytowych, także za pomocą dostarczania środków żywności, sprzedaży narzędzi i maszyn rolniczych po niskich cenach, co przemawia do serca ludu rolniczego, ale bezskutecznie, gdyż duch narodowy w ludności stoi za wysoko aby dał się wziąć na lep okupantom. Towarzystwa oświatowe i komitety niesienia pomocy biednej Nazwą ludności ruskiej określano Ukraińców. Dziś Lesko, miasto w woj. podkarpackim. 20 Ogólnożydowski Związek Robotniczy „Bund” na Litwie, w Polsce i w Rosji. KASSOW 2017. 21 Karta 73. 18 19 Page | 175 ludności rozwijają szeroką akcyę w okręgu krakowskim, aby usunąć braki, jakie na tle aprowizacyi się wyłoniły. Stosunki bezpieczeństwa: w obrębie powiatowych Komend Policyi w Tłumaczu, Bohorodczanach, Bóbrce i Żydaczowie należy uważać za normalne. Zdarzają się wprawdzie sporadyczne wypadki drobnych kradzieży na tle głodowym, sprawcy najczęściej bywają wykryci. Również w powiatach: doliniańskim, kałuskim, rudeckim i lwowskim stosunki bezpieczeństwa zostały opanowane, a w kilku wypadkach kradzieży koni oraz w wypadku poważniejszej kradzieży drutu telefonicznego na szkodę Skarbu Państwa (powiat lwowski) sprawcy zostali wykryci i oddani władzom sądowym. Gorzej przedstawiają się stosunki bezpieczeństwa w powiecie […}tyńskim22 gdzie poza wykrytą kradzieżą koni zaszedł wypadek podwójnego skrytobójczego morderstwa. Wdrożone śledztwo wykryło 3 sprawców, których też oddano sądowi. W powiecie Rawa Ruska niewyśledzeni dotąd sprawcy dokonali morderstwa rabunkowego w Pulcach ad Kamionka Wołoska. W drugim wypadku usiłowanego morderstwa został sprawca wykryty. W mieście Lwowie należy stan bezpieczeństwa uważać za silnie zagrożony, stosunki bezpieczeństwa pogarszają się z każdym prawie dniem. Kradzież, rabunki i włamania , a nawet morderstwa tworzą zwykłą tragedię dnia powszedniego 23. Do najpoważniej zagrożonych należy jedna zaliczyć powiat żółkiewski, w obrębie którego w krótkim okresie czasu zdarzyło się 5 wypadków rabunków, 6 kradzieży wykrytych, 2 niewykryte i 1 morderstwo. Podejrzenie w tych wypadkach pada na żołnierzy 14 Pułku Ułanów, z pośród których wydelegowana specyalna przez Dowództwo Okręgu Generalnego Lwów, komisya śledcza przyaresztowała dotąd 21 ludzi. Zastraszające rozmiary przybrały kolejowe kradzieże bagaży i towarów w okręgu Dyrekcyi kolei państwowej w Stanisławowie i Lwowie – głównie na przestrzeni: Lwów – Persenkówka – Bóbrka, następnie Buczacz – Pyszkowce – Dżuryn, wreszcie na dworcach w Chodorowie, Potutorach i w Stanisławowie, które to kradzieże pomimo energicznych zarządzeń administracyjnych nie udały i w dalszym ciągu się powtarzają. Komenda Policyi Państwowej zarządziła ze swej strony, że codziennie jedna (sic!) patrol jedzie wieczorem ze Lwowa do Stanisławowa, a równocześnie druga patrol w odwrotnym kierunku, celem czuwania nad nocnemi transportami. Trudność opanowania bezpieczeństwa na dworcach i kolejach leży w tem, że wskutek szczupłego stanu ludzi nie może Komenda Policyi Państwowej użyć większej ilości funkcjonariuszów do tego celu, dalej z tego powodu, że w kradzieżach biorą udział przeważnie sami kolejarze względnie w spółce z wydalonymi kolejarzami. Na odbytej konferencji władz bezpieczeństwa i organów Dyrekcyi kolejowych omawiano środki zaradcze, a odpowiednie wnioski zostaną wkrótce przedłożone kompetentnym władzom centralnym z prośbą o zatwierdzenie mających się wydać zarządzeń. W okręgu krakowskim sprawa bezpieczeństwa publicznego przedstawia się niezadawalająco. Kradzieże powtarzają się sporadycznie w całym okręgu, a w szczególności kradzieże środków żywności i innych towarów codziennego użycia. Kradzieże te mają miejsce szczególnie na kolejach żelaznych, Nadto na przestrzeniach kolejowych Podłęże – Niepołomice 22 23 Nazwa powiatu nieczytelna. Chodzi o powiat rohatyński. Karta 75. Page | 176 – Dębica – Rozwadów – Tarnów – Orłów, miały miejsce uszkodzenia urządzeń kolejowych. W tym kierunku wydano odpowiednie zarządzenia. Wypadki bandytyzmu notowane były w Krakowie, Podgórzu, Bochni, Białej i Rzeszowie. Zauważono, że po straceniu 3 bandytów rabunki w okręgu krakowskim nieco ustały, gdyż wykonanie wyroków podziałało zastraszająco na tamtejszą ludność. Według relacyi powiatowych komend przemytnictwo rozwija się na szeroką skalę w miejscowościach położonych bliżej granicy. Szczególnie bywają przemycana nafta, smary i benzyna. Należy się spodziewać, że zarządzenia wydane w myśl uchwały Rady Ministrów z dnia 16 stycznia 1920 będą uwieńczone pomyślnym rezultatem a wszelkie przemytnictwo da się powstrzymać. W powiecie drohobyckim ruch komunistyczny, jaki przed niedawnym czasem wzmógł się i organizować począł strajki obecnie osłabł. Przyczyniła się do tego poprawa aprowizacyi dla robotników i nowe uświadomienie tej warstwy ludności. Zaprzeczyć się jednak nie da, że wśród robotników jest jeszcze znaczna ilość komunistów, którzy wykorzystywaliby każdą nadającą się sposobność do wystąpienia czynnie. Również i na wsi wśród ludu odczuwa się tajną agitacyę bolszewicką i krążą tam wieści, że armia bolszewicka jest już na granicy Małopolski. W powiecie żółkiewskim Żydzi sprzyjają zasadom bolszewickim, tu ukazała się potrzeba wdrażania specyalnych dochodzeń ze strony Ekspozytury Oddziału Informacyjnego w Rawie Ruskiej. Sytuacya ekonomiczna nie uległa zmianie. Z wyjątkiem powiatu lwowskiego, żydaczowskiego i przeworskiego których stan pod tym względem jest możliwy do zniesienia, w reszcie powiatów istnieją straszne stosunki. We wszystkich powiatach formalnie głód, brak najważniejszych artykułów żywności, ubrań nawet dla szpitali i zakładów kąpielowych – co zagraża poważnie bezpieczeństwu i porządkowi publicznemu. Na tle braków aprowizacyjnych wybuchł w ostatnim czasie strajk górników i warsztatowców w Brzeszczanach (około 1500 ludzi), który jednak zażegnano. We wszystkich powiatach okręgu lwowskiego i przemyskiego szerzy się w zastraszający sposób epidemia tyfusu plamistego i grypy pochłaniając wiele ofiar24. Przyczynia się do wzrostu epidemii brak odpowiednej aprowizacyi – zaś utrudnia zwalczanie tejże dotkliwy brak opału nawet dla szpitali i dezynfektorów, oraz niemożność gmin podołania własnemi funduszami obowiązkowi walki z epidemią. Zestawiając sytuacyę w poszczególnych powiatach i biorąc ją za podstawę do określenia całości położenia musi się stwierdzić, że stosunki pod względem politycznym w Małopolsce, układają się zupełnie pomyślnie. Wśród ludu ruskiego nastąpiło już otrzeźwienie, a jakkolwiek próby agitacyi posługującej się fikcją ucisku i jątrzenia przeciw Polakom nie ustały, to jednak nie znajduje tak podatnego gruntu jak dawniej. Ludność ukraińska za wiele doznała rozczarowań by iść znowu ochotnie na lep frazesu nacyonalnego i tanich obiecanek, tem więcej, że spotyka się na każdym kroku z przychylnością władz rządowych. Nawet wśród pracy ukraińskiej, która zasadniczo stawia postulat wolnej i zjednoczonej Ukrainy, dają się czasem 24 Drugi arkusz ma nagłówek do Prez. L. 394/20 (karta 75 – nie jest to paginacja dokładna). Page | 177 słyszeć głosy ugodowe (Probij) widzące w szczerej ugodzie z Polską gwarancję narodowego i kulturalnego rozwoju Rusinów. Są to z pewnością głosy odosobnione, ale niemniej dla obecnej sytuacyi charakterystyczne bo przedtem niesłyszane. Agitacya komunistyczna, prowadzona nieuchwytnie, nie wykazuje tendencji do poważniejszego rozwijania się. Agitacya ta trzyma się zawsze demagogicznej taktyki wyzyskiwania niezadowolenia ludu wiejskiego i w centrach przemysłowych, aby go podniecić przeciwko panującemu systemowi i władzy. Ludność, która jest codziennie świadkami wyzysków spekulacyjnych i niesłychanej lichwy żywnościowej, łatwo pchnąć można ku tym, którzy przyrzekają zaradzenie obecnej nędzy o ile obejmą władzę. Dlatego najlepszem przeciwdziałaniem tej agitacyi jest należyta organizacya aprowizacyi i obniżenie cen produktów pierwszej potrzeby. Ogólna opinia społeczna, wyrażająca się w uchwałach rad miejskich zgromadzeń i w prasie domaga się naprawy aprowizacyi przez energiczne ściganie paskarzy wszelkiego rodzaju i ściąganie kontyngentu zboża, dalej przez przeprowadzenie kontroli zagadnień artykułów żywności, przechowywanemi do handlu pokątnego wyjęcia spod obrotu najniezbędniejszych artykułów. Stosunek ścisły pomiędzy aprowizacyą z podatnością na wpływ agitatorów wykazuje Drohobycz, gdzie po polepszeniu się stosunków aprowizacyjnych ruch agitatorski zmalał. Krecią, destrukcyjną ustawiczną robotę wewnątrz państwa prowadzą Żydzi, wywożą żywność i monety za granicę, wywołują zamieszanie handlowe poprzez spekulacyę na markach i koronach, powodują zamęt i wycofanie drobnych monet z obiegu i w ten sposób przyczyniają się do utrzymania niezadowolenia i fermentu wśród ludności. Przykładem tej roboty był fakt skonfiskowania w jednym dniu w żydowskich kawiarniach około pół miliona drobnych koron w tym właśnie czasie, kiedy wojsku i urzędnikom wypłacić nie można było zdawkowych monet. Wśród licznych niedomagań życia wojennego zwraca uwagę wzrost bandytyzmu, kradzieże rabunkowe, włamania i kradzieże kolejowe. Przyczyną tych smutnych stosunków jest z jednej strony upadek moralności, niechęć do pracy oraz chęć łatwego posiadania pieniędzy, a z drugiej strony ciężkie warunki aprowizacyjne. Ważnym powodem wzmagania się napadów rabunkowych po wsiach jest okoliczność, że chłopi posiadają nieraz znaczne zapasy gotówki wskutek wysokich cen otrzymanych za swe produkty, bądź przesłane od krewnych z Ameryki. Policja Państwowa tropi bandytów często z narażeniem życia i w większości wypadków ujmuje i odstawia winnych do sądu. Stosunek wzajemny pomiędzy ludnością cywilną, wojskiem i Policją jest życzliwy. Ludność odnosi się przychylnie do organów Policji Państwowej, a nawet w niektórych powiatach bierze czynny udział w tępieniu bandytów. Organizacya Policyi Państwowej postępuje normalnie. Otrzymują: Komenda Gł. Pol. Państw. W Warszawie, Ministerstwo Spraw Wewnętrznych i Generalny Delegat Rządu we Lwowie. Page | 178 W okresie wojen o granice odradzającej się Rzeczpospolitej poważnym zagrożeniem dla polskich władz we wschodniej części Galicji była inwigilacja przez sowiecką agenturę. Rosja sowiecka utworzyła siatkę wywiadowczą działającą jeszcze długo po zakończeniu działań zbrojnych. Jej wpływom ulegała ludność żydowska, ukraińska oraz Huculi. Ruch komunistyczny osłabiła poprawa zaopatrzenia robotników, wśród których było wielu komunistów. Wroga agitacja, czy brak lojalności wobec państwa polskiego wśród zamieszkujących Galicję Wschodnią mniejszości narodowych były widoczne przez cały okres międzywojenny stając się zarzewiem tragicznych wydarzeń, które dotknęły ten region w latach drugiej wojny światowej. Wojny o granice Rzeczypospolitej, ze względu na skomplikowaną sytuację etniczną regionu miały charakter zbliżony do wojny domowej. W wielu przypadkach po obu stronach frontu stali żołnierze pochodzący z tego samego regionu. Niepewność polityczna, ciągłe zagrożenie oraz liczne pobojowiska jeszcze z czasów Wielkiej Wojny skutkowały tym, że w rękach cywilnej ludności znajdowała się wielka ilość broni palnej. Często była to długa broń wojskowa, którą wykorzystywano główne do kłusownictwa, ale i do napadów rabunkowych. Szczególnie trudna sytuacja panowała w największym z miast Galicji Wschodniej we Lwowie. Niski poziom bezpieczeństwa charakteryzował też powiat żółkiewski. Wśród przestępstw dominowały rabunki i przestępstwa przeciwko mieniu. Z powyższego dokumentu wynika, że w Galicji Wschodniej nie popełniono wielu morderstw, a te wykryte dotyczyły przede wszystkim tła rabunkowego. Ze względu na problemy ekonomiczne, społeczne, narodowościowe oraz powszechny dostęp do nielegalnej broni Galicja Wschodnia borykała się z problemami bezpieczeństwa przez cały okres międzywojenny. Również w okręgu krakowskim sprawa bezpieczeństwa publicznego przedstawia się niezadawalająco. Okręg krakowski zamieszkiwała przede wszystkim ludność polska. Dotkliwą formą przestępczości były kradzieże dokonywane na kolejach. W tym procederze niejednokrotnie brali udział sami kolejarze. W miejscowościach przygranicznych poważnym problemem stał się przemyt Przemycano za granicę przede wszystkim żywność, której brakował oraz monety, naftę, smary i benzynę. Powodowało to poważne straty gospodarcze związane ze spekulacją na markach i koronach oraz wycofanie drobnych monet z obiegu. Przemytem towarów zajmowała się ludność żydowska. Na początku 1920 r. w regionie za wyjątkiem powiatu lwowskiego, żydaczowskiego i przeworskiego panował głód. We wszystkich powiatach okręgu lwowskiego i przemyskiego szerzyły się choroby zakaźne, przede wszystkim tyfus plamisty i grypa, pochłaniając wiele ofiar. Sytuacja bezpieczeństwa Galicji Wschodniej uległa oczywistemu pogorszeniu wiosną i latem 1920 r., kiedy w nowa fazę weszły działania zbrojne wojny polskosowieckiej i region stał się areną kluczowych operacji wojskowych jak wyprawa kijowska czy kontrofensywa sowiecka na Lwów. Po zakończeniu wojny polskosowieckiej, zawieszeniu broni i podpisaniu traktatu ryskiego, jak wcześniej Page | 179 wspomniano, wschodnie pogranicze stało się obszarem intensywnego działania bolszewickiej agentury. Na stan bezpieczeństwa negatywnie wpłynął również rozwój ukraińskiego ruchu nacjonalistycznego. Bibliography Sources Centralne Archiwum Wojskowe, I. 341. 