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A Fourth-Century BCE Attic Marble "Totenmahlrelief" at Apollonia-Arsuf Author(s): Moshe Fischer and Oren Tal Source: Israel Exploration Journal, Vol. 53, No. 1 (2003), pp. 49-60 Published by: Israel Exploration Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27927023 Accessed: 25-01-2016 11:42 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org. Israel Exploration Society is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Israel Exploration Journal. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions A Fourth-Century BCE Attic Marble Totenmahlrelief at Apollonia-Arsuf Moshe Fischer Oren Tal Tel Aviv University lies on theMediterranean coast of Israel, on a kurkar a natural anchorage, 17 km. north of Joppa (Jaffa) and 34 km. south of Straton's Tower (Caesarea) (fig. 1). The site has been investigated formore than a century and excavated formore than 25 years. A modest coastal settlement in proto-historical (Chalcolithic) and biblical (Iron Age The site of Apollonia-Arsuf (fossilised dune sandstone) cliff overlooking II) times, itbecame themain settlement and haven of the southern Sharon Plain as early as the Persian period, with an estimated 'jurisdictional belt* extending from Fig. 1.Map showing Apollonia-Arsuf and other eastern Mediterranean IEJ 53 (2003): 49-60 sites 49 This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MOSHE FISCHER AND OREN TAL 50 Poleg in the north and Yarkon River in the south, and with an almost successive history of approximately 18 centuries, from the late sixth century BCE through themid-thirteenth century CE. Apollonia is firstmentioned in the written Nahal sources by Josephus (Ant.XIII.15.4 [395]), who refers to itamong theHasmonaean that belonged to the Jews under Alexander Jannaeus; here it is located between Straton's Tower and Joppa. This listmentions the names of Hellenistic cities cities that previously belonged to Syria, Idumaea and Phoenicia, and became an integral part of the Hasmonaean kingdom. Inclusion in this source implies that an urban settlement in the Persian and was considered Apollonia-Arsuf already Hellenistic periods. In the course of gathering the Roman finds retrieved from Apollonia-Arsuf for a the finds of Area E of marble relief among unique an earlier date.1 Itwas discovered just below surface level, during the first season final publication, we discovered in 1977, while opening a network of squares for future excavations is located in the southern part of the site.2 Excavations in this of excavations in the area, which area have reached bedrock Roman, Early Byzantine, THE RELIEF level and have revealed Islamic and medieval remains of the occupational periods (Roll 1999: 47-50). AND THE INTERPRETATION OF ITS SCENE relief (figs. 2-3) is made of white marble with yellowish erosion marks, characteristic of Pentelic marble.3 It is square (c. 11 cm. high; c. 15 cm. wide; c. 2.5 The 1 For permission to publish this object we are grateful to I. Roll, who has been conducting excavations at the site since 1977, at first on behalf of the Israel Department of Antiquities and later on behalf of the InstituteofArchaeology ofTel Aviv University (Roll 1999). I. Roll and 0. Tal are currently preparing the second final report forpublication, which is mainly concerned with the architecture, stratigraphy and discovery of a peristyle building inArea E, dated to theRoman period. 2 Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA) inv. no. 1-6443 1992-1384; the object is currently kept at the storage facilities of theApollonia-Arsuf Excavations Project at Tel Aviv University. It is one of themany marble artefacts discovered at Apollonia-Arsuf, which will be published in a separate study byM. Fischer, as part of a larger research project entitled Marble in Roman and Byzantine Palestine. While studying this object we have consulted J.Bergemann (University ofBochum) and G.B. Way well (Institute ofClassical Studies, University of London), whom we wish to thank for their invaluable help in supplying comparative material unavailable in Israel. We are indebted to J.-M. Dentzer and J. Dentzer-Feydy (CNRS) for their comments on themanuscript. Thanks are also given toR. Pinchas and P. Shrago, of the Institute ofArchaeology ofTel Aviv University, for drawing and photographing this object respectively. During its drawing R. Pinchas was assisted by several 1:1 scale photographs of the artefact taken before and after itwas cleaned. The cleaning, although resulting in the clarification of some of itsdetails, caused the blurring of others. Therefore, a few details shown in the drawing may be nearly completely eroded in the photograph. 