UNITY BY DIVERSITY: PRIVATE CHAPELS, CHURCH ARCHITECTURE, AND CONCEPTS OF POLITICAL COHESION IN MEDIEVAL NAPLES Nicolas Bock Throughout the Middle Ages, the cult of the saints was important, if not decisive, for propagating and affirming a distinctive identity, be it civic or monastic, local or regional. 1 A saint could play an important part in everyday life as an individual role model as well as a figure of collective identification. 2 The regional acceptance or refusal of certain saints can tell 1 See gc:ncrnlly Andre Vauchez, U1 Ji1111/tld m O<rirk111 n11x ltrm r.r Jili /,•J d11 M11ye11 Agt d'npres tr !es d11c1111m111 hrt1:i11grnphiq1m (Rome : Eco le frnns;mse, 1988); J o~na C nnon and An Ire Vnuchez, M irgnlt~ of CurtQ/111: Sit1m 1lrt a11d the 11/1 rrf a ffob• Wo111n11 in Medi ml T1tmmy (University Park, PA i Penn rutc Press, 1998). Most recenc studies focus on the relation between d1c cu lc of a sa.iar and civic or urban idcnrity: rhcrine lawless, "Civic Identity, an riry and ender in Trecent Fl rence," in Al'( ftlmtity: Viu111i C11/1111Y!, Politic mu/ Rcligi1111 in the Mir/di< .-lge.r mu/ th ~ Rtnaissnnrc, ed. Sandrn :ard:in:lli, Em Jy ). nc Anderson, nnd John Richan.ls (Newcnsde upon Tyne: umbridge Scholars Publishing, 20 12), J9-4 ; Dmna Webb, PatrMJ' mul Difimt11:n: The aims i11 lhe ltt1/i1111 City S1014 (.Lond n: T 111rus, 1996); Mary Bergscein, "Mnrfan Politics in Quarmiccnro Florence: The Renewed Dc<lit(lrion o nma Maria dd ·riorc: in I 12," Rmairra11cc Q1111rt rly 44 (199 ,1): 673-719; DiallQ Norman , Simo and 1he Vil'gi11: Art md P/Jlill<' Ill 1 L11tt Afolitt1nl City-Swe (New Haven nnd London: Ynlc Univc:rsiry Press, 1999). for a SI\1dy of monastic idc nnry, 1J[ l'ltldt1, r. 744 - '· 900 see Jun.nele Raaij mnkcrs, The /\1Utki11g 1{ tht J'vlmumir C~1ity (Cnrnbrirlge: a m bridge niver ·icy Press Ol 2). 2 For an analysis of the visual strategies of self-identification with a saint, see Urre Krass, Nah w111 Leich11a111: Bilder nwer Heiliger i111 Q11allrocen/1J (Berlin and Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag 2012); Machtelt Israels, "Absence and Resemblance: Early Images of Bernardino da Siena and the Issue of Portraiture," I Tatti studies 11 (2007): 77-114 . For an analysis of the interplay between urban communities and sai nts , see e.g. Augustine Thompson, Cities of God: The Religion of the Italian C111111111111es I I 2 5-1325 (Philadelphia, PA: Pennsylvania University Press, 2005 ); Gary Dickson, "The 115 Cults of the Saints in Later Medieval and Renaissance Perngia: A Demographic Overview of a Civic Pantheon," Renc1isscmce Studies 12 (1998):·6-25; Diana Webb, Patrnm C/lzcl Defenclm: Saints in the Italian City-States (London: Tauris, 1996); Luigi Canetti, Glori1Jsa Cii>itas. C11/t1J tlei wnti e s1Jcietrl t11/i11/i11" a l'iflm11.11 nd Altdiac110. Cristi1111tJi11m 1111/i('(1 111etli t ~ tl t (Bolog na: Parron, 1993); Pao lo Gollndll, lndism1t11 Jmmi1as. Sr111/i Jlli r11ppM11 tm 1tlti, pnttri e smh•tiJ J1 ~ ! /1icl/Q w edi11e1•11 (Rome: istiruto rodeo ltnllano per il Medio Evo, 1988). An impormnr pln1doyc:r for rhe rerm "role model" insrcnd of idenriLy h s bt:en given by T on io H olscher, "The Concept of Role :ind dw Malaise of ' ldemiry': Ancient Rome nnd the Modern World," in Rq/. Mu t ~ 11 in the Ro111C111 World: Identity C111tl Assi111ilC1ti1J11, ed. Sincair Bell and Inge Lyse Hansen (Ann Arbor, MI: The University of Michigan Press, 2008), 41-56. /eJ pmdt de ~1uisato ""ti Nicolas Bock us much, therefore, about a political developrnenc and the adherence to the underlying political ideas. 5 In order to investigate the way collective regional identities were forg ed , the present research focuses mainly on the geographic diffusion of the cult of individual saints ..; This approach, however, implicates often tacitly the notion of a centre from which a certain cult emanates and to which it relates.' This centre can be geographical - a monastery, a church, or a saint's tomb - or personal, the cult being associa ted with a king or the ruling family. Thus, the diffusion of a specific cult becomes a parameter for the degree of regional or political cohesion. This juxtaposition of the concept of unity with the adhesion to a particular cult has to be questioned because it underestimates the role of diversity in a political system . A plurality of individual actors of more or less equal political standing may just as well produce and stand for a concept of poilticai coiiesiuu. T aki ug rbe- Y i r;,i: d:;~ : ~r N :1pks in the 1~ rer Middle Ages as an example, a succession of different historical phases can help us understand how these models succeeded each other, shifting from