1. 67 Naczelna Komenda Wojsk Polskich we Lwowie. Akta z listopada i grudnia 1918 r. Rozkazy dzienne za czas od 5 XI – 4 XII 1918 r., Rozkaz dzienny Komendy Naczelnej Wojsk Polskich we Lwowie nr 11 z dnia 14 listopada 1918, k. 24. Rozporządzenie Ministra Spraw Wewnętrznych w porozumieniu z Ministrem Spraw Wojskowych z dnia 26 kwietnia 1920 r. w przedmiocie rozciągnięcia organizacji Policji Państwowej na dalszych 7 wschodnich powiatów Małopolski, wydane na zasadzie art. 3 przepisów przejściowych do ustawy o Policji Państwowej z dnia 24 lipca 1919 r. (Dz. Pr. P. P. № 61, poz. 363). Ustawa z dnia 24 lipca 1919 roku o policji państwowej Dziennik Praw, Państwa Polskiego 1919, nr 61, poz. 363. Ustawa z dnia 26 września 1922 r. o zasadach powszechnego samorządu wojewódzkiego, a w szczególności województwa lwowskiego, tarnopolskiego i stanisławowskiego. (Dz.U. 1922 nr 90 poz. 829). Ustawa z dnia 3 grudnia 1920 r. o tymczasowej organizacji władz administracyjnych II instancji (województw) na obszarze b. Królestwa Galicji i Lodomerii z W. Ks. Krakowskiem oraz na wchodzących w skład Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej obszarach Spisza i Orawy. (Dz.U. 1920 nr 117 poz. 768). RUTKOWSKA J. (2017), Pamiętnik lwowianki, 1914-1919, oprac. W. POLAK, S. GALIJSKARBIŃSKA, Toruń. Literature EBERHARDT P. (2015), ‘Koncepcje granic państwa polskiego u progu odzyskania niepodległości’, Studia z Geografii Politycznej i Historycznej 4, 9-35. GRÜNBERG K., SPRENGEL B. (2005), Trudne sąsiedztwo. Stosunki polsko-ukraińskie w X-XX wieku, Warszawa. HUD B. (2018), Ukraińcy i Polacy na Naddnieprzu, Wołyniu i w Galicji Wschodniej w XIX i pierwszej połowie XX wieku, Warszawa. KASSOW S. (2017), ‘The Historiography of the Bund’, Polin Studies in Polish Jewry 29, 121-139. KLIMECKI M. (2000), Polsko-ukraińska wojna o Lwów i Galicję Wschodnią 1918-1919, Warszawa. KLIMECKI M. (2006), Galicyjska Socjalistyczna Republika Rad. Okupacja Małopolski (Galicji) Wschodniej przez Armię Czerwoną w 1920 roku, Toruń. LEGIEĆ J. (1998), ‘Misja Borysa Kudrynowskiego w Warszawie (kwiecień-sierpień 1919 r.)’, Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 33, 53-62. ŁACH W. (2006), ‘Uwarunkowania kształtowania systemu obrony południowo-wschodniej granicy Polski po I wojnie światowej’, w: Nad Zbruczem, Dniestrem i Prutem. Podole w dziejach militarnych Rzeczypospolitej (wybrane zagadnienia), red. Z. MATUSZAK, A. NAWROCKI, Warszawa. PRZENIOSŁO M. (2010), Polska Komisja Likwidacyjna 1918-1919, Kielce. WRZOSEK M. (1992), Wojny o granice Polski Odrodzonej 1918-1921, Warszawa. Page | 180 WITNESSES OF THE PAST OF EARTH SIEDLCE (BIOGRAPHIES) Page | 181 Page | 182 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 ŚWIADKOWIE PRZESZŁOŚCI ZIEMI SIEDLECKIEJ. BIOGRAMY GRALIŃSKI Zygmunt, KRZYPKOWSKI Stefan, LULEWICZ Henryk, MATUSAK Piotr, TOMASZKIEWICZ Ignacy https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.14 W 2009 r. z inicjatywy i pod redakcją Śp. profesora Arkadiusza Kołodziejczyka ukazał się tom I Słownika biograficznego Południowego Podlasia i Wschodniego Mazowsza, któremu patronowały Siedleckie Towarzystwo Naukowe i Instytut Historii Uniwersytetu Przyrodniczo-Humanistycznego w Siedlcach (wówczas Akademia Podlaska). Począwszy od czwartego numeru „Historii i Świata” postanowiliśmy uruchomić dział „Świadkowie Przeszłości Ziemi Siedleckiej. Biogramy”. Przyjmujemy dwa podstawowe założenia. Po pierwsze, zakres terytorialny określony w Słowniku biograficznym Południowego Podlasia i Wschodniego Mazowsza; po drugie, przyjmujemy zasady Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego, ale bez wprowadzania skrótów z nielicznymi wyjątkami. Skróty wprowadziliśmy w wydaniu książkowym. Zamierzamy publikować biogramy osób urodzonych lub związanych z działalnością na terenie zakreślonym w tytule Słownika biograficznego Południowego Podlasia i Wschodniego Mazowsza. Szczególną uwagę pragniemy zwrócić na dorobek naukowy pracowników UPH, przez który i jego wcześniejsze mutacje przewinęło się wielu uczonych i pozostawiło znaczący ślad w dorobku naukowym i organizacyjnym uczelni. Page | 183 Page | 184 GRALIŃSKI Zygmunt (1897-1940), prawnik, adwokat, działacz ruchu ludowego, poseł na Sejm II kadencji (1928-30), wiceminister spraw zagranicznych rządu Rzeczpospolitej Polskiej na uchodźstwie. Urodził się 29 IX 1897 r. w Łęczycy w rodzinie inteligenckiej. Po ukończeniu gimnazjum w Charkowie rozpoczął studia prawnicze na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim (1918-22). W 1925 r. w Paryżu uzyskał stopień doktora praw. Po powrocie do Polski podjął pracę w Ministerstwie Spraw Zagranicznych, wykładał publiczne prawo międzynarodowe na Wolnej Wszechnicy Polskiej w Warszawie. Jako adwokat bronił działaczy ludowych w procesach politycznych, w tym w procesie brzeskim. Aktywnie działał w Polskim Stronnictwie Ludowym (PSL) „Wyzwolenie”. Graliński był prezesem zarządu powiatowego tego ugrupowania w Sokołowie Podlaskim i Siedlcach. W okresie 1928-30 sprawował mandat poselski. Po utworzenie Stronnictwa Ludowego (SL) wszedł w skład Rady Naczelnej SL (1931). Ponadto był wiceprezesem Rady Naczelnej, członkiem Naczelnego Komitetu Wykonawczego oraz prezesem Zarządu Wojewódzkiego w Lublinie (od IV 1934). Aktywność polityczna Gralińskiego w okresie międzywojennym na terenie powiatu sokołowskiego rozpoczęła się w 1922 r. W Kosowie 8 X 1922 r. PSL „Wyzwolenie” zorganizowało spotkanie przedwyborcze z udziałem przedstawiciela Związku Ludowo-Narodowy (ZLN). Głos zabrali: Bolesław Szymczak, Józef Młyński, Graliński, Czesław Oleszczuk (PSL „Wyzwolenie”), Wincenty Krysiak (PSL „Piast”), Mszczonowski (ZLN). Przedstawiciele PSL „Wyzwolenie” podkreślali zasługi Naczelnika Państwa i Legionów, a także byłego premiera Jędrzeja Moraczewskiego, krytykowali sejmową działalność ZLN. W drugiej połowie X oraz w XI 1922 r. PSL „Wyzwolenie” zintensyfikowało kampanię przedwyborczą na terenie powiatu. Na październikowych wiecach głównymi prelegentami byli Graliński i Bolesław Szymczak. Podczas wspomnianych spotkań, obok zagadnień programowych, poruszano takie tematy, jak: działalność władz państwowych do najazdu bolszewickiego, funkcjonowanie rządu Paderewskiego, konieczność reformy rolnej, upaństwowienia lasów, brak zgody na rząd Śliwińskiego, odezwa biskupów dotycząca popierania listy nr 8, odszkodowania wojenne dla właścicieli ziemi. Graliński angażował się w lokalne życie polityczne. 12 VI 1927 r. w Jabłonnie Lackiej skrytykował dotychczasową działalność sejmiku sokołowskiego i siedleckiego w związku z wyborami do rad gminnych i sejmiku. Przy końcu kadencji Sejmu Graliński ponownie zintensyfikował działalność. Na wiecach PSL „Wyzwolenie”, organizowanych w II połowie 1927 r., głównym mówcą był Graliński. W Czerwonce (gmina Grochów) podkreślił, że PSL „Wyzwolenie” dążyło do jak najszybszego zrealizowania ustawy o reformie rolnej. Odniósł się również do sytuacji na lokalnej scenie politycznej. Wyraził zadowolenie, Page | 185 że byli starostowie powiatów: sokołowskiego, siedleckiego i węgrowskiego zostali usunięci ze stanowisk. Były starosta sokołowski, Tadeusz Majewski, był zwolennikiem ZLN i według mówcy, nic nie zrobił dla powiatu. Omawiając stosunek ludności do duchowieństwa zauważył, że za posługi religijne księża nie powinni pobierać żadnej opłaty, a duchowieństwo powinno mieć wyznaczoną pensję na równi z urzędnikami państwowymi. Dnia 15 X 1927 r. w Zembrowie Graliński odniósł się z kolei do wieców Monarchistycznej Organizacji Wszechstanowej (MOW). Jego zdaniem władza królewska w Polsce byłaby zgubą dla chłopów. Uważał, że król zniósłby sejm przy poparciu PSL „Piast”, Narodowej Partii Robotniczej i ZLN. Należało więc zwalczać MOW i popierać PSL „Wyzwolenie”. W dniach 16-20 X 1927 r. Graliński zorganizował podobne wiece PSL „Wyzwolenie”: w Sterdyni, Sabniach, Grodzisku i Rogowie. Ich tematyka była podobna do wcześniejszych przemówień – krytyka MOW i ZLN, reforma rolna, sytuacja wewnętrzna kraju. 19 X 1927 r. w Repkach przedstawił zalety PSL „Wyzwolenie”, które od początku państwa głosiło jedne i te same zasady, nie zmieniając ich i nie sprzeniewierzając się wyborcom. Według niego, wydarzenia majowe 1926 r. nie dały ludności wiele, jednak ogólna sytuacja uległa poprawie. PSL „Wyzwolenie” miało do obecnego rządu zarzut, że nie rozwiązał sejmu zaraz po wydarzeniach majowych i pozwalał prowadzić agitację MOW. W okresie od XII 1927 r. do II 1928 r. PSL „Wyzwolenie” zorganizowało szereg spotkań przedwyborczych: w Czaplach Górnych, Bartkowie Nowym, Gródku, Łuzkach, Czerwonce, Grochowie, Sokołowie, Korczewie, Kosowie, Tokarach, Jabłonnie, Ceranowie, Sterdyni. Jako prelegenci występowali: Tadeusz Rek, Norbert Olszewski, Jan Harasimiak (kandydat na posła), Graliński. Do najczęściej poruszanych zagadnień podczas tych spotkań należały następujące kwestie: poprawa bytu rolników, zmniejszenie podatków i liczby urzędników, realizacja reformy rolnej, konieczność rozdziału kościoła od państwa, krytyka Bezpartyjnego Bloku Współpracy z Rządem, MOW i Bloku Katolicko-Narodowego. W wyborach 1928 r. lista PSL „Wyzwolenie” w okręgu nr 3 zawierała 8 nazwisk, na czele z Gralińskim, Janem Harasimiakiem i Feliksem Dyrą. Posłami z okręgu nr 3 zostali: Aleksander Dębski i Józef Milik (endecja), Graliński (PSL „Wyzwolenie”), Ignacy Tomaszkiewicz (BBWR). Dnia 27 III 1928 r. Graliński złożył ślubowanie poselskie. Ośmiokrotnie zabierał głos na forum sejmowym, m.in. jako sprawozdawca ustawy w sprawie ratyfikacji protokołu podpisanego 9 II 1929 r. w Moskwie. W Centrolewie okręgu wyborczego nr 3 w 1930 r. dominowało PSL „Wyzwolenie”, które wówczas było najsilniejszym ugrupowaniem w powiecie węgrowskim i sokołowskim. Jego działalnością kierował Graliński PSL „Wyzwolenie” miało wówczas biuro powiatowe w Sokołowie, kierowane przez Hankiewicza. Ugrupowanie to nie organizowało wieców w terenie. Kampania przedwyborcza PSL „Wyzwolenie” koncentrowała się w powiecie siedleckim. Organizowano także drobne zebrania na terenach wiejskich (2-3 razy w tygodniu). Wpływy PSL „Wyzwolenie” na terenie powiatu sokołowskiego tłumaczono zdecydowaną i demagogiczną kampanią Gralińskiego. Na liście wyborczej Związku Obrony Prawa i Wolności Ludu Stronnictw Centrolewu okręgu nr 3 Graliński był na pierwszej pozycji. Główną formą kontaktu SL ze społeczeństwem w powiecie sokołowskim po wyborach 1930 r. były zgromadzenia publiczne. Do głównych prelegentów należeli Graliński i Tadeusz Rek, a od jesieni 1934 r. Stanisław Pietrak (sekretarz zarządu Page | 186 powiatowego SL). Tematyka spotkań była zależna od aktualnych wydarzeń w kraju, można jednak wyróżnić pewne stałe elementy. Należały do nich: krytyka władz sanacyjnych i niezrealizowanie przez nich obietnic wyborczych wobec chłopów, trudna sytuacja na wsi, konieczność zjednoczenia ruchu ludowego w celu poprawy bytu włościan, niedocenianie przez władze roli chłopów w walkach niepodległościowych (m.in. powstania, wojna 1920 r.). W przemówieniach pojawiały się także wątki dotyczące sytuacji parlamentu, konieczności zmian w rządzie i redukcji wydatków państwowych (m.in. zmniejszenie liczby urzędników). W 1931 r. SL na terenie powiatu sokołowskiego miało jedno koło i 100 członków (w województwie lubelskim odpowiednio 502 i 14 348). Nie są znane struktury nowej partii na terenie powiatu sokołowskiego do X 1932 r. ze względu na fragmentaryczną bazę źródłową. Dnia 2 X 1932 r. w Sokołowie odbyło się zebranie członków SL. Po przemówieniu Gralińskiego, dotyczącym planu pracy lokalnego SL i sytuacji politycznej w kraju, wybrano skład zarządu powiatowego. Znaleźli się w nim: prezes Graliński, wiceprezes i sekretarz Adam Hankiewicz (właściciel biura próśb w Sokołowie), skarbnik Mieczysław Bąk (kierownik spółdzielni rolniczej). Podczas zjazdu powiatowego SL, który odbył się 2 XI 1935 r., omawiano wybory parlamentarne oraz niejednomyślne stanowisko członków partii wobec głosowania. Przemawiali Graliński i T. Rek. Jako delegatów na kongres SL zaplanowany na 7-8 XII w Warszawie, wybrano tego pierwszego i Stefana Sobolewskiego (rolnika z Dolnego Pola gm. Grochów). Dnia 29 III 1936 r. w Przeździatce miał miejsce zjazd członków SL, na który przybyło kilku przedstawicieli z powiatu węgrowskiego i siedleckiego. Po przemówieniach odbyły się wybory członków sokołowskiego zarządu powiatowego SL, w skład którego weszli: prezes Graliński, wiceprezes Antoni Koć (rolnik z Przeździatki), wiceprezes Jan Oleszczuk (rolnik z Kosowa), skarbnik Aleksander Zawadzki (rolnik z Buczyna Szlacheckiego), sekretarz Stefan Sobolewski (rolnik z Dolnego Pola). Według informacji starostwa, SL nie posiadało w tym czasie swoich kół. W styczniu 1937 r. skład sokołowskiego zarządu powiatowego SL nie zmienił się. Po wybuchu II wojny światowej Graliński przedostał się do Francji. Objął stanowisko wiceministra spraw zagranicznych w rządzie RP na uchodźstwie, a następnie pełnomocnika rządu w Kanadzie. Jako wiceminister spraw zagranicznych uczestniczył w procedurze wykluczenia ZSRR z Ligii Narodów po agresji na Finlandię. Zginął 16 IX 1940 r. w drodze do Ottawy na statku „City of Benares” storpedowanym przez niemiecki okręt podwodny U-48. Polski