3 Stable isotope analysis carried out at theWeizmann Instituteof Science atRehovot, under This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FOURTH-CENTURY BCE ATTIC TOTENMAHLRELIEF AT APOLLONIA-ARSUF 51 cm. thick), framed by a border (c. 1.2 cm. on the sides; c. 1.4 cm. on top; c. 0.5 cm. at bottom), and has a square tenon in the centre of its lower side (c. 4x3.5 cm.; c. 2.5 cm. thick). The rear of the relief is roughly worked (fig. 3), suggesting that itwas in a wall. The relief was not completely preserved. It is on its left of lower eroded its lower side and about one-fifteenth extremely right corner ismissing. Moreover, most of its details (especially those in high relief) have suffered some erosion and its preservation is fairly bad. probably embedded Our relief depicts no clear architectural framing, but for the square border around it.The left side of the frame has certain remains of what may have been a Doric pilaster capital, which is more eroded on the right side of the frame. A incision at the top implies the existence of a cornice (as suggested in our drawing, fig. 2). The scene depicts a bearded man in frontview, dressed in a mantle and reclining on a couch (kline). In his right hand is an elongated object, probably a shallow Opposite rhyton, while his left hand holds another object which may be aphiale. the man, seated at the left end of the couch, is a woman in profile with her hair bound in a sakkos, wearing a chiton and resting her feet on a footstool. In her left hand is a cup-like object, while her right hand apparently rests on her thigh. Behind the woman, two smaller figures stand in profile, facing the reclining man, their a bearded male and a veiled female, both dressed in a corner is a bust of a horse within a frame. At the lower right chiton. At the top left corner, the lower body of a krater is visible, next to an offering table with turned the table, a coiled serpent stretches towards the reclining man. legs. Underneath arms raised as if inworship: To the left of the table there is a pedestal-like altar. The composition and iconography of the relief presented here enable us to attribute it to the group of the so-called Totenmahl (funerary banquet) reliefs (cf. 1995: 43-50, with earlier literature), that are well represented in Attica 1965: 44-68; Kurtz towards the end of the fourth century BCE (Th?nges-Stringaris Larson 1971: 139; and especially Vikela 1997). The scene depicted in the of the typical Totenmahlrelief the 'freezing' composition relief represents reminiscent of votive reliefs of heroes and heroised mortal dead (Dentzer 1982: and Boardman inv. 301-363, esp. fig. 453; Fabricius 1999:21-27, fig. 2 [= Athens National Museum no. 3873]). The man reclining on the kline has a hero's attributes. He wears nothing but a mantle, is frontally depicted, and pours wine from the rhyton in his right hand into thephiale in his left.The woman faces the hero, probably holding in one hand a box the supervision ofA. Nissenbaum, has shown that?13C (%ovs. PDB) = 3.26 and 180 (%o vs. PDB) = -6.19, which hints at aMount Pentelikon origin (for themethodology of this analysis, see Fischer 1998: 247-252; on the characteristics of Pentelic marble, see Pike 1999). We are grateful toA. Nissenbaum for supplying results of the isotope analysis and to theKress Foundation for supporting theMarble ofAncient Palestine Research Project headed byM. Fischer. This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 52 MOSHE FISCHER AND OREN TAL 0 3cm Fig. 2. Attic Totenmahlrelief fromApollonia-Arsuf, frontview This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FOURTH-CENTURY BCE ATTIC TOTENMAHLRELIEF AT APOLLONIA-ARSUF 53 Fig. 3. Attic Totenmahlrelief fromApollonia-Arsuf, rear view with incense seeds to be spread over the thymiaterion on the table nearby.4 The two come from the left, as is usual in Attic votive reliefs of the draped worshippers beginning of the fourth century BCE (Fabricius 1999:23). The strongly emphasised heavy folds of their garments between the legs can be noted inmany simple Attic gravestones of the fourth century BCE (Scholl 1996). The horse bust in a window-like frame in the upper left corner, above the two is typical ofmid-fourth-century BCE Attic reliefs, as is the serpent worshippers, coiled underneath the table.5 The krater at the lower right corner is also well known inAttic reliefs as part of the banquet furniture and utensils (Dentzer 1982:334-335, e.g., figs. 352, 484 and 492). Since our specimen is extremely eroded at its lower right side and a small part of its lower left corner ismissing, it is impossible to distinguish any of the details (1995: 46-50) has argued that such females are heroines who often receive ; offerings,as theyare always depicted equal in size to thehero (the recliningmale) where inscriptions are present, the female figures are sometimes named and included in the 4 Larson dedication. 