centralizing tendenci es to diversity and back to centralizing tendencies again. On the basis of art historical evidence, it can be shown how each of these concepts gave room to different actors and different dynamics. Central tu this argument is a shift away from the liturgical sources to a greater attention of the 111ise m scZ11e of the cult, thac is to its architectural setting . Although architecture has been used as an important source for the analysis of social systems before , its role in the relationship between the cult of saints and the implementation of political cohesion has not yet been folly explored .'' Any strategy of political cohesion depended to ' !11 ,1 1utio11al r·rnmewnrk, for i11 st.1ncc, the distribmion uf" parts uf the crown of' Christ and th e ere ct ion o f J r i n r ~ s d•ap,•ff,•s by members of the French m o narch y in th e l •id' aml l Sd' cellruries is one of the key exa mples for this custom . 1 Sec e.g. (;ui rge K aftal, Sdms iii /r,1/i,n1 / frt (Florence: Sansoni , 19.5 2-8 5) in four volumes describing J. Tm<r'il)' (I') ) 2); 2. L~ nt ; ~r l .-r11J S1J11!11 [1,-rfr ( l 9 C)'i ); 3. North-E !JI il<tfv (I 97 8); and A. Nrmh. W,•st /!,1/1• ( 1 ~ 8 5) . ' Ill the S<i e ntii'i c discussion about models of cenrrn liry, soc iology has long qu estio11ecl Ll1e value of g eographic paramete rs, accentu a rmg mstcnd th e role of perso1J,d relation ships , prd erri11 g thus a " hum ,1n g eography"' to physical ca r co~rn ph y. For the .1pplication of these th eori es in art history, sec rece ntl y Nicolas Bock, " l'at roL1ag c, Sr,rndards, and 11-.1 r1.1/crl (l(/t1ml : Nn plcs bclwecn Arr H iscory and ocial Stien c Theory," An 1-fi!tury 31 (_ 008) (spc inJ issue: lmpon/lixprm. P11mtiug, mlpl!ll'r! md Arrhi1tl'flm: ill th Ki11gdo111 11/ N11/J/1!1, 1-66- 1713, ed . .or lcl in W arr nnd j anis fi Uiott): 574-597. ur (, l'or the !JCllCr;J.I tlpproach, one just h;i tc) th ink N rbcn E.li3S and P ierre l3o u rd ieu. llxcin plary fo r t he srudy of si ng le d1urchcs :trc, for u1sta11cc, t he srud ies of Pau l Binski , Becket's r1·11w11: 1l r1 rfl1tl 1111"gii1t1t1011 111 Gothic E11p,lr111d.' I 17U-1300 (N ew Hnven : y,1lc Unive rsity Press, 200 ci), and W ~stmi tcr l lb/;i:y t111I th P/1111tt1g 11m: Ki11gship rmd t h ~ /( /1 , rn~ ; 1!dt i ou of l'w·,;·. I :3 1!1J-l 4 1ilJ (New Haven and l.0 L1do11: Yale lJiiiversity Press , 1')')5 ). Unity by diversity 195 a greater degree on the spatial framework in which the interaction of different social players took place. 7 It can be shown that changes in church architecture, in its form, scale, and especially its use of private chapels, had an immediate impact on the cult of saints as well as on private burials, and reflected varying concepts of political unity and regional cohesion. The history of Naples provides us with a telling example for the interdependence between church architecture, concepts of political cohesion, and the cult of saints. I. History The conquest of the Hohenstaufen Empire by the French Anjou in the second half of the 13'h century brought a series of abrupt and profound changes for southern Italy: a new ruling dynasty, a new class of landowning nobility, a new language of court, culture, and administration, and a new capital. 8 The vast territorial extent of the realm, the radical political change, and the implementation of a new ruling class necessitated new ways to assure political cohesion. The Angevin rule and the unity of their kingdom were, in fact, under constant pressure, as is shown by the secession of Sicily after the Vespers. The political aspects of this long process of state-building and of the integration of the foreign invaders into all aspects of local life have been described by historians and art historians alikeY Their research has focused mainly on the royal family; 10 the significance of the local, regional forces, however, and their impact on this 7 See the recent discussion of theories of urban space, diversity, and cultural identity in the introduction to Ra111ne der Stadt 1Nm der Antike bis het1te, ed. Cornelia Jiichner (Berlin: Reimer, 2008), 9-23. "For an introduction, see also: Carlo de Frede, "'Da Carlo I d 'Angio a Giovanna I. (12631382)," in Storia di Napnli, 11 vol., vol. III, Napoli angini11a, ed. Ernesto Pontieri (Naples: Societa editoriale Storia di Napoli, 1969), 1-333; Giuseppe Galasso, II regno di Napoli. 11 mezzogiomo a11gioino e arag1111m (1266-1494) (Turin: UTET, 1992); Romola Caggese, Roberto dAngir) e i s1wi tempi, 2 vol. (Florence: Bemporad, 1922-30); Andreas Kiesewetter, Die An/ange der Regiemng Karls II. !'Im Anjrm (1278-1295). D(lf Kiinigrei<"h Neapel, die Grafschafi P1·we11re 1111