Słownik Biograficzny, t. 8, Wrocław 1960 (Jarosz M.); Skorowidz do sprawozdań stenograficznych z posiedzeń Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej od 27 marca 1928 r. do 29 marca 1930 r., Okres II, s. 198; Archiwum Akt Nowych, Urząd Wojewódzki Lubelski, sygn. 1749/3, k. 38-9, Tygodniowe sprawozdania sytuacyjne wojewody lubelskiego, nr 19 z 27 VIII 1927; Tamże, sygn. 1749/4, k. 181-82, Tygodniowe sprawozdanie sytuacyjne wojewody lubelskiego nr 28 z 6 XI 1927 nlb., nr 36 z 31 XII 1927 nlb., nr 5 z 4 II 1928 nlb., nr 7 18 II 1928 nlb., nr 9 z 3 III 1928 nlb., nr 6 z 11 II 1928 nlb., nr 27 z 30 X 1927; APL, Urząd Wojewódzki Lubelski, Wydział Społeczno-Polityczny, sygn. 162, k. 4, Zestawienie; sygn. 168, k. 121-22, Starosta Powiatowy Sokołowski do Pana Wojewody w Lublinie, 5 X 1930; sygn. 1637, k. 194, Starosta Powiatowy w Siedlcach do Pana Wojewody w Lublinie, Przedmiot: Listy kandydatów- informacje, 20 X 1930; sygn. 1638, k. 34-9, Lubelski Urząd Wojewódzki, Wydział Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego, 3 Okręg Wyborczy (Siedlce-Sokołów-Węgrów); Archiwum Państwowe w Siedlcach (APS), Starostwo Powiatowe, sygn. 8, k. 22, Sprawozdania sytuacyjne tygodniowe: nr 5 (15 Page | 187 VI 1927); k. 39-40, nr 15 (24 VIII 1927); k. 15-18, nr 23 (19 X 1927); k. 19-20, nr 24 (26 X 1927); k. 74, nr 32 (21 XII1927); sygn. 9, k. 6-7, nr 5 (1 II 1928); k. 8, nr 6 (8 II 1928); k. 11, nr 7 (15 II 1928 r.); k. 1314, nr 8 (22 II 1928); k. 17, nr 9 (29 II 1928); sygn. 11, k. 30-32, Sprawozdania sytuacyjne miesięczne: nr 10 (3 XI 1932); sygn. 16, k. 20-21, nr 3 (2 IV 1936); sygn. 17, k. 1-2, nr 1 (1 II 1937), k. 85-86, nr 11 (3 XII 1935); APS, Komenda Powiatowa Policji Państwowej, sygn. 8, k. 38-39, Sprawozdanie z wiecu przedwyborczego odbytego w Kosowie w dniu 8 X 1922; k. 44, Posterunek w Przywózkach, Raport z dnia 22 X 1922; k. 46, Posterunek Policji w Przywózkach, raport z dnia 22 X 1922; k. 48, Posterunek Policji w Przywózkach, Raport z 23 X 1922; https://encyklopedia.pwn.pl/haslo/GralinskiZygmunt;3907437.html, dostęp 18 VIII 2020; https://www.dziennikwschodni.pl/kraj-swiat/czy-rosjigrozi-usuniecie-z-onz-rozmowa-z-profesorem-z-usa,n,140309901.html, dostęp 18 VIII 2020. Małgorzata IWAŃSKA KRZYPKOWSKI Stefan (1900-1956), inżynier lądowy, działacz społeczny, burmistrz Sokołowa Podlaskiego w okresie międzywojennym (1932-1934), członek Bezpartyjnego Bloku Współpracy z Rządem. Dnia 26 X 1930 r. odbyły się wybory do rady miejskiej w Sokołowie. Burmistrzem wybrano wówczas Krzypkowskiego. W 1934 r. nastąpiła zmiana na stanowisku burmistrza, które objął Marian Staniszewski. Krzypkowski jeszcze przed objęciem funkcji burmistrza aktywnie uczestniczył w lokalnym życiu społecznym. W latach 1930-34 był prezesem sokołowskiej Ochotniczej Straży Pożarnej (OSP). W 1932 r. figuruje jako członek zarządu sokołowskiego Okręgowego Związku Straży Pożarnych, a w 1934 r. jako jego prezes zarządu. Dnia 3 IX 1933 OSP w Sokołowie obchodziła jubileusz 50-lecia istnienia. Z tej okazji ukazała się jednodniówka opisująca historię i dokonania tej jednostki. Jej redaktorem był Krzypkowski, wydawcą Zarząd OSP w Sokołowie Podlaskim. W 1933 r. sekcja dramatyczna sokołowskiej OSP liczyła 54 członków (urzędników, rzemieślników, nauczycieli, handlowców, rolników, duchownych, inżynierów, lekarzy). Jej zarząd tworzyli: kierownik sekcji – Alfons Ostachowicz, zastępca kierownika – Krzypkowski, sekretarz – Jan Turos, skarbnik – Aleksander Langowski, gospodarz – Cz. Teleńczuk, reżyserzy – St. Mazurek, Edmund Gałecki, dyrygent chóru – Józef Szwab, dekorator – T. Brzeziński, zastępcy członków zarządu – Stanisława Gulikówna, Helena Gałecka, kapelan – ks. proboszcz W. Celiński. Krzypkowski uczestniczył w działalności organizacji o charakterze wojskowym: Związku Strzeleckiego, Związku Rezerwistów, Polskiej Organizacji Wolności. Dnia 26 II 1932 r., z inicjatywy majora Ksawerego Stefańskiego – komendanta okręgowego Związku Strzeleckiego, w starostwie sokołowskim zwołano konferencję w celu powołania powiatowego kierownictwa tej organizacji. W jego skład weszli: Page | 188 prezes Krystyn Ostrowski (właściciel majątku Korczew), wiceprezes Krzypkowski, sekretarz Stefan Strzelec (zastępca starosty), skarbnik Mieczysław Paluch (inspektor samorządu gminnego), członkowie: Kazimierz Chyliński (starosta), Franciszek Tomos (inspektor szkolny), Władysław Prawecki (nauczyciel), Michał Abramowicz (urzędnik starostwa, objął także stanowisko powiatowego komendanta Związku Strzeleckiego). Kolejny zjazd, 3 III 1933 r., miał na celu wybór członków powiatowego Związku Strzeleckiego. Po dyskusji, prezesem wybrano Edwarda Perłowskiego (lekarza), wiceprezesem – Władysława Praweckiego (nauczyciela), sekretarzem – Jana Turosa (urzędnika starostwa), skarbnikiem – inż. Feliksa Milewskiego (kierownika powiatowego zarządu drogowego). Członkami zarządu zostali: Stefan Strzelec (zastępca starosty), Franciszek Tomos (inspektor szkolny), Krzypkowski. Dnia 29 IV 1933 r. Zarząd Główny Związku Rezerwistów w Warszawie powołał tymczasowy Zarząd Okręgowy Związku Rezerwistów na powiat sokołowski. W jego skład weszli: prezes Krzypkowski, skarbnik S. Mazurek, sekretarz K. Sylwestrzak, członkowie zarządu: Mieczysław Paluch, Edward Dąbrowski, Jan Biernat. 28 X 1933 zarząd koła został rozwiązany. Oficjalnym powodem była jego bezczynność. Obowiązki komisarycznego prezesa, do czasu wyboru nowego zarządu, powierzono prezesowi zarządu powiatowego Związku Rezerwistów – Krzypkowskiemu Pierwsza wzmianka o Polskiej Organizacji Wolności (POW) w powiecie sokołowskim pochodzi z 8 IV 1932 r. Tego dnia odbyło się posiedzenie zarządu koła poświęcone omówieniu spraw, które miały być poruszone na walnym zebraniu rocznym. Spotkanie to odbyło się 24 IV. Przeprowadzono wówczas wybory zarządu, do którego weszli: prezes Krzypkowski, sekretarz Wanda Paluchowa, skarbnik Jarosław Pokrzywnicki, członkowie Jan Biernat, Leopold Ciesielski, Stanisław Mazurek. Walne zebranie członków POW powiatu sokołowskiego odbyło się natomiast 18 VI 1933 r. w Sokołowie. Po sprawozdaniu z dotychczasowej działalności, wybrano nowy zarząd. W jego skład weszli: prezes Krzypkowski, sekretarz Wanda Paluchowa, skarbnik Leopold Ciesielski; członkowie zarządu: Stanisław Mazurek, Bolesław Abczyński. Na kolejnym zjeździe, 22 IV 1934 r., wybrano nowy zarząd sokołowskiej POW. Weszli do niego: prezes Krzypkowski, sekretarz Wanda Paluchowa; członkowie: Jarosław Pokrzywnicki, Bolesław Abczyński, Leopold Ciesielski, Franciszek Sajewski. Dnia 19 I 1932 r. w Sokołowie odbyło się posiedzenie Komitetu Redakcyjnego „Nowej Gazety Podlaskiej”. W wybranym wówczas prezydium Krzypkowski objął funkcję przewodniczącego i redaktora działu społecznego. Krzypkowski wyjechał z powiatu około 1935 r. Zamieszkał w Warszawie. Zmarł 14 X 1956 r. i został pochowany na cmentarzu Powązkowskim w Warszawie. Z powiatu sokołowskiego. Komitet Redakcyjny w Sokołowie, „Nowa Gazeta Podlaska” 1932, nr 6, s. 5; Jubileusz 50-lecia Sokołowskiej Straży Pożarnej 1881-1933, brak miejsca i roku wydania; 100 lat Ochotniczej Straży Pożarnej w Sokołowie Podlaskim 1881-1981, Sokołów Podlaski 1985; Archiwum Państwowe w Lublinie, Urząd Wojewódzki Lubelski, Wydział Społeczno-Polityczny, sygn. 11, k. 12, Wykaz kandydatów na stanowisko przełożonych gmin miejskich i ich zastępców w miastach ponad 10 000 mieszkańców, 1934; k. 39, Dokument bez nazwy (wyniki wyborów samorządowych 1934 r); Wydział Wojskowy, sygn. 78, k. 11-12, Protokół nr 11 z posiedzenia Powiatowego Komitetu Wychowania Fizycznego i Przysposobienia Wojskowego w Sokołowie odbytego w dniu 20 III 1935 r. Page | 189 w lokalu Starostwa Powiatu Sokołowskiego; Archiwum Państwowe w Siedlcach, Starostwo Powiatowe, sygn. 11, k. 4-5, Sprawozdania sytuacyjne miesięczne: nr 2 z 3 III 1932; k. 12, nr 4 z 3 V 1932; k. 16, nr 5 z 3 VI 1932; k. 18, nr 6 z 2 VII 1932; sygn. 13, k. 12, nr 3 z 3 IV 1933; k. 16, Sprawozdanie kwartalne z życia polskich związków i stowarzyszeń, 14 X 1933; k. 22, Sprawozdania sytuacyjne miesięczne: nr 5 z 3 VI 1933; k. 28 nr 6 z 3 VII 1933; sygn. 14, k. 3, Sprawozdanie kwartalne z życia polskich związków i stowarzyszeń, 10 I 1934; k. 85, Kwartalne sprawozdanie z życia polskich stowarzyszeń i związków uzupełnienie, 26 IV 1934; k. 94, Sprawozdanie kwartalne z życia polskich związków i stowarzyszeń, 2 VII 1934; https://cmentarze.um.warszawa.pl/pomnik.aspx?pom_id=21558, dostęp 20 VIII 2020. Małgorzata IWAŃSKA LULEWICZ Henryk (1950-2019), wybitny badacz dziejów Litwy okresów późnego średniowiecza i epoki wczesnonowożytnej, prof. w Instytucie Historii Polskiej Akademii Nauk i Instytucie Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych Uniwersytetu Przyrodniczo-Humanistycznego w Siedlcach. Urodził się w Sokółce (obecnie województwo podlaskie) 22 IV 1950 r. jako syn Kazimierza i Ireny z Wołczków, rolników ze wsi Bagny (pod Dąbrową Białostocką), która niegdyś wchodziła w skład ekonomii grodzieńskiej, co nie było bez znaczenia dla wyboru przez Lulewicza kariery naukowej. Nie przejawiając chęci kontynuowania rolniczych tradycji rodzinnych po ukończeniu Liceum Ogólnokształcącego w Dąbrowie zaczął w 1968 r. studia w Instytucie Nauk Politycznych Uniwersytecie Warszawskim, ale szybko przekonał się, że nie był to właściwy wybór. Nie zrezygnował jednak z realizacji swych marzeń i w 1970 r. został przyjęty na studia w Instytucie Historycznym tejże uczelni. Wtedy się poznaliśmy i przez następne lata dzieliliśmy pokoje w akademikach (studenckim i doktoranckim), zainteresowania, a wreszcie współpracowaliśmy przy realizacji wielu projektów badawczych – grantów i edycji źródłowych. W 1972 r. zapisaliśmy się bowiem na seminarium magisterskie poświęcone dziejom Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego i Podlasia Koronnego w latach 1632-1668, które właśnie zostało otwarte przez Tadeusza Wasilewskiego – Henryk z miłości do tych ziem, ja niejako z przypadku, bo nie było przyjęć do żadnego innego nowożytnego seminarium. Obaj zostaliśmy wyborowi wierni, podobnie jak wspomnianemu naszemu Wspaniałemu Mistrzowi, którego wymagania badawcze miały ogromny wpływ na ukształtowanie się naszych postaw. Pod Jego kierunkiem w 1975 r. Henryk obronił pracę magisterską pt. Polityka nominacyjna Wazów w Wielkim Księstwie Litewskim w aspekcie wyznaniowym (jej swoisty abstrakt ukazał się drukiem pt. Skład wyznaniowy senatorów świeckich Wielkiego Księstwa Page | 190 Lwowskiego za panowania Wazów, „Przegląd Historyczny”, t. 68, 1977, z. 3, s. 425445). Od 1 X 1975 mgr Lulewicz objął w Instytucie Historycznym Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego stanowisko stażysty, 1 IX 1976 r. asystenta, a 1 X 1979 r. starszego asystenta i w tym czasie przygotowywał pod kierunkiem prof. T. Wasilewskiego rozprawę doktorską pt. Elita społeczno-polityczna Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego w połowie XVII w., w oparciu o którą 19 XII 1984 uzyskał stopień doktora nauk humanistycznych. Oparta na ogromnej bazie źródłowej, zebranej w archiwach i bibliotekach Polski, Białorusi, Litwy, Rosji i Ukrainy, rozprawa do dziś zachowuje swą aktualność i atrakcyjność dla nowych pokoleń lituanistów, a była pierwszym tak szeroko potraktowanym studium prozopograficznym elit litewskich z licznymi, zupełnie nowatorskimi wnioskami. Stopień doktora dał mu stanowisko adiunkta, ale też w zasadzie rozbrat z dotychczasowym zainteresowaniem epoką Wazów. Powoli obiektem jego badań stawał się w. XVI, panowania Zygmunta Augusta, Walezego i Batorego, choć nadal obszar Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego. Pomagała w tym bardzo dobra znajomość paleografii ruskiej, ugruntowana jeszcze w czasie odbywania stażu w Moskiewskim Państwowym Instytucie Historyczno-Archiwistycznym. Jeszcze zbierając materiały do rozprawy doktorskiej rozpoczął uzupełniać i korygować informacje zawarte w monumentalnym dziele Józefa Wolffa Senatorowie i dygnitarze Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego 1386-1795, Kraków 1885. Postanowił też stworzyć bazy danych do urzędników poszczególnych pow., posłów sejmowych i deputatów Trybunału Głównego Wielkiego Księstwa. Dość szybko postanowiliśmy w realizacji tych projektów połączyć siły, dzieląc się chronologicznie (granicą był rok 1633 lub 1648), choć nie chciał Lulewicz już rozszerzyć swych baz danych o sporządzane przeze mnie wykazy oficerów i jednostek armii litewskiej (sprawy wojskowości nigdy specjalnie go nie interesowały) oraz stworzenie herbarza, który umożliwia badania prozopograficzne. Dane takie jednak gromadził, bo jednym z jego ulubionych elementów badawczych było pisanie (od 1977 r.) biogramów do Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego i w był tu jednym z najpłodniejszych twórców, bo autorem ponad 90 biogramów, z których rekordowym jest minimonografia Lwa Sapiehy (21 stron druku!). Efektem naszej współpracy zainicjowanej w 1992 r. było wydanie drukiem 12 książek (dwie następne są w przygotowaniu) – edycji źródeł (abiurat podymnego kilku województw z 1667 i 1690 r. oraz pamiętników Obuchowiczów), spisów urzędników i deputatów trybunalskich oraz opracowanie akt sejmikowych powiatu nowogródzkiego. Lulewicz opublikował też samodzielnie dwa