5 Cf. Fabricius 1999:24; Dentzer 1982:490-493; Mitropoulou 1976,with importantremarks on the interpretation of the horse in these scenes. For interpretations of the coiled serpent, see Fabricius 1999: 24; Dentzer 1982: 495-501; Mitropoulou 1977. This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MOSHE FISCHER AND OREN TAL 54 show young examples might have been shown there. Comparable cupbearers at the lower right, a servant bringing a sacrifice below the woman, and which further persons bringing various objects to the ceremony at the left (Dentzer 1982: e.g., pis. 66-70, passim). The use of the motif of the symposium as funerary banquet, which is of Near Eastern origin (Boardman 1990: 128-129), in gravestones of the fourth century (1982: 501-503) as a kind of revival of the cult of heroes BCE, is seen by Dentzer and the aristocratic way of life. This point of view, however, has been rejected by some scholars but accepted by others in a modified manner (see Scholl 1996: 156-159, for a summary of the opinions raised by different scholars). The oblong wide shape of our relief attests to its votive character. The use of the tenon seems to have become quite common in votive reliefs of the Totenmahl type in the Greek classical period (Dentzer 1982: e.g., figs. 479, 495, 509, 511, 549 and 577). Such a tenon would suggest the placement of the relief on a stand, indicating that itmay have been free standing (Dentzer 1982: 358), although its roughly in a wall, perhaps of a worked rear may suggest instead that itwas embedded reconstructed framing in the Doric order in Attic reliefs (Dentzer 1982: e.g., pis. 70-71). shrine. The motifs THE RELIEF LATE PERSIAN PERIOD is one of the commonest IN THE CONTEXT OF APOLLONIA-ARSUF AND PALESTINE Both the typology of the relief and the Pentelic origin of itsmarble, as suggested by the stable isotope analysis,6 are in favour of theAttic provenance of the item and its fourth-century date, since the Pentelikon quarries were themain marble suppliers ofAttica during that period (Dworakowska 1975; Abraldes 1996: esp. 12-27). Attic votive reliefs and funerary stelae of the Classical period are very common in the Greek cultural zones, but are rare in the central Levant.7 It should also be that the presence of the Totenmahlrelief found at the site occurred emphasised common in the of marble became before Palestine.8 import long 6 See . 3. above, 7 There is extensive literature on the subject based on collections inGreece, theAegean, the eastern Mediterranean islands and Asia Minor, as well as those inEurope and North America. The bibliography on the subject cited above was chosen to serve this article's observations. 8 There is no evidence formassive import of marble in pre-Hellenistic Palestine, cf. Fischer 1998: 35-39. Furthermore, there are only a few sculptured marbles dated to the Hellenistic period on the basis of their style, cf. Vermeule and Anderson 1981: 8-9; Wenning 1983: 105-118, although some of them, found in insecure archaeological contexts, could be explained as Roman copies ofHellenistic types, cf.Fischer and Tal, in press: Appendix. To these we may also add the marble headless male and the kourotrophos female torso fromSamaria, cf.Reisner et al 1924:1:383; II: pis. 76aa, 79g; This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FOURTH-CENTURY BCE ATTIC TOTENMAHLRELIEF AT APOLLONIA-ARSUF The presence of such an object at Apollonia-Arsuf connections of the town with the Greek world, as should be attributed is demonstrated 55 to the by other finds retrieved from the site. These mostly include imported archaeological i.e. pottery, amphorae and Attic (and related) vessels, and to a lesser extent in Greek style and Greek inscriptions (incised after firing) on Attic figurines vessels (Tal 1999). However, the import of pottery and especially Attic ware is connected with the Phoenicians, who probably inhabited the site, as they usually are considered