tomy Aktów zjazdów stanów Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego, niezwykle ważnych, w dużym stopniu nieznanych materiałów ukazujących aktywność polityczną szlachty litewskiej, a także tom abiuraty województwa trockiego z 1690 r. Bez wątpienia okres Jego największej aktywności publikacyjnej związany był z przejściem w 1995 r. do pracy w Instytucie Historii Polskiej Akademii Nauk (PAN), do Pracowni Nauk Pomocniczych Historii i Edytorstwa (obecnie kierowany przeze mnie Zakład Badań Źródłoznawczych i Edytorstwa), co pozwoliło Mu skoncentrowanie się na pracy badawczej. Nadal miał jednak też zajęcia na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim (do 2018 r.) – na Wydz. Historycznym (Instytut Bibliotekoznawstwa) i na Wydziale Polonistyki (Zakład Bałtystyki), bo bardzo lubił kontakt ze studentami i dydaktykę. Możliwość skupienia się na badaniach pozwoliła wreszcie ukończyć rozprawę pt. Gniewów o unię ciąg Page | 191 dalszy. Stosunki polsko-litewskie w latach 1569-1588 (ukazała się drukiem w 2002 r.), w oparciu o którą 23 I 2003 r. uzyskał stopień doktora habilitowanego, co umożliwiło Lulewiczowi objęcie 1 XI 2003 r. stanowiska docenta, a po zmianie nomenklatury – profesora nadzwyczajnego w Instytucie Historii PAN od 1 X 2010 r. Pozycja samodzielnego pracownika nauk. pozwoliła też na objęcie w 2004 r. stanowiska profesora nadzwyczajnego w Instytucie Historii Akademii Podlaskiej (potem Instytucie Historii i Stosunków Międzynarodowych Uniwersytetu PrzyrodniczoHumanistycznego) w Siedlcach, gdzie (do 2014 r.) był promotorem ponad 40 prac magisterskich i wypromował 2 doktorów. W sumie bibliografia prac naukowych Lulewicza liczy ponad 150 pozycji, ale ilość nie jest tu ważna, a jakość; wszystkie one odznaczają się erudycją, starannością, wykorzystaniem wielu nieznanych dotąd źródeł rękopiśmiennych, przejrzystą konstrukcją i ważnymi wnioskami. Ów dorobek słusznie przyniósł Lulewiczowi opinię jednego z najlepszych polskich lituanistów, wybitnego znawcy dziejów Wielkiego Księstwa Litewskiego od końca XV do połowy XVII w. Angażował się też w organizację życia naukowego, od utworzenia Komisji Lituanistycznej (najpierw w Instytucie Historii PAN, potem przy Komitecie Nauk Historycznych PAN) aktywnie uczestniczył w jej corocznych obradach, a przez kilka lat sprawował funkcję jej przewodniczącego. Był członkiem kilku rad naukowych i redakcji czasopism, wspólnie z Markiem Wagnerem zorganizował w 2008 r. w Siedlcach konferencję o sejmikach szlacheckich Rzeczypospolitej w XVI-XVIII w. Czuł bardzo silny związek z rodzinnymi stronami, interesował się ich dziejami, zwłaszcza Bagien i Różanegostoku, jako lokalnego centrum religijnego. Poświęcił im kilka tekstów opartych o kwerendy źródłowe w archiwach Polski, Rosji i Białorusi, wygłosił okolicznościowe odczyty. Od młodości Lulewicz aktywnie uczestniczył też w życiu politycznym kraju, najpierw jako członek Związku Młodzieży Wiejskiej, a następnie Socjalistycznego Związku Młodzieży Polskiej, by ostatecznie wstąpić w szeregi Zjednoczonego Stronnictwa Ludowego (potem Polskiego Stronnictwa Ludowego). Nie interesowała go jednak kariera polityczna, bo zdecydowanie lepiej czuł się pracując w archiwach i bibliotece, prowadził w nich kwerendy w Polsce, a także w Wilnie, Mińsku, Grodnie, Moskwie, Leningradzie (Petersburgu), Kijowie, Lwowie i Wiedniu. Jeszcze zmagając się ze śmiertelną chorobą każdą wolną chwilę spędzał w Archiwum Głównym Akt Dawnych lub Bibliotece Narodowej. Udało się Mu zakończyć monografię (był jej głównym autorem i redaktorem) rodziny Szemiothów herbu Łabędź, ale nie dożył przygotowywanych pod Jego kierownictwem tomów spisów urzędników województw mścisławskiego, brzeskiego i nowogródzkiego, akt sejmikowych powiatu nowogródzkiego, a także rejestrów podymnego województwa mińskiego z lat 1667 i 1690. Żal, że nie ukończył przygotowywanej przez wiele lat monografii litewskiego dworu Jagiellonów, która miała być podstawą starań o nadanie Mu tytułu naukowego profesora, na który tak bardzo zasługiwał. Śmierć Lulewicza jest więc niepowetowaną stratą dla polskiej lituanistyki, a zapewne także dla Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego. Ja straciłem zaś najbliższego Przyjaciela i Współpracownika, czego mimo upływu prawie roku nie jestem w stanie zaakceptować i z tym się pogodzić, bo brak mi Jego towarzystwa i wiedzy. Z bólem jego stratę przyjęli też Przyjaciele z Polski, Białorusi, Litwy i Rosji, bo był bardzo towarzyski, uczynny, służył zawsze swą wiedzą i pomocą, a jednocześnie kierował się Page | 192 twardymi zasadami wyniesionymi z domu, co nie zawsze ułatwiało Mu życie. W 1982 r. ożenił się, ale trudno było Mu pogodzić życie rodzinne z pracą naukową i małżeństwo po kilkunastu latach rozpadło się, ale pozostawił dwie córki – Annę i Małgorzatę. Zmarł po długiej chorobie 21 V 2019 r. Pochowany został na cmentarzu w Rembertowie. Pozostały po nim księgozbiór w dużej części przekazany został do Biblioteki Narodowej Akademii Nauk Białorusi w Mińsku. Rachuba A., Henryk Lulewicz (22 IV 1950-21 V 2019), „Kwartalnik Historyczny” 2020, nr 2; Fotografia z Archiwum Uniwersytetu Przyrodniczo-Humanistycznego w Siedlcach, Akta osobowe. Andrzej RACHUBA MATUSAK Piotr (1941-2020), historyk dziejów najnowszych, twórca Instytutu Historii Uniwersytetu Przyrodniczo-Humanistycznego w Siedlcach. Urodził się 7 IX 1941 r. we wsi Sulisławice (powiat sandomierski) w rodzinie chłopskiej. Syn Tymoteusza i Marianny Podsiadły. Rodzeństwo: brat Jan, siostra Halina. Ojciec posiadał 2,5 ha ziemi ornej, na której założył 1,5 hektarowy sad. Jego zainteresowania, rola nauczyciela w środowisku wiejskim i prestiż zawodu zdecy-dowały o dalszej edukacji. Po ukończeniu Szkoły Podstawowej w Sulisławicach (1948-1955) podjął naukę w Liceum Pedagogicznym w Sandomierzu, które ukończył w 1961 r. To w szkole średniej rozbudzono w młodym człowieku zainteresowania historią. Będąc członkiem koła historycznego poznawał przeszłość Sandomierza i zabytki miasta. Zetknięcie się z historią regionalną zaważyło na wyborze kierunku zainteresowań, które okazało się niezwykle trwale. Angażował się w badania regionalne, uczestnicząc w pracach Komisji Regionalnej Polskiego Towarzystwa Historycznego i towarzystwach regionalnych oraz w zespołach autorskich, przygotowujących monografie: Sandomierza, Opatowa, Sokołowa Podlaskiego, Siedlec, Węgrowa i Radzynia. W czasie nauki w szkoły średniej działał już w Ochotniczej Straży Pożarnej w Sulisławicach. W 1961 r. rozpoczął studia historyczne w Wyższej Szkoły Pedagogicznej w Krakowie. Bardzo aktywnie działał w Studenckim Kole Naukowym im. Joachima Lelewela, które badało przeszłość miast małopolskich, w tym Krakowa. Pracami kierował wybitny badacz historii regionalnej prof. dr hab. Feliks Kiryk. W czasie studiów zrodził się także drugi nurt jego zainteresowań – wiązał się on nie tylko z jego chłopskim pochodzeniem, ale także działalnością w Związku Młodzieży Wiejskiej (ZMW), Page | 193 w latach 1965-1966 kierował Zarządem Uczelnianym ZMW. Działalność ta zainspirowała Matusaka do podjęcia badań, dotyczących historii wsi, ruchu ludowego i ruchu młodowiejskiego. Te ostatnie zainteresowania zadecydowały o wyborze seminarium magisterskiego. Pod kierunkiem prof. dr. hab. Józefa Buszki przygotował pracę magisterską pt. Działalność parlamentarna ludowców w Sejmie w latach 1930-1935, którą obronił 29 VI 1966 r., uzyskując dyplom mgr. historii. Praca magisterska była studium źródłoznawczym, ponieważ Matusak dotarł do źródeł archiwalnych oraz protokołów z obrad Sejmu. Nie ograniczył się do zrekonstruowania etapów działalności ludowców na forum Sejmu i zmian jej form, ale ukazał proces zmian taktyki politycznej ludowców: z walki parlamentarnej na akcję strajkową. Pracą zainteresował się Naczelny Komitet Zjednoczonego Stronnictwa Ludowego, zakupując ją do zbiorów Zakładu Historii Ruchu Ludowego. Po ukończeniu studiów podjął pracę zawodową jako archiwista, a następnie asystent naukowo-badawczy w Wydziale II Wojny Światowej Centralnego Archiwum Wojskowego w Warszawie. W tej placówce zainteresował się historią wojskowości. Praca z dokumentem, odkrywanie go, opracowanie i udostępnianie badaczom, było niezwykle fascynujące dla młodego archiwisty. Uczestniczył również w pomocniczych pracach badawczych i przygotowaniu do druku informatorów archiwalnych, m.in. o aktach Wojska Polskiego na froncie wschodnim w latach 1943-1945 (część 3 i 4). Brał także udział w przygotowaniu do druku, przez Naczelną Dyrekcję Archiwów Państwowych, centralnego informatora pt.: Druga wojna światowa 1939-1945. Informator o materiałach źródłowych przechowywanych w archiwach PRL. W tym też okresie napisał kilkanaście artykułów, głównie informujących o zasobach źródłowych opracowywanej przez Matusaka kolekcji akt okresu II wojny światowej i okupacji w Polsce. W tym czasie zapisał się na seminarium doktoranckie prof. dr. hab. Józefa Buszki na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim, z którego wywodzili się m.in. profesorowie: Jan Naumiuk, Czesław Brzoza, Franciszek Ziemski, Irena Paczyńska, Alina Fitowa, Andrzej Wojtas, Józef Łaptos i wielu doktorów. Osiągnięcie dojrzałości badawczej Matusak zawdzięczał wieloletniej pracy pod kierunkiem nauk. prof. dr. hab. Józefa Buszki. Swoje badania skupił na dziejach ruchu oporu na południowej Kielecczyźnie. Badania te okazały się trudne, a rekonstrukcja historyczna tematu w oparciu o fragmentarycznie zachowaną dokumentację wymagała zbierania relacji, docierania do zbiorów prywatnych i prowadzenia na szeroką skalę badań ankietowych. W 1965 r. zawarł związek małżeński z Krystyną Wiśniewską, córką Mieczysława. Syn Mateusz urodził się 19 I 1973 r. w Warszawie. Dnia 1 XII 1968 r. Matusak objął dział historii Polski w latach 1914-1968 w Redakcji Historii Wielkiej Encyklopedii Powszechnej Państwowego Wydawnictwa Naukowego w Warszawie. Uczestniczył jako redaktor działu i autor 295 haseł w zakończeniu I edycji Wielkiej Encyklopedii Powszechnej (t. 12 i 13) oraz w opracowaniu Leksykonu Państwowego Wydawnictwa Naukowego. Został również zaangażowany do zespołu badawczego Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce, przygotowującego pracę pt. Obozy hitlerowskie na ziemiach polskich 1939-1945 (Warszawa 1975) – do makiety tej pracy przygotował wydany metodą małej poligrafii tom pt. Więzienia i areszty o objętości 15 arkuszy. W II 1970 r. został kierownikiem nowo powstałej redakcji zestawu haseł i koordynacji, Page | 194 której zadaniem była redakcja tzw. haseł zbiorczych. Druga wojna światowa pochłonęła Matusaka na wiele lat i stała się jego specjalnością badawczą. Dnia 1 IX 1970 r. otrzymał propozycję pracy w Wojskowym Instytucie Historycznym (dalej WIH) na stanowisku adiunkta w Pracowni Ruchu Oporu Zakładu II Wojny Światowej, gdzie miał doskonałe warunki do systematycznych badań historycznych, zwłaszcza że jego zainteresowania zbiegły się z realizowanym programem integralnych studiów monograficznych nad ruchem oporu w poszczególnych regionach kraju. W ramach tego programu przygotował pod kierunkiem prof. dr. hab. J. Buszki pracę pt.: Ruch oporu na ziemi opatowsko-sandomierskiej 1939-1945, która stała się jego dysertacją doktorską, obronioną 19 I 1973 r. na Wydziale FilozoficznoHistorycznym Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. Trzy lata później praca została opublikowana. Autor przedstawił w niej własny model monograficznego ujęcia walki podziemnej w skali regionu, dążył do uchwycenia wszystkich jego przejawów zarówno wojskowych i cywilnych, starał się przedstawić we właściwych dla regionu proporcjach poszczególne nurty polityczne podziemia oraz formy i kierunki działania. Ten model przez część historyków został uznany za właściwy, ponieważ oprócz partyzantki uwzględniał on w szerokim zakresie walkę cywilną oraz walkę o kulturę i oświatę. W Zakładzie II Wojny Światowej WIH przez wiele lat pełnił funkcję sekretarza naukowego oraz przez dwa lata kierował akcją ankietyzacji żołnierzy podziemia na terenie Kielecczyzny, Małopolski i Śląska. Uczestniczył również w pracach związanych z próbą wykorzystania komputera do badań statystycznych i historiograficznych nad II wojną światową. Eksperyment nie przyniósł jednak wówczas oczekiwanych wyników, głównie ze względu na udział w programowaniu studentów wyższych lat studiów historycznych, których wiedza z zakresu statystyki i historii wojskowości okazała się niewystarczająca. Po serii monografii regionalnych Pracownia Ruchu Oporu WIH przystąpiła do przygotowania, w ramach wielotomowej serii Polskiego Czynu Zbrojnego w II Wojnie Światowej syntezy pt.: Polski ruch oporu 1939-1945. Matusak wspólnie z dr. Tadeuszem Rawskim i mgr. Bogdanem Kobuszewskim wypracował jej koncepcję. Nad tematem badawczym zespół autorski pracował około osiem lat, jej efektem była zbiorowa praca o objętości 120 arkuszy, która ukazała się drukiem w X 1988 r. Mimo upływu czasu stanowi ona wartościowe syntetyczne ujęcie polskiej walki podziemnej, zwłaszcza z punktu widzenia historii wojskowości, komplementarności terytorialnej i oporu Polaków, który był odpowiedzią na totalną wojnę narzuconą przez okupanta. Uczestniczył zarówno w podstawowych pracach badawczych, redakcyjnych (jako