well as Greek by modern scholarship raw material.9 to have been carriers of Greek pottery as The relief's connection with a cult of a hero or the heroised mortal dead strongly suggests the presence of Greek individuals who practiced such a cult at the site. Both the scene and its use reflect sociological and psychological implications that can hardly be explained in terms of trade or the adoption of Greek cult by other local populations, such as the Phoenicians.10 Unlike the marble projects of the and the recently discovered marble male figure (a priest?) fromAkko, cf.Stern 1991:104. Worthy ofmention is themarble Phoenician anthropoid sarcophagus discovered at Gaza, cf.Vincent 1910:575-576, who has dated the sarcophagus to theHellenistic period, a date which was questioned in later publications, cf. Lembke 2001: 150, n. 11,with earlier literature.Another domain inwhich marble is documented in Israel in theHellenistic period is in royal inscriptions carved onmarble slabs thatmay have been imported, such as the ones documented at Akko, Landau 1961 (= SEG 19, no. 904); and Joppa, Lifshitz 1962: 82-84 (= SEG 20, no. 467). In contrast to other Phoenician territories inPersian period Syro-Palestine, Sidon became a focus of intensivemarble import fromGreece as farback as the fifthcentury BCE onwards. It should be sufficienttomention twomajor examples: the 'n?cropole royale' of Sidon containingmany sarcophagi dated to the fifth and fourthcenturies BCE, see Hamdy Bey and Reinach 1892; fora notable earlier marble piece, the 'satrap sarcophagus', see Kleemann 1958. The other example is the so-called 'tribune d'Echmoun' uncovered byMireille and Maurice Dunand in 1972, probably a marble altar (or temple) belonging to the sanctuary ofEshmun, erected by themid-fourth centuryBCE on top of a destroyed earlier podium, see Stucky 1984; 1993. The production of some of these artisticworks has been justifiably attributed toGreek artists financed by members of the elite, who probably understood their iconography and knew how to appreciate their high artistic value. 9 Cf., e.g., Gill 1994: 105-106. There is little (if any) connection between the presence of Attic vases and the presence of Greek residents in the region discussed. The scarcity, almost absence, inPersian period sites inPalestine ofAttic shapes linked toGreek cult usage, which would infer special needs or preferences of a Greek community, lends support to such an approach, cf. Shefton 2000: 80-81. 10 Suffice it tomention some theoretical approaches tomortuary behavior, see, e.g., O'Shea 1984: 1-13 formajor studies until the early 1980s, all of which share the commonly accepted assumption 'that an individual's treatment in death bears some predictable relationship to the individual's state in lifeand to the organization of the society towhich the individual belonged' (O'Shea 1984: 3). Thus the social persona of such a deceased would have been inpossession ofa distinctbelief in theafterlifeand behavioural customs. This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions MOSHE FISCHER AND OREN TAL 56 period found in Sidon,11 our relief served apparently domestic cult. Reliefs as are usually not discovered in the Greek cultural zones in necropoleis ours such or tombs, but rather in sanctuaries. Dentzer lists many from known sanctuaries, Persian and the absence on fourth-century BCE votive reliefs of recurrent attributes, such as the horse and serpent, which appear on funerary stelae of the same date, led him to conclude that they were not used in the cult of the ordinary dead, as occurred during the third century BCE (Dentzer 1982:360-363). Whether this dead hero was is impossible to determine, although one the presence of a Greek family who settled at the site and buried one of its commemorated members.12 Such a deceased was believed to exude from buried at the site or in his homeland cannot exclude his grave powers of good and evil, and as such deserved proper honour; as with the Olympian gods, his cult involved sacrifices of animals, offerings of food and the relief discussed should also be seen against the libation.13 Furthermore, background of the close Phoenician ties with the Greek cultural zones (especially Sidonian and Tyrian) and Athens in particular. Such commercial commercial surely have resulted in the interest ofGreek individuals to settle in Palestine in order to ensure their profits.14 is not the only one of the Totenmahl The relief fromApollonia-Arsuf type found connections would in the country. In fact, as early as 1903, H. Thiersch 11 See documented a votive relief at . 