współredaktor), jak i autorskich; opracowując cztery rozdziały na temat pod\ziemnej kultury i oświaty, cztery rozdziały o walce z eksploatacją gospodarczą, dwanaście innych podrozdziałów oraz wstęp i zakończenie – łącznie około 15 arkuszy oraz kierował ostatnim etapem prac redakcyjnych. Zwieńczeniem wieloletnich badań nad ruchem oporu był artykuł opublikowany na łamach „Wojskowego Przeglądu Historycznego” pt.: Z problematyki ruchu oporu w Polsce 1939-1945. Własną wizję dziejów Polski Podziemnej okresu II wojny światowej zawarł w pracy pt.: Ruch oporu na ziemiach polskich w latach 1939-1945 (Katowice 1987), która wówczas stanowiła nowatorskie rozwiązanie problemu badawczego. Na lamach „Dziejów Najnowszych” w 1981 r. opublikował artykuł, w którym przeanalizował stan badań i dokonał oceny historiografii z zakresu ruchu oporu, Page | 195 a także sformułował najpilniejsze postulaty badawcze. Część z nich, zwłaszcza z zakresu Wojska Podziemnego, pozostaje nadal aktualna. Program badań nad Polskim Państwem Podziemnym, mimo udostępnienia źródeł niemieckich, radzieckich i londyńskich oraz braku cenzury, nadal wskazuje na konieczność wypełnienia luk merytorycznych oraz nowego podejścia do wielu tematów, co częściowo nastąpiło odnośnie Armii Krajowej i Narodowych Sił Zbrojnych w procesie transformacji ustrojowej po 1989 r. Walka podziemna do tego stopnia zafascynowała Matusaka, że jednemu z jej aspektów poświęcił rozprawę habilitacyjną pt.: Ruch oporu w przemyśle wojennym okupanta na ziemiach polskich 1939-1945. Kolokwium habilitacyjne odbyło się 15 XII 1983 r. Rada Wydziału Filozoficzno-Historycznego Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego nadała Matusakowi stopień naukowy dr. habilitowanego. Praca habilitacyjna została opublikowana w 1983 r. W następnym roku otrzymał za nią I nagrodę Ministra Szkolnictwa Wyższego i Techniki w grupie prac habilitacyjnych, a w 1985 r. II nagrodę Ministerstwa Obrony Narodowej. Kontynuację tego tematu, a zarazem zamknięciem tej problematyki badawczej była przygotowywana monografia pt.: Eksploatacja przemysłu przez okupantów i walka polskiego podziemia w latach 1939-1945. Ukoronowaniem rozwoju naukowego było otrzymanie w 1989 r. tytułu prof. nadzw., a w 1995 r. prof. zw. W ramach planów badawczych, kierowanej przez Matusaka Pracowni Ruchu Oporu WIH, w 1982 r. był współautorem przygotowanej wspólnie z dr. Januszem Gmitrukiem i prof. dr. hab. Witoldem Wojdyłą, monografii pt. Bataliony Chłopskie 1940-1945. Wspólnie z J. Gmitrukiem i Janem Nowakiem przygotował Kalendarium działalności bojowej Batalionów Chłopskich 1940-1945 (Warszawa 1983). W Pracowni przygotowywano monografię Związek Walki Zbrojnej – Armia Krajowa 1939-1945, jej plan został przyjęty przez Radę Naukową WIH, a prace kontynuował zespół pod kierunkiem dr. Krzysztofa Komorowskiego. W badaniach nad ruchem oporu dużo uwagi poświęcono sprawom metodologicznym i metodycznym oraz zasadom pisania monografii. Służyły temu seminaria oraz spotkania historyków wojskowości, w tym wspólne zebrania naukowe z udziałem zaproszonych badaczy z innych placówek. W 1982 r. Matusak zorganizował z własnej inicjatywy w WIH sympozjum na temat ZWZ, na które zaprosił żyjących komendantów okręgowi dowódców ZWZ/AK. Oceniono wówczas stan badań nad tymi organizacjami, który został wykorzystany w praktyce, powstała seria monografii okręgów. Matusak zainicjował badania nad udziałem grup zawodowych i warstw społecznych w walce podziemnej. Wspólnie z J. Gmitrukiem zostały przygotowane wspomnienia wojenne leśników pt.: Gniewnie szumiał las. Wspomnienia leśników polskich 1939-1945 (Warszawa 1982) oraz kolejarzy pt.: Żołnierze żelaznych szlaków. Wspomnienia polskich kolejarzy (Warszawa 1988). Wspólnie ze Stefanem Lewandowskim przygotował książkę pt.: Pocztowcy i łącznościowcy w walce z okupantem hitlerowskim 1939-1945 (Siedlce 1996). Matusak w swojej pracy wiele czasu poświęcał popularyzacji osiągnięć badawczych nad ruchem oporu w kraju i w Europie. W 1975 r. wspólnie z prof. dr. hab. Witoldem Biegańskim i prof. dr. Eugeniuszem Kozłowskim przygotował na XIV Międzynarodowy Kongres Historyków publikacji pt.: The policy and strategy of Poland in Second World War 1939-1945. Współuczestniczył także w przygotowaniu i redakcji publikacji pt.: Military Technigue Policy and Strategy in History (Warszawa Page | 196 1976). Był członkiem Kolegium Redakcyjnego obcojęzycznego czasopisma historycznego WIH „Historia Militaris Polonica”. Od 1986 r. był także członkiem Komitetu Redakcyjnego serii źródeł wydawanych nakładem Instytutu Zachodniego pt.: „Documenta Occupationis” w języku niemieckim. W jej ramach wspólnie z prof. dr. E. Kozłowskim wydał t. 12 pt.: Eksploatacja siły roboczej i grabież ziem polskich przez Wehrmacht w końcowym okresie II wojny światowej (Poznań 1986). W 1985 r. w językach: angielskim, francuskim, niemieckim i hiszpańskim ukazało się jego autorstwa syntetyczne opracowanie pt.: Polski ruch oporu 1939-1945, przygotowane na XV Międzynarodowy Kongres Historyków w Stuttgarcie. Matusak brał czynny udział, wygłaszając referaty, w dziesięciu międzynarodowych kongresach i konferencjach naukowych w: Bukareszcie, Londynie, Frankfurcie, Madrycie, Grodnie, Brześciu, Drohobyczu, Zamościu, Krakowie, Warszawie. i Jaszowcu. Był również autorem kilku haseł z dziedziny polskiej historii wojskowej do amerykańskiej Międzynarodowej Encyklopedii Wojskowej. Bardzo aktywnie uczestniczył w krajowym życiu naukowym, współpracując z instytutami historii: Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie, Wyższej Szkoły Pedagogicznej w Krakowie, Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, Instytutem Zachodnim, Zakładem Historii Ruchu Ludowego, Instytutem Historii PAN, Główną Komisją Badania Zbrodni przeciwko Narodowi Polskiemu, Instytutem Pamięci Narodowej, Polskim Towarzystwem Historycznym i towarzystwami regionalnymi. Plonem tej współpracy były sesje naukowe, wspólne wydawnictwa oraz działania w zakresie podnoszenia kwalifikacji. Pracując w WIH, wygłosił na konferencjach i sesjach nauk. ponad 30 referatów i komunikatów oraz był organizatorem 6 konferencji naukowej, w tym międzynarodowych. W toku prac badawczych Pracowni Ruchu Oporu, a następnie jako kierownik Zakładu II Wojny Światowej, Matusak wykonywał prace redakcyjne, m.in. był redaktorem materiałów z sesji Służba zdrowia w dziejach obronności kraju oraz z sesji Powstanie warszawskie 1944. Komisja Historyczna kierowana przez J. Gmitruka powołała go na redaktora pisma historycznego Zarządu Krajowego (ZK) ZMW - „Roczniki dziejów ruchu młodowiejskiego” (1986-1987). W 1982 r. wspólnie z J. Gmitrukiem współorganizował i pełnił funkcję wiceprzewodniczącego Komisji Historycznej ZK ZMW. W 1984 r. został powołany do Prezydium Komitetu Olimpiad ZK ZMW oraz był sekretarzem Olimpiady Wiedzy o Wsi. Systematycznie pogłębiał i poszerzał swoje zainteresowania badawcze, zwłaszcza w zakresie polskiego procesu historycznego okresu II wojny światowej oraz metodologii i metodyki pracy historyka ruchu oporu, wykorzystując zdobyte doświadczenia. Blisko 10 lat prowadził w WIH, wspólnie z prof. dr. hab. Witoldem Biegańskim, a następnie samodzielnie, seminarium doktorskie z zakresu ruchu oporu, uczestniczyło w nim kilkunastu doktorantów. Po kilku latach obronione zostały pierwsze prace, których był promotorem: mgr. Jacka Sawickiego (ZWZ-AK w aglomeracji podwarszawskiej 1939-1945) oraz mgr Wandy Sadurskiej (Udział kobiet w łączności Okręgu Warszawskiego AK 1939-1945). Obydwie prace ukazały się drukiem. Kryzys WIH i stopniowa jego likwidacja spowodowały, że przyjął propozycję pełnomocnika rektora Wyższej Szkoły Rolniczo-Pedagogicznej (WSR-P) w Siedlcach dr. Franciszka Gryciuka, który organizował kierunek historia w uczelni siedleckiej i podpisał oświadczenie, iż podejmie pracę na pierwszym etacie po uruchomieniu Page | 197 studiów. W 1992 r. rozpoczął pracę dydaktyczną, naukową i organizacyjną w WSR-P w Siedlcach, biorąc udział w tworzeniu przez prof. dr. hab. Zygmunta Sułowskiego Instytutu Historii. W 1995 r. podjął również pracę w Mazowieckiej Wyższej Szkole Humanistyczno-Pedagogicznej w Łowiczu, gdzie wkrótce objął stanowisko dziekana Wydziału Humanistycznego, a następnie dziekana Wydziału Historycznego, który prowadził studia magisterskie stacjonarne i zaoczne oraz podyplomowe. Opracował koncepcję i programy studiów, stworzył ośrodek badawczy, pozyskał kadrę, co umożliwiło wystąpienie z wnioskiem o uprawnienia do nadawania stopnia dr. nauk humanistycznych w zakresie historii. Pracując w Siedlcach włączył się do badań nad historią Podlasia. Był prezesem Siedleckiego Towarzystwa Naukowego; w latach 1993-1998 dyrektor Instytutu Historii Wydziału Humanistycznego, następnie został dwukrotnie wybrany na dziekana Wydziału Humanistycznego na dwie kadencje – lata 1999-2005. Będąc dziekanem wystąpił z wnioskiem o wydzielenie z Wydziału Humanistycznego Instytutu Zarządzania i przekształcenia go w Wydział Zarządzania, co zostało zrealizowane przez Rektora. Przyczynił się do powstania nowych kierunków studiów: politologii i neofilologii oraz do uzyskania przez Wydział Humanistyczny prawa doktoryzacji w zakresie nauk humanistycznych, kierunek historia. Z jego inicjatywy utworzono nagrodę Złotego Jacka, fundowaną, przez rektorów uczelni siedleckich, Marszalka Samorządu Wojewódzkiego, Siedleckie Towarzystwa Naukowe i Stowarzyszenie „Brama”, przyznawaną za najlepsze prace naukowe i prace magisterskie, dotyczące regionu, a także dla najwybitniejszego twórcy z zakresu kultury i sztuki oraz instytucji zasłużonej dla nauki i kultury Podlasia. Nagrody są wręczane corocznie w czasie Siedleckich Dni Nauki. Był Przewodniczącym Jury kilku ogólnopolskich konkursów historycznych: Prawda i Pamięć, Małe ojczyzny w Wielkiej Europie, Powstania Polskie 1944 r. Był współtwórcą Unii Profesorów w Siedlcach i członkiem jej zarządu. W latach 1990-1993 uczestniczył w pracach Komisji Kwalifikacyjnej Rady Szkolnictwa Wojskowego i Nauki, 1992-2000 – Centralnego Ośrodka Metodycznego Studiów Nauczycielskich Ministerstwa Edukacji Narodowej przy Wyższej Szkole Pedagogicznej w Krakowie, był członkiem Konferencji Rektorów Wyższych Szkół Pedagogicznych, Rady Fundacji Edukacyjnej „Transformacje”, wiceprzewodniczącym (od 1999 r.) Rady Naukowej Mazowieckiego Stowarzyszenia Naukowego im. S. Herbsta, członkiem Komisji Historycznej Zarządu Krajowego Towarzystwa Uniwersytetów Ludowych, a od 1988 r. członkiem Rady Uniwersytetów Ludowych Zarządu Krajowego ZMW. Prof. Matusak został powołany do Komitetu Nauk Historycznych PAN, gdzie powierzono mu funkcję zastępcy przewodniczącego Komisji Historii Wojskowości. Był przewodniczącym Komisji Historycznej Zarządu Głównego Ochotniczej Straży Pożarnej (2008-2013), w latach 2014-2019 wiceprzewodniczącym Zarządu Głównego Ludowego Towarzystwa Naukowo-Kulturalnego, Stowarzyszenia Frankfurter Projekt Deutsch-Polnische Geschichte i Amerykańskiego Towarzystwa Bibliograficznego. Został wybrany na prezesa Zarządu Głównego Stowarzyszenia Historyków Wojskowości, na prezesa Zarządu Głównego Stowarzyszenia Dom Polski „Sarmacja”. Był członkiem Towarzystwa Miłośników Historii w Warszawie oraz towarzystw naukowych w Sandomierzu, Warszawie i Drohiczynie; członkiem Page | 198 honorowym Komitetu Festiwalu Nauki i Sztuki w Siedlcach. W 2004 r. uzyskał nominację i wpis do Złotej Księgi Nauk Humanistycznych. Po przejściu na emeryturę w 2013 r. przez dwa lata pracował na umowę o dzieło w Akademii im. Leona Koźmińskiego w Warszawie. Później podjął pracę etatową w Wyższej Szkole Administracji w Bielsku-Białej. Pracę zakończył w 2018 r. ze względu na stan zdrowia. Zorganizował w Instytucie Historii Akademii Podlaskiej pracownię wydawniczą, która wydała własnym sumptem 82 pozycje książkowe, wzbogacając wiedzę historyczną o regionie. Utworzone z nich biblioteczki regionalne trafiły do szkół na Podlasiu. Uczestniczył w wydawaniu „Szkiców Podlaskich” (od 1994 r. członek Rady Naukowej, następnie redaktor), „Podlaskiego Kwartalnika Humanistycznego” (członek redakcji), obcojęzycznej „Doctriny” (przewodniczący Rady Naukowej), następnie od 2004 r. redaktor; „Transformacji” (1995 – członek Rady Redakcyjnej), „Mazowieckich Studiów Humanistycznych” (członek Rady Redakcyjnej 1996-2002), „Prac Archiwalno-Konserwatorskich” (od 2001 r. członek Kolegium Redakcyjnego), „Roczników dziejów ruchu ludowego” (od 1996 r. członek Rady Redakcyjnej), „Zeszytów Historycznych Zarządu Głównego Ochotniczych Straży Pożarnych” (od 1996 r. członkiem Kolegium Redakcyjnego), „Pro Memoria” (od 2002 r. członek Komitetu Programowego), „Zeszytów Naukowych WSRP. Historia” (red. naczelny), Komitetu Wydawniczego WSRP-Akademii Podlaskiej (członek, następnie przewodniczący 1996-1999). Brał udział w pracach badawczych nad monografiami miast podlaskich: Siedlec, Sokołowa Podlaskiego, Radzynia Podlaskiego i Węgrowa. W Siedlcach opublikował kilka swoich podstawowych prac, w tym: syntezę Druga wojna światowa (Siedlce 2003, Warszawa 2005), współautor i redaktor naukowy książki: Edukacja i kultura Polski Podziemnej 1939-1945 (Siedlce 1997), Wywiad ZWZ – AK 1939-1945 (Siedlce 2002), za którą otrzymał nagrodę Złotego Jacka, sześć tomów dokumentów Powstanie warszawskie 1944 (Warszawa 1997-2004), Europa walcząca 1939-1945 (Siedlce 2005). Wspólnie z Siedleckim Towarzystwie Naukowym podjął trud wydawania serii „Monografie Podlaskie”, których opublikowano pięć. Był współorganizatorem kilkudziesięciu sesji naukowych, m.in. w 2003 r. VII Ogólnopolskiego Forum Historyków Wojskowości w Siedlcach nt. źródeł do historii wojskowości, międzynarodowych sesji nauk.: „Militarne aspekty powstania warszawskiego” (Warszawa 2004), „Druga wojna światowa w Europie 1939-1945” (Siedlce 2005), ogólnopolskiego konkursu dla młodzieży szkolnej „Powstania polskie 1944” oraz wspólnie z Uniwersytetm Pedagogicznym w Brześciu, Uniwersytetem Pedagogicznym w Drohobyczu i Uniwersytetem Pedagogicznym w Wilnie cyklu sesji pt. „Rzeczpospolita Obojga Narodów”. Kierował zespołem Kampinoskiego Parku Narodowego i Stowarzyszeniem im. S. Herbsta, opracowującym dzieje Kampinosu i okolic (współautor i redaktor naukowy). Prof. Matusak wypromował 150 mgr. historii i 15 dr. nauk humanistycznych: Jacka Sawickiego, Wandę Sadurską, Zbigniewa Puchalskiego, Tadeusza Frączka, Wiesława Charczuka, Leszka Czarneckiego, Henryka Micińskiego, Zbigniewa Siemaka, Jerzego Malinowskiego, Jerzego Tomczyka, Ryszarda Bzinkowskiego, Arkadiusza Indraszczyka, Grażynę Korneć, Annę Charczuk oraz Rafała Dmowskiego. Był recenzentem 15 prac doktorskich, uczestniczył jako recenzent lub przewodniczący Page | 199 komisji w 7 przewodach habilitacyjnych oraz recenzował 13 wniosków na tytuł profesora. Jego dorobek naukowy i publicystyczny obejmuje ogółem 410 prac: 34 książki, w tym 7 obcojęzycznych, a 10 to prace indywidualne. Wśród publikacji zwartych 20 to monografie i syntezy, 11 tomów dokumentów, 2 inwentarze i kalendarium. Ponadto byt redaktorem i współredaktorem 17 publikacji zwartych, w tym 6 syntez, 4 encyklopedii i 10 tomów źródeł. Uczestniczył w redakcjach 11 czasopism naukowych (w tym 3 obcojęzycznych), a był redaktorem 4 czasopism naukowych. Publikacje w ujęciu rocznym wskazują na rozwój naukowy: w 1967 r. – 5, 1968 – 5, 1969 – 8, 1970 – 9, 1971 – 2, 1972 – 1, 1973 – 6, 1974 – 5, 1975 – 14, 1976 – 7, 1977 – 9, 1978 – 9, 1979 – 4, 1980 – 12, 1981 – 9, 1982 -14, 1983 – 11, 1984 – 12, 1985 – 23, 1986- 11, 1987 – 15, 1988 – 10, 1989 – 5, 1990 – 2, 1991 – 4, 1992 – 3, 1993 – 4, 1994 – 8, 1995 – 14, 1996 – 27,1997 – 18, 1998 – 7, 1999 – 8, 2000 – 9, 2001 – 8, 2002 – 13, 2003 – 31, 2004 – 19, 2005 – 15, a w 2006 r. – 14. Warto podkreślić, że 205 publikacji przypada na okres pracy prof. Matusaka w Siedlcach. Posiadał znaczący i liczący się w skali kraju i Europy dorobek naukowy. Specjalizował się w historii najnowszej, zwłaszcza w dziejach II wojny światowej. Był pracownikiem wymagającym zarówno od siebie jak i od innych, konsekwentnym i dobrym wychowawcą lubianym przez studentów. Był człowiekiem życzliwym, optymistycznym, z dużym poczuciem humoru; posiadał niezwykłą umiejętność skupiania wokół siebie ludzi i integrowania środowiska. Za wieloletnią pracę naukową, dydaktyczną, organizacyjną i wychowawczą, został odznaczony: Krzyżem Kawalerskim Orderu Odrodzenia Polski, Złotym Krzyżem Zasługi, Medalem Komisji Edukacji Narodowej, medalem „Za zasługi dla Kielecczyzny”, złotą odznakę „Za zasługi dla archiwistyki”, medalem „Za zasługi dla obronności kraju” oraz złotą Hon. Odznaką ZMW i medalem Humanistyki – Medal im. Księżnej Aleksandry Ogińskiej. Zmarł 6 VI 2020 r. w Warszawie, został pochowany na cmentarzu Bródnowskim (kw. 66g-6-10). Po jego śmierci ukazała się publikacja: J. Gmitruk, P. Matusak, Polska wojna gospodarcza 1939-1945, Warszawa 2020. Włodarkiewicz W., Prof. Piotr Matusak – jako historyk dziejów najnowszych, [w:] Wojsko i kultura w dziejach Polski i Europy. Księga jubileuszowa Piotra Matusaka w 65 rocznicę urodzin, WarszawaSiedlce 2006, s. 5-12; Protasiuk D., Prof. dr hab. Piotr Matusak – jako dziekan Wydz. Humanistycznego 1 IX 1999-31 VIII 2005, Tamże …, s. 13-9; Korneć G., Bibliografia publikacji prof. dr. hab. Piotra Matusaka, Tamże …, s. 20-42. Wojciech WŁODARKIEWICZ Page | 200 TOMASZKIEWICZ Ignacy (1888-?), rolnik z Czerwonki (powiat węgrowski), poseł na Sejm II (1928-1930) i III (1930-1935) kadencji. Urodził się 3 XI 1888 r. w Czerwonce pow. węgrowski. Po ukończeniu szkoły elementarnej zajął się prowadzeniem gospodarstwa rolnego w Czerwonce. Działał w samorządzie gminy i powiatu. Udzielał się w organizacjach o charakterze rolniczym. W 1928 r., z ramienia Bezpartyjnego Bloku Współpracy z Rządem (BBWR), po raz pierwszy został posłem z okręgu 3 (siedleckiego). Otrzymał mandat od Seweryna Ludkiewicza (BBWR, prezes Państwowego Banku Rolnego), który nie mógł pogodzić pracy zawodowej z obowiązkami posła. Wówczas, obok Tomaszkiewicza, wybrano z tego okręgu Aleksandra Dębskiego i Józefa Milika (endecja) oraz Zygmunta Gralińskiego (Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe „Wyzwolenie”). Ślubowanie złożył na pierwszym posiedzeniu 27 III 1928. Po wyborach z 1928 r. i słabym wyniku BBWR (Polska – 21%, okręg nr 3 – 17,3%, powiat sokołowski – 12,8%). Tomaszkiewicz zaangażował się w akcję zjednywania nowych zwolenników. Podczas powiatowego zjazdu sympatyków BBWR w Sokołowie Podlaskim, 15 VII 1928 r., wygłosił przemówienie o ówczesnej sytuacji politycznej w sejmie i pozytywnym nastawieniu jego ugrupowania do rządu. W 1929 r., w ramach akcji informacyjnej BBWR, na terenie powiatu sokołowskiego pod jego przewodnictwem odbyły się zebrania w Sokołowie (10-11 IV), Kosowie (25 VIII), Sterdyni (8 IX) i Wyrozębach (24 XI). Od XII 1930 do I 1931 r. BBWR województwa lubelskiego prowadziło prace związane z organizacją wewnętrzną ugrupowania. Od II 1931 r. rozpoczęto prace w terenie. W tych działaniach aktywnie uczestniczył Tomaszkiewicz W 1930 r. po raz kolejny, z ramienia BBWR, uzyskał mandat poselski z okręgu nr 3. Innymi wówczas wybranymi posłami byli: Feliks Grzymała (BBWR), Sławomir Łaguna (BBWR), Józef Milik (Stronnictwo Narodowe). Ślubowanie złożył 9 XII 1930. Podczas swojej drugiej kadencji dwukrotnie przemawiał na forum sejmowym. Jako referent Komisji Reform Rolnych 13 i 23 III 1933 r. złożył przed Sejmem sprawozdanie z prac nad zmianami w rozporządzeniu Prezydenta RP z 1 II 1927 r. o zniesieniu służebności w województwach centralnych. Podkreślał m.in. konieczność zmian w zakresie oprocentowania spłacanych należności ze względu na ówczesną trudną sytuację gospodarczą. Tomaszkiewicz razem z Feliksem Grzymałą 23 IV 1933 uczestniczyli w „tradycyjnym święconym” Związku Strzeleckiego w Sokołowie Podlaskim. Brak danych dotyczących dalszych losów Tomaszkiewicza. Skorowidz do sprawozdań stenograficznych z posiedzeń Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej od 27 marca 1928 r. do 29 marca 1930 r. Okres II, s. 240; Skorowidz do sprawozdań stenograficznych z posiedzeń Sejmu Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej od 9 grudnia 1930 r. do 29 marca 1933 r., s. 98; Sejm Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, Okres III, Sesja zwyczajna r. 1932/1933, Sprawozdanie Stenograficzne z 95 posiedzenia w dniu 13 marca 1933 r., s. 51-52; Sejm Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej, Okres III, Sesja zwyczajna r. 1932/1933, Page | 201 Sprawozdanie Stenograficzne z 101 posiedzenia w dniu 28 marca 1933 r., s. 29-30; Statystyka Polski, Statystyka wyborów do sejmu i senatu odbytych w dniu 4 i 11 marca 1928 r., tom X, GUS, W. 1930, s. XXXIV, 5; Kto był kim w Drugiej Rzeczypospolitej, red. nauk. J. Majchrowski przy współpracy G. Mazura i K. Stepana, W.1994, s. 457; Ryżewski G., Dwudziestolecie międzywojenne, [w:] Sokołów Podlaski. Dzieje miasta i okolic, pod red. G. Ryżewskiego, Białystok-Sokołów Podlaski 2006, s. 525; Archiwum Akt Nowych, Urząd Wojewódzki Lubelski, sygn. 1749/4; Archiwum Państwowe w Lublinie, Urząd Wojewódzki Lubelski, Wydział Społeczno-Polityczny, sygn. 162, k. 44, Uwagi o sytuacji politycznej w terenie, b.d.; Archiwum Państwowe w Siedlcach, Starostwo Powiatowe w Sokołowie Podlaskim, sygn. 9, k. 46, Sprawozdanie sytuacyjne tygodniowe nr 29, 18 VII, 1928; sygn. 13, k. 17, Sprawozdanie sytuacyjne miesięczne nr 4, 2 V 1933. Małgorzata IWAŃSKA Page | 202 MESSAGES Page | 203 Page | 204 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Gholamreza KARAMIAN (PIASt, Poland / Azad University, Tehran, Iran) Historical Metal works named Warsaw in Iran https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.15 Abstract: Since long times ago, the artists of Lorestan, have been earning their livelihood through making various types of handicraft a valuable art piece deeply rooted in the province’s history called nickel silver crafts. In Farsi, varsho is actually the word ‘War-saw’. What is the reason for such labeling of these works of art in the Qajar and Pahlavi periods in Iran? Lorestan artists in Borujerd town created such magnificent art at that time. We still don’t know the reason for this naming, but one thing is clear, such metalwork is part of the history of art in both Poland and Iran. Key words: Borujerd, metalwork, War-saw, Iran, Poland Introduction This study deals with the author’s survey on Polish and Iranian art in the early 20 century. The area of this study is Lorestan province in western Iran. Metal art works has 5000 years’ background in Lorestan1. At the end of the Qajar dynasty (1794 to 1925) and the beginning of the Pahlavi period (1925 to 1979), silver nickel was imported to Iran from Germany and Poland, which attracted the attention of metal manufacturers in Iran and many artifacts were produced at that time2. Nickel paktong (used in Eastern Jin Dynasty, 317-420 AD) was introduced to Europe after 18th century and called ‘Chinese Silver’. In 1823, England and Germany copied it successfully3. This is a copper alloy, with the common formulation of 65% th  ORCID iD 0000-0003-4200-2592. karamianreza@yahoo.com; Polish Institute of Advanced Studies. B. OVERLAET, ‘Luristan bronzes ii. chronology’,” Encyclopædia Iranica, online edition, 2016, [available at http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/luristan-bronzes-ii-chronology (accessed on 19.05.2016)]; F. BEGEMANN, E. HAERINCK, B. OVERLAET, S. SCHMITT-STRECKER, F. TALLON, ‘An Archaeo-Metallurgical Study of the Early and Middle Bronze Age in Luristan, Iran’, Iranica Antiqua 43, 2008, 1-66. 2 Probably varsho-sazi as a technique started and developed in Dezful, Khuzestan Province, reached Borujerd in Lurestan the neighboring province and then spread out to other parts of the country in Qajar period. 3 A. GRANT, ‘A British history of German silver: Part 1 - The discovery of nickel and development of nickel alloys, 1754-1823’, Journal of the Antique Metalware Society 23, 2016, 58-79; T. DERUI, L. HAIPING, ‘The ancient Chinese casting techniques’, 2011 [Retrieved September 12, 2017, from www.foundryworld.com/uploadfile/201131449329893.pdf]. 1 Page | 205 copper, 18% nickel and 17% zinc4. In addition to its silver color, this alloy was easy to cast and fabricate, was resistant to tarnishing, and was economical to produce. Varsho is actually the copper alloy known as ‘German silver’. In Farsi, varsho is actually the word ‘War-saw’. It is commonly believed that the alloy was imported from Poland for the first time, therefore it was named after the capital of this country. Persian handicraft in fashion in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth For almost three centuries (15th-18th centuries), Ottoman Turkey was a neighbor and a common enemy of Poland and Persia, which mainly gave a political character to the mutual relations of both countries. The second field of Polish-Persian contacts were trade and Catholic missions. The specific fashion for oriental items in Poland was probably influenced by the Sarmatism (the legend of Polish descent from Sarmatians). The fall of the Safavid dynasty in 1722 and later the partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1795 ended the exchange of missions between the two countries. However, despite the changed political reality, the fashion for Persian items has not disappeared. One should agree with the interpretation of Paulina Banas, who writes: “The goods imported from Persia or made in Polish workshops in imitation of Persian designs, present a fusion of Polish and Persian elements and thus assisted the Poles in defining, expressing, and asserting nationality, identity, and social status”5. Nickel silver artifacts of Lorestan, called Warsho (Warsaw) Since long times ago, the artists of Lorestan, the city of Borujerd in particular, making the valuable art piece deeply rooted in the province’s history: nickel silver crafts. The craft used to be among most profitable careers in Borujerd. It made up a large part of old business in the region, to the point that Borujerd’s name is associated with nickel silver crafts. There are various accounts of the history of this type of craft in Iran. One historical account says that a small number of Iranian blacksmiths from Isfahan, Borujerd, Dezful and many other cities were sent to Russia to learn the art. The artists of Borujerd used the sheets to make the basic items for an ordinary life (dining dishes, samovar, sugar dish, caddy); and came to be known as inkwell 4 A. GRANT, ‘A British history of 'German silver': part II: 1829-1924’, Journal of the Antique Metalware Society 24, 2017, 48. 