8. above, 12 Such an argument does not contradict theminimalist attitude stated in some recent publications thathave dealt with the hypothetical issue ofGreek residents inPalestine and the Levant during the Persian period, through varied issues ofmaterial culture. Suffice it to mention recent publications such as Wenning 1991; Elayi 1992; and Waldbaum 1997,which cite different scholarly attitudes to the subject. 13 Cf. Burkert 1985:203-208, esp. p. 205. Since we are dealing with a differentgeographical reality and are unable to reconstruct from the archaeological finds a Greek sanctuary at the site, such a cult might have been concentrated at the hero's tomb,which was most probably (unlike the heroon in theGreek cultural zones) outside the defined boundaries of the settlement; itmay have been marked by this votive relief. Comparative material may suggest that such a tomb comprised the inhumed or cremated ashes of the deceased stored within an urn or cauldron. We can also postulate the existence of such a cult in a domestic environment, such as the hero's dwelling, as the depicted hero and female companion are shown in a domestic setting, as attested by the Kline, offering table and pedestal-like altar, as well as the footstool and krater; the female plays the role of a respectable matron in her own house. 14 For this we have the historical accounts of Isaeus (IV7) and Demosthenes (Contra Callippum LII.20) thatmention strong commercial ties between Akko (cAkko) and Athens in the fourthcenturyBCE. Moreover, Greek inscribed tombstones of the thirdand second centuries BCE of formermercenaries from Crete who settled in Palestine, discovered in Gaza (see Glucker 1987: 116-119 [= SEG 8, no. 269]) and Akko (see Landau's note inDothan 1976: 39-40 [= SEG 26, no. 1679]), may also suggest another possibility, since Greek mercenaries are documented in the region as early as the late Iron Age, see, e.g., Aharoni 1981: inscriptions nos. 1-2, 4-5, 7-8,10-11 and 14. This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FOURTH-CENTURY BCE ATTIC TOTENMAHLRELIEF AT APOLLONIA-ARSUF 57 and Ashkelon, dating it to the Early Hellenistic period.15 Both the Apollonia-Arsuf Ashkelon reliefs can be seen against the background of Greek individuals residing in Palestine under variable they would isolated and practicing the cult of the hero as Both are, to the best of our knowledge, found in Israel. Since neither was found in a secure circumstances have done in their homeland. 'eastern' examples can easily be explained as context, however, their presence anachronistic, since their arrival at these sites may have occurred in later times, and their use not necessarily related to a cult of a hero.16 archaeological REFERENCES A.M. Abraldes, 1996 Pentelethen: The Export of Pentelic Marble and its Use in Architectural and Epi graphical Monuments (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley), Ann Arbor Microfilms International) (University Aharoni, 1981 Y. Arad Inscriptions, Jerusalem Bauchhenss, 1994 G. Die klassischen Reliefs, inHellenkemper Salies 1994: 375-380 15 Thiersch 1914: 72, pl. 16:1. This reliefwas discovered broken and only about half was preserved. Thiersch defined it 'Typus der Totenmahle', referring to it as a ' 'fr?hhellenistisches Grabrelief and gives a short description (Thiersch 1914: n. 4). This object's oblong wide shape and tenon, however, attest to its votive character, as in our example. Its preservation is fairlygood, itsestimated dimensions are c. 32 cm. high and c. 27 cm. wide, with a limestone or fossilised of c. 5 a tenon dune 12 cm. Unlike sandstone, as may our example, be deduced itwas apparently carved from its texture, as on seen in itsphotograph (despite a thorough search,we were unable todetect itspresent location). It has an architectural framing consisting of a pilaster with a capital supporting an epistyle and a cornice with antefixes on top in a rectangular frame. The preserved scene, as photographed, mainly consists of a seated woman in profile wearing a chiton, a smaller male figurewearing a chiton (in frontview), standing beside a large volute crater, and a window-like frame in theupper leftcornerwith a horse's head within it. It is of thenaiskos type ofTotenmahlrelief, recalling the Sidonian 'satrap sarcophagus' style, cf.Dentzer 1982: 385, fig. 183, which could also be regarded as an impact of Graeco Sidonian artistic development, following Stucky 1984: 33, as itwas