5 P. BANAS, ‘Persian and Polish Sashes: Symbols of National Identity and Luxury Textiles in an International Market’ in The Fascination of Persia: The Persian-European Dialogue in Seventeenthcentury Art & Contemporary Art From Tehran, ed. A. LANGER, Zurich 2013, 120. Page | 206 makers because they were the first artists who made inkwell from nickel silver sheets. Nickel silver craft was registered as an intangible cultural heritage in march 20186. The artists of Borujerd create beautiful pieces of art by hammering and bending the nickel silver sheets. They use simple devices beside their own physical power. The metal sheets were cut with special scissors and the size of the cut depended on the size of the objects, the big pot or the small one, like a teapot or plate, and then use the furnace to heat them and prepare them for molding. The most important technique for forming a metal sheet was hammering which the quality of the work was based on the artist's experience. There was different kind of anvils for making different objects, skilled artists used hammers to form metal to the objects they desired, they used welding with brass metal when needed to insulate or attach different parts of the work. Some of these products were simple ornamented and some were decorated with an ancient Persian engraving technique called ‘Ghalam Zani’ (the art of carving superb designs on various metals)7. Ostad Mehdi Pour was one the master of this art he worked between 1925-1960. He made master pieces of art for king of Iran Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi before Islamic revolution. This skill requires some equipment such as a compass, various types of hammers and rods, bitumen, plaster and base, the metalwork must first be fixed to the base with the composition of bitumen and plaster, this will help the artist not to puncture the metal work during the hammering, in the other hand, process are more manageable when hammering, compass is required when the artist wants to find the center of the pots or circular bowls, the motif pattern to be placed on the screen is adjusted by the metalwork center for symmetrical balance. The master of this art in Borujerd was Mr. Malayeri. Conclusion Warsho in Persian language means Warsaw, Nickel silver crafts was coined as Warsho at Borujerd in Lorestan province and Iranian art terminology. As we know nickel silver not only imported from Poland but also from Germany. What is the reason for such labeling of these works of art in the Qajar and Pahlavi periods in Iran? Lorestan artists created such magnificent art at that time. Whatever the reason for this naming, they chose the name Warsho (Warsaw). They decided to put the name of the Polish capital on their artworks. We still don't know the reason for this naming, But one thing is clear, such metalwork is part of the history of art in both Poland and Iran. F. ASKARIEH, ‘Nickel Silver Crafts; Traditional Art in Western Iran’, [https://ifpnews.com/nickelsilver-crafts-traditional-art-in-western-iran; accessed on 15.05.2020]. 7 IsfahanTimes 12. [http://www.isftimes.ir/sites/default/files/vijeh/2016/09/27/pdf/explore%201_0.pdf; accessed on 19.09.2020] 6 Page | 207 In the historical Bazar of Borujerd which architecture style survived from Safavids until Qajar periods, there has been a section in said bazar called Warsho Sazan means the people who made Warsho beside there is family name ‘Warshochi’ (people who made Warsho) in Lorestan and Iran which may concern to this profession. Fig. 1. Mohammad Ali Karami 75 years old, Borujerd, 2013; photo courtesy Borujerd Cultural Heritage Organization Page | 208 Fig. 2. Mashallah Ghobadi 73 years old, Borujerd, 2013; photo courtesy Borujerd Cultural Heritage Organization Fig. 3. Mashallah Farrokhi 82 years old, Borujerd, 2013; photo courtesy Borujerd Cultural Heritage Organization Page | 209 Fig. 4. Azizolah Shaddel 67 years old, Borujerd, 2013; photo courtesy Borujerd Cultural Heritage Organization Fig. 5. Asad Abolzadeh 62 years old, Borujerd, 2013; photo courtesy Borujerd Cultural Heritage Organization Page | 210 Fig. 6. Warsaw metal sheets formed by artists in cylindrical shape; photo by A. Moghaddam Fig. 7. Amin Moghaddam’s workshop, Borujerd, photos by R. Karamian and A. Moghaddam Page | 211 Fig. 8. Amin Moghaddam’s Workshop, Borujerd, photos by R. Karamian and A. Moghaddam Fig. 9. Various types of hammers and rods for Ghalam Zani (engraving) Page | 212 Fig. 10. Amin Moghaddam, new generation of Warsho Sazh, Borujerd 2019, photo by R. Karamian Page | 213 Fig. 11. Masoud Farrokhi, Borujerd 2019, photo by A. Moghaddam Page | 214 Fig. 12. Inkpot, 7 cm, made in Borujerd 1935, photo by A. Moghaddam Fig. 12. Sugar dish made by artist called Shaddel in Borujerd, 1975, photo by A. Moghaddam Page | 215 Fig. 13. Tea boxes made between 1940-1970 in Borujerd, photo by A. Moghaddam Fig. 14. Breakfast set made in Borujerd 1970, photo by A. Moghaddam Page | 216 Fig. 15. Samavar height 75cm,made by an artist named Habib Nodost in Borujered,1980, photo by A. Moghaddam Page | 217 Fig. 16. Teapot, 23 cm height, made in Borujerd 1980, photo by A. Moghaddam Fig. 17. Oven, samovar, tray, teapot, and water container, made in Borujerd 1960, photo courtesy Borujerd Cultural Heritage Organization Page | 218 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Anna MADEJ (UPH Siedlce, Polska) Sprawozdanie z konferencji naukowej „Wojsko Polskie na wschodnich rubieżach Rzeczypospolitej – historia i współczesne wyzwania” (Siedlce, 4-5 września 2019 r.) https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.16 Abstract: A report on the scientific conference ‘Polish Army on the eastern frontiers of Poland – history and modern challenges’, which was held in Siedlce on 4 th-5th September 2019. Key words: the scientific conference, report, Polish Army, Siedlce W dniach 4-5 września 2019 r. odbyła się w Siedlcach pod patronatem Ministra Obrony Narodowej Mariusza Błaszczaka konferencja naukowa „Wojsko Polskie na wschodnich rubieżach Rzeczypospolitej – historia i współczesne wyzwania”. W dwudniowej, interdyscyplinarnej sesji wzięli udział historycy, geopolitycy, politolodzy i eksperci z dziedziny wojskowości. Konferencję otworzył gen. dyw. Jarosław Gromadziński dowódca 18. Dywizji Zmechanizowanej im. gen. broni Tadeusza Buka przedstawiając rolę nowego związku taktycznego w systemie obronności Polski. Pierwszy dzień obrad został poświęcony historii wojskowej regionu siedleckiego. Otwierający referat „Historia wojskowa pogranicza małopolsko-ruskiego i mazowiecko-ruskiego w okresie średniowiecza” wygłosiła dr hab. Maria Starnawska (UPH Siedlce). Koncentrował się on na rozważaniach nad dziejami wojskowymi wschodniego pogranicza Mazowsza i ziemi sandomierskiej, które do czasu włączenia Rusi Halickiej do Królestwa polskiego i do zawarcia unii z Litwą stanowiły wschodnie przedmurze Polski piastowskiej. Prelegentka wyróżniła trzy obszary konfliktów: między władcami polskimi i ruskimi, walki z Bałtami (Jaćwingowie, Litwini) i obrona przed najazdami mongolskimi. Walki z różną intensywnością trwały do końca XIV w. Mjr dr Andrzej Chojnacki (Siedlce) w referacie „Zmiany dyslokacji oddziałów Wojska Polskiego na terenie Siedleckiego i Lubelszczyzny między upadkiem Rzeczypospolitej a likwidacją WP po upadku Powstania Listopadowego” nakreślił rys działań militarnych w regionie siedleckim od konfliktu polsko-rosyjskiego z 1792 r.  ORCID iD 0000-0001-7779-3609. anna.madej@uph.edu.pl Page | 219 do wojen napoleońskich. Zaprezentował przy tym stacjonujące w regionie siedleckim oddziały wojsk napoleońskich, i austriackich. Wystąpienie dra Andrzeja Chojnackiego zakończyło pierwszą cześć konferencji. Po przerwie głos zabrał mgr Artur Rogalski (doktorant UPH Siedlce), który wspomagając się prezentacją multimedialną przybliżył materiał źródłowy z zasobów Archiwum Państwowego w Siedlcach odnoszący się do losów żołnierzy z początków XIX wieku. Tematem wystąpienia były „Akta zgonów żołnierzy i personelu instytucji wojskowych w aktach zgonów USC Siedlce z lat 1814-1820”. W wyniku kwerendy archiwalnej udało się odnaleźć szereg aktów stwierdzających śmierć żołnierzy polskich z doby Księstwa Warszawskiego, członków ich rodzin, oraz przykłady żołnierzy innych narodowości (francuskiej), którzy w Siedlcach zakończyli życie. Następnym prelegentem był dr Paweł Borek (Miejska Biblioteka Publiczna w Białej Podlaskiej) przedstawiający „Organizację i funkcjonowanie 22 pułku piechoty w Siedlcach oraz 34 pułku piechoty w Białej Podlaskiej w latach 1918-1939”. W referacie zaprezentował problematykę funkcjonowanie garnizonów wojskowych na terenie Południowego Podlasia. Dużo miejsca poświęcił współpracy wojska ze społecznością lokalną i życiu w miastach garnizonowych uwzględniając specyfikę regionu. Ponadto scharakteryzował życie towarzyskie toczące się w garnizonach 22. i 34. pułku piechoty. Pierwszy dzień konferencji zakończyło wystąpienie dra Rafała Roguskiego (UPH Siedlce) na temat „Przygotowań wojennych w 1939 r. na obszarze Okręgu Korpusu nr IX”. Skupił się on na przybliżeniu przygotowań wojennych jakie miały miejsce wiosną i latem 1939 r. w Okręgu Korpusu nr IX. Autor w swoim referacie przedstawił przede wszystkim sam przebieg mobilizacji marcowej na podstawie działań dowództwa 9. Dywizji Piechoty. Ukazał napotkane trudności, takie jak na przykład dojazd rezerwistów z odległych rejonów Okręgu Korpusu nr IX, w którym sieć komunikacyjna była bardzo rzadka. Interesującą kwestią było to, że mniejszości narodowe do mobilizacji stawiły się bardzo lojalnie. Dużo miejsca poświęcił tzw. kryzysowi mobilizacyjnemu, wywołanemu terminem przeprowadzenia mobilizacji wczesną wiosną, czyli przed rozpoczęciem prac polowych (większość żołnierzy była rolnikami). Po wcieleniu do jednostek żołnierze przebywali długo w garnizonie, a następnie wyjechali na Pomorze. W rodzinach zabrakło więc ludzi do pracy na roli. Rodziny zaczęły odwiedzać żołnierzy w miejscu ich postoju podburzając do nieposłuszeństwa. Skrajnym efektem takich działań były dezercje. Prelekcja dra Roguskiego wzbogacona została prezentacją multimedialną ze schematem struktury Okręgu Korpusu Nr 9 i mapą z zaznaczonymi głównymi garnizonami i rejonami mobilizacyjnymi. W publikacji, która była pokłosiem konferencji zostało również opublikowane opracowanie prof. dra hab. Marka Wagnera (Warszawa, emerytowany profesor UPH Siedlce) pt. „Znaczenie militarne regionu siedleckiego w okresie staropolskim (XVI Page | 220 -XVIII w.). Skupiając się na konfliktach, które bezpośrednio dotknęły terytorium regionu, a więc powstaniu Chmielnickiego, potopie szwedzkim, wielkiej wojnie północnej, konfederacji barskiej, wojnie polsko-rosyjskiej i insurekcji kościuszkowskiej, prelegent sformułował wniosek o drugorzędnej roli regionu w militarnej strukturze kraju. Sprowadzała się ona najczęściej do funkcji mobilizacyjnej i zaopatrzeniowej. W drugim dniu konferencji przewidziano 9 wystąpień dotyczących współczesnych zagadnień związanych z szeroko rozumianym bezpieczeństwem. Poruszane kwestie odnosiły się do aktualnego stanu rzeczy, a także do najbliższej przyszłości. Jako pierwszy głos zabrał gen. dyw. dr Jarosław Gromadziński, dowódca 18. Dywizji Zmechanizowanej w Siedlcach. Tytuł jego referatu to „Koncepcja i główne założenia formowania 18. Dywizji Zmechanizowanej”. Ukazał w nim proces organizowania tej jednostki od momentu wypracowania założeń strategicznych odtwarzania potencjału bojowego sił zbrojnych RP do tworzenia poszczególnych pododdziałów, podkreślając, że ma się on zakończyć w 2026 r. Gen. dyw. Jarosław Gromadziński ukazał przede wszystkim cel sformowania Dywizji, jej obszar odpowiedzialności oraz jednostki wchodzące w jej skład. Porównał system obronności państwa przed powstaniem Żelaznej Dywizji i rolę jaką odgrywa ta wielka jednostka w zabezpieczeniu granicy wschodniej Polski, która jest zarazem wschodnią granicą Paktu Północnoatlantyckiego. Szersze tło możliwości obronnych Polski nakreślił płk dr hab. Ryszard Elak (Akademia Sztuki Wojennej w Warszawie) w wystąpieniu „Potencjał Wojsk Lądowych SZ RP do obrony wschodniej granicy w kontekście utworzenia czwartej dywizji”. Wnioskiem końcowym było istotne zwiększenie efektywności działań obronnych po zakończeniu formowania 18. DZ. Płk dr hab. Przemysław Paździorek (Akademia Sztuki Wojennej w Warszawie) wygłosił referat na temat „Zrozumienie oraz zarządzanie środowiskiem operacyjnym”, dając obraz metod analizowania środowiska podczas procesu planowania operacji wojskowych. Natomiast płk. prof. dr hab. Grzegorz Sobolewski (Szkoła Główna Służby Pożarniczej w Warszawie) w wykładzie „Wsparcie wojskowe władz cywilnych i społeczeństwa w sytuacjach kryzysowych” omówił możliwości jakie daje w sytuacjach nadzwyczajnych (zagrożenia naturalne, społeczne i techniczne) użycie jednostek wojskowych, w tym 18. DZ. Ostatni przed przerwą referat pt. „Wojny przyszłości – wyzwania dla Sił Zbrojnych RP” przedstawił prof. dr hab. Marek Wrzosek (Akademia Sztuki Wojennej w Warszawie). Zauważył w nim konieczność przygotowania się do nowych typów konfliktów, jakie pojawiają się albo dopiero pojawią się w XXI w. Podał tutaj przykłady wojny informacyjnej, wojny cybernetycznej i wojny hybrydowej. Wszystkie one wymagają innego niż dotychczas przygotowania sił zbrojnych i prognozowania ich rozwoju. Page | 221 W drugiej części udział wzięli pracownicy Instytutu Nauk Społecznych UPH Siedlce. Na początku dr hab. Eugeniusz Cieślak zaprezentował referat na temat „Obrona wschodniej flanki NATO wczoraj, dziś i jutro”. Następnie dr hab. Malina Kaszuba wygłosiła prelekcję na temat „Geopolityczny kontekst rosyjskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa”. Zagadnienie „Służb specjalnych w polityce bezpieczeństwa Federacji Rosyjskiej” poruszył prorektor ds. nauki UPH płk dr hab. Mirosław Minkina. Konferencję zakończyło wystąpienie dra hab. Juliusza Piwowarskiego (Wyższa Szkoła Bezpieczeństwa Publicznego i Indywidualnego „Apeiron” w Krakowie) „Kultura bezpieczeństwa narodowego a redefinicja środowiska bezpieczeństwa”. Dwudniowe obrady zorganizowane z okazji święta 18. Dywizji Zmechanizowanej zaprezentowały szerokie spektrum tematów związanych z obecnością Wojska Polskiego na wschodnich granicach państwa. Zaplanowana i urzeczywistniona jako konferencja interdyscyplinarna dała możliwość na spojrzenie na powyższą problematykę z wielu punktów widzenia. Dzięki temu stała się platformą wymiany doświadczeń zawodowych i forum rozszerzającym wiedzę w kwestiach potencjału Wojsk Lądowych SZ RP, wojny przyszłości, obrony wschodniej flanki NATO i geopolitycznego kontekstu rosyjskiej polityki bezpieczeństwa. Była też okazją do nawiązania bliższej współpracy Uniwersytetu Przyrodniczo-Humanistycznego w Siedlcach z dowództwem 18. Dywizji Zmechanizowanej, a realizacja wspólnego projektu stanowiła cenne doświadczenie. Wśród zgromadzonego w auli UPH audytorium przeważali żołnierze Żelaznej Dywizji, dla których wiedza przekazana w trakcie obrad stanowiła cenne uzupełnienie szkolenia. Uzupełnieniem konferencji była prezentacja nowoczesnego uzbrojenia strzeleckiego i wyposażenia żołnierza, którym dysponuje Żelazna Dywizja. Page | 222 HISTORIA I ŚWIAT, nr 9 (2020) ISSN 2299 - 2464 Anna MADEJ (UPH Siedlce, Polska) Sprawozdanie z konferencji „Reforma administracyjna PRL w latach 1972-1975. Aspekty ustrojowe, kancelaryjne i archiwalne” https://doi.org/10.34739/his.2020.09.17 Abstract: A report on the conference ‘Administrative reforms in the Polish People’s Republic in the years 1972-1975. System-related, clerical and archival aspects’. Key words: the scientific conference, report, administrative reforms, Polish People’s Republic W dniu 18 września 2020 roku odbyła się konferencja naukowa „Reforma administracji PRL w latach 1972-1975. Aspekty ustrojowe, kancelaryjne i archiwalne”. Sesja została zorganizowana przez Instytut Historii UPH w Siedlcach oraz Archiwum Państwowe w Siedlcach. Z uwagi na istniejącą sytuację przeprowadzono ją w formule online. Konferencja rozpoczęła się o godzinie 10.00 otworzył ją dr hab. Dariusz Magier. a następnie głos zabrał dr Grzegorz Welik dyrektor Archiwum Państwowego w Siedlcach, który powitał zebranych i przedstawił główne założenia sympozjum. Następnie rozpoczęto obrady. Pierwszy panel prowadził dr hab. Dariusz Magier. Na początku wystąpił dr Andrzej Wróbel z Archiwum Państwowego w Piotrkowie Trybunalskim z referatem: „Kształtowanie się wojewódzkich władz Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej i administracji państwowej województwa piotrkowskiego – wybrane zagadnienia”. Przedstawił w nim proces tworzenia Wojewódzkiej Rady Narodowej i Urzędu Wojewódzkiego w Piotrkowie Trybunalskim, kształtowanie się ich struktury, a także reorganizacje organów administracji terenowej. Dużo miejsca poświęcił powiązaniu między instytucjami administracji państwowej a organami Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej. Drugim prelegentem był mgr Damian Sitkiewicz doktorant Instytutu Historii UPH. Tytuł jego referatu brzmiał: „Reforma terenowych organów administracji państwowej w latach 1972-1975. Przyczyny, założenia”. Wspomniał w nim o przygotowaniach do reformy administracyjnej trwających od początku lat siedemdziesiątych. Wytyczne do planowanych zmian powstały na VI Plenum  ORCID iD 0000-0001-7779-3609. anna.madej@uph.edu.pl Page | 223 KCPZPR z września 1972 roku. Przyczyną i celem reformy miało być usprawnienie działań administracji i przybliżenie władzy do obywateli. Wedle wielu opinii podział na gromady i powiaty nie był w stanie sprostać nowym zadaniom na polu kierowania całokształtem procesów społeczno-gospodarczych. Zamierzano jeszcze bardziej zwiększyć kontrolę aparatu państwowego nad najniższymi ogniwami władzy. Pierwszy etap polegał na likwidacji gromad i wprowadzeniu gmin. W drugim etapie dostosowano organizację i zasady funkcjonowania rad narodowych i innych organów administracji do modelu przyjętego dla struktur gminnych. W trzecim etapie, przeprowadzonym 28 maja 1975 roku (Dz.U 1975, nr 16, poz. 91), zlikwidowano powiaty i utworzono 49 województw. Wprowadzony wówczas podział terytorialny kraju przetrwał do 1998 roku. Kolejny referat przedstawił mgr Jarosław Ważny doktorant Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Tytuł wystąpienia brzmiał „Gra w oczko, czyli 21 tygodników dla 21 województw”. Autor przybliżył w nim zagadnienie powołania do życia 21 nowych tygodników „społeczno-informacyjnych” o zasięgu regionalnym. Wraz z utworzeniem w wyniku reformy administracyjnej 49 województw pojawiła się idea zorganizowania w każdym z nich tytułu prasowego w postaci tygodnika. Jako że w 21 nowych stolicach wojewódzkich dotychczas nie było tego typu wydawnictwa, należało wszystko zorganizować od podstaw. O ile do 1978 r. właściwie niczego w tym temacie nie zrobiono, to w kolejnych 5 latach zdołano zorganizować redakcje i przystąpić do wydawania tygodników. Dużym problemem jest uchwycenie procesu decyzyjnego, który doprowadził do końcowego efektu, chociaż wiadomo, że w istniejącym w kraju odgórnie regulowanym rynku prasy, wszystko musiało mieć akceptację czynników rządowych. Spośród 21 tytułów do dnia dzisiejszego ukazuje się nadal aż 11. Jako ostatnia w pierwszym panelu głos zabrała mgr Małgorzata Nikoniuk, doktorantka Instytutu Historii UPH. W referacie „Kompetencje wojewódzkiej i gminnych rad narodowych w świetle reformy administracyjnej z lat 1972-1975. Realizacja założeń w praktyce województwa bialskopodlaskiego” przedstawiła uprawnienia jakie nabyły organy przedstawicielskie szczebla gminnego i wojewódzkiego na mocy reformy. Najbardziej interesującą kwestią była praktyczna realizacja ambitnych założeń, zwłaszcza w zakresie realizacji zadań gospodarczych i społecznych wynikających z wieloletniego planu. W przytoczonym przykładzie województwa bialskopodlaskiego wyraźnie widoczna jest dysproporcja między zadaniami a możliwościami finansowymi i organizacyjnymi gminnych i wojewódzkiej rady narodowej. W rezultacie plany gospodarczy stały się jedynie przekaźnikiem dyrektyw płynących od władz wyższego szczebla. Od godziny 11.45 drugi panel moderowała mgr Małgorzata Nikoniuk. W jego trakcie wygłoszono 4 referaty. Jako pierwszy wykład pt. „Zamieszanie w resorcie. Wpływ reformy administracyjnej z 1975 r. na funkcjonowanie wojewódzkich struktur SB na przykładzie Komendy Stołecznej MO” wygłosił dr hab. Patryk Pleskot Page | 224 z Małopolskiej Uczelni Państwowej w Oświęcimiu, a także IPN Oddział w Warszawie. Zauważył w nim, iż reforma administracyjna z 1975 r. stanowiła wyzwanie nie tylko dla „zwykłych” instytucji państwowych, lecz także dla terenowej organizacji pionu Służby Bezpieczeństwa, formalnie podporządkowanego komendom wojewódzkim Milicji Obywatelskiej. Ponieważ w stolicy zgromadzone były szczególnie liczne instytucje resortu bezpieczeństwa, Komenda Stołeczna MO wraz z wchodzącym w jej skład pionem SB musiała na nowo zdefiniować, albo raczej „wywalczyć”, teren do działań operacyjnych. Komplikacje wywołane kwestiami organizacyjnymi negatywnie wpływały na rzeczywiste możliwości operacyjne tutejszego pionu SB. Kolejnym prelegentem był mgr Konrad Majchrzyk z Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie. Tematem jego wystąpienia była „Organizacja partyjna województwa lubelskiego w czasach reformy 1975 roku”. Reforma administracyjna, szczególnie jej część likwidująca dotychczasowe województwa i wprowadzająca 49 mniejszych, musiała odbić się również na strukturach partyjnych. W ocenie wielu specjalistów zabieg zwiększenia liczby województw miał na celu osłabienie pozycji pierwszych sekretarzy rządzących dużymi i silnymi ośrodkami, stanowiącymi potencjalne zagrożenie dla „nowej ekipy”. Wojewódzkie organizacje partyjne musiały dostosować się do wprowadzanych zmian, co prelegent ukazał na przykładzie województwa lubelskiego w jego nowych granicach. Referat mgra Pawła Orłowskiego, doktoranta Instytutu Historii UPH, odnosił się do problemu „Zależności między administracją państwową a instancjami partyjnymi na przykładzie województwa bialskopodlaskiego w latach 1975-1989”. W systemie formalnie wielopartyjnym dominującą rolę odgrywała jedna partia i to do niej należało kierowanie państwem. To samo tyczy się jego jednostek administracyjnych. W konkretnych przypadkach należało jednak zaspokoić ambicje partii towarzyszących. Widoczne jest to między innymi w województwie bialskopodlaskim, gdzie wojewodami byli działacze ZSL – Józef Piela (1975-1982) i Stanisław Rapa (1982-1990). Mgr Barbara Bielaszka-Podgórny z Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego im. KEN w Krakowie zajęła się aspektami kancelaryjnymi związanymi z reformą administracyjną przedstawiając temat „Narastanie akt Wydziału do Spraw Wyznań Urzędu Wojewódzkiego w Tarnowie (1975-1989) w świetle obowiązujących przepisów kancelaryjnych”. Analizując pozostałość aktową Wydziału do Spraw Wyznań Urzędu Wojewódzkiego w Tarnowie prelegentka zwróciła w równej mierze uwagę na ramy organizacyjne i przepisy regulujące działalności kancelarii w Urzędzie Wojewódzkim, jak i praktykę urzędniczą. Uwagę przykuwa brak dbałości w wykonywaniu czynności kancelaryjnych przez referentów wydział, a w niektórych przypadkach na niestosowanie się przez nich do przepisów kancelaryjnych, co negatywnie wpłynęło na proces powstawania i narastania dokumentacji. W wyniku tego w zachowanym zespole znalazła się również dokumentacja nieaktowa oraz Page | 225 występują braki szczególnie odczuwalne przy próbie odtworzenia organizacji wydziału, jego działalności i zakresu rzeczywistych kompetencji. Trzeci panel, prowadzony przez mgr Damiana Sitkiewicza, rozpoczął się o godz. 13.50 referatem dra hab. Dariusza Magiera „Dokumentacja komunistycznej nomenklatury w województwie siedleckim. Próba systematyzacji i statystyki”. Wychodząc od stwierdzenia, iż znaczenie nomenklatury w systemie politycznym PRL spowodowało zaistnienie ściśle unormowanego proces zapisu i obiegu informacji, opartego na przepisach kadrowych Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej, Dariusz Magier sformułował tezę o wytworzeniu dużych ilości dokumentów dotyczących funkcjonowania całego systemu. Stanowią one dziś doskonałe źródło do badań nad nomenklaturą komunistyczna w Polsce. Podając przykład województwa siedleckiego scharakteryzował zachowaną dokumentację na tle ideologicznych i praktycznych wyznaczników ustroju. Dr Adrian Ciechanowski z Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu wystąpił z odczytem zatytułowanym „Zmiany w organizacji urzędów wojewódzkich od 1990 roku na przykładzie Urzędu Wojewódzkiego w Toruniu”. Jeżeli chodzi o zakres chronologiczny wykładu, to przekroczył on ramy wyznaczone tematem konferencji, gdyż odniósł się do następnej fali zmian wywołanych upadkiem ustroju komunistycznego. Jednocześnie, jak zaznaczył prelegent, została zachowana tymczasowo struktura terytorialna kraju wraz z jego jednostkami, które musiały zostać organizacyjnie dostosowane do nowych warunków. Problem podjęty w referacie autor przedstawił na szerszym tle przemian ustrojowych w kraju oraz filozofii funkcjonowania administracji w ustroju demokratycznym, prowadzącej do jej stopniowej decentralizacji. Następnie głos zabrał mgr Paweł Fiktus z Wyższej Szkoły Prawa we Wrocławiu. Tytuł jego referatu brzmiał „Wprowadzenie mienia komunalnego w 1988 r. – preludium do reaktywacji samorządu terytorialnego w Polsce”. Ponieważ na wskutek zmiany Konstytucji PRL pojawiła się instytucja „mienia komunalnego” i została ona przypisana jako własność do samorządu terytorialnego, można uznać ten fakt za początek odradzania się samorządu. Wprawdzie mienie komunalne odnosiło się pod względem formalnym do systemu rad narodowych, będących terenowymi organami władzy państwowej, które z samorządnością i samorządem nie miały nic wspólnego, w historii polskiego samorządu przyjmuje się, że przyznanie lokalnym strukturom władzy nad mieniem, stanowi istotny krok zmierzający do reaktywacji samorządności w Polsce. Każdy z paneli kończył się dyskusją. Pytania pokazały, iż zaproponowana przez organizatorów tematyka wzbudziła zainteresowanie. Dzięki zdalnej formule swoimi doświadczeniami badawczymi mogli podzielić się specjaliści z rożnych ośrodków naukowych kraju. Page | 226