continued into the Hellenistic period; for such a development, see Fabricius 1999. Its composition and high relief, however, suggest a fourth-centuryBCE date. 16 We do know about two fourth-centuryBCE Attic reliefswhich were found on theMahdia shipwreck,whose terminus ante quern is c. 100 BCE (see Bauchhenss 1994). The theory of theiruse as ballast has been rejected because of their insufficientweight; moreover, they can be seen against the background of the purchase of such anachronistic objets d'art by Roman dealers and 'high society' (see Kuntz 1994). This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 58 MOSHE FISCHER AND OREN TAL J. Boardman, 1990 inMurray, Furniture, Symposion 0. (ed.), Sympotica: A Symposium on the Symposion, Oxford: 122-131 W. Burkert, Greek Religion (translatedby J.Raffan), CambridgeMA 1985 J.-M. Dentzer, Le motif du banquet couch? dans le Proche-Orient et lemonde grec du VIIe au IVe 1982 avant si?cle M. Dothan, Akko: InterimExcavation Report First Season, 1973/4,BASOR 224:1-48 1976 A. Dworakowska, Quarries inAncient Greece, Wroclaw 1975 Elayi, Rome J.-C, J. La pr?sence 1992 dans grecque sous les cit?s ph?niciennes des ?tudes Grecques 105: 305-327 Fabricius, 1999 l'empire perse ach?m?nide, Revue J. Die hellenistischen Totenmahlreliefs: Grabrepr?sentation und Wertvorstellungen in St?dten, ostgriechischen Munich M.L. Fischer, 1998 Marble M. Fischer, In press Roman Studies: Palestine and the Marble Trade, Constance and Tal, 0. Architectural Decoration in Ancient Israel in Hellenistic Times: Some Aspects Hellenisation, ZDPV119 Gill, D.W.J. 1994 Pots Positivism, Histories and Long-Distance and Modern 1987 The City ofGaza Hamdy Bey, 0. and Reinach, Hellenkemper Kleemann, Kurtz, 1971 Landau, 1961 Greece: Ancient in theRoman and Byzantine Periods, Oxford T. Salies, G. (ed.),Das Wrack: Der antike SchiffsfundvonM?hdia, Cologne 1994 1994 Cambridge: I. (ed.), Classical 99-107 Une n?cropole royale ? Sidon. Fouilles de Hamdy Bey, Paris 1892 Kuntz, inMorris, C.A.M. Glucker, 1958 Archaeologies, Trade, I. Der Satrapen-Sarkophag aus Sidon, Berlin U.S. Griechische Reliefs aus Rom und Umgebung, inHellenkemper Salies 1994: 889-899 D.C. and Boardman, J. Greek Burial Customs, London Y.H. A Greek Inscription fromAcre, IEJ 11:118-126 This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions of FOURTH-CENTURY BCE ATTIC TOTENMAHLRELIEF AT APOLLONIA-ARSUF J. Larson, 1995 Greek Heroine Lembke, K. 2001 Ph?nizische Cults, Madison anthropoide Mainz Sarkophage, . Lifshitz, Beitr?ge zur pal?stinischen Epigraphik, ZDPV 78: 64-88 1962 E. Mitropoulou, 1976 Horses' 1977 Deities and Heroes in theForm of Snakes, Athens Heads and Snake in Banquet and Reliefs their Meaning, O'Shea, J.M. 1984 Mortuary Variability:An Archaeological Investigation, Orlando Pike, 59 Athens S. 1999 of a Systematic Results Preliminary M. in Schoverer, Greece, Study ofMount Characterization (ed.), Arch?omat?riaux: et autres Marbres Pentelikon, Attica, roches, Bordeaux: and Tal 1999:1-62 165-170 Reisner, Roll, Harvard at Samaria Excavations 1908-1910 MA I-II, Cambridge I. Introduction: 1999 Roll, and Lyon, D.G. Fisher, CS. G.A., 1924 of the Site, its Research History and Excavations, inRoll I. and Tal, O. 1999 :Final Apollonia-Arsuf of the Excavations, Report Vol. I. 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Arch?ologischer Jahresbericht,ZDPV 37: 60-93 This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 60 MOSHE FISCHER AND OREN TAL Th?nges-Stringaris, Greek and Roman Sculpture in theHoly Land, The BurlingtonMagazine 1981 Vincent, 1910 Waldbaum, AttischeWeihreliefs und die Kult-Topographie Attikas,Mitteilungen des Deutschen Arch?ologischen Instituts,Athenische Abteilung 112:167-246 H. Chronique. Un hypog?e hell?nistique ? Gaza, RB 19: 573-578 J. Greeks in theEast orGreeks and theEast? Problems in theDefinition and Recognition of Presence, Wenning, 1983 1991 123: 7-19 E. 1997 1997 K. C. and Anderson, Vermeule, Vikela, . Das griechische Totenmahl,Mitteilungen des Deutschen Arch?ologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilung 80: 1-99 1965 305: BASOR 1-17 R. Hellenistische Skulpturen in Israel, Boreas 6:105-118 Nachrichten ?ber Proceedings of Antiquity Griechen the First toModern Times in Pal?stina International in der Congress I. From Antiquity Eisenzeit, on in Fossey, the Hellenic to 1453, Amsterdam: J.M. Diaspora 207-219 This content downloaded from 132.66.11.212 on Mon, 25 Jan 2016 11:42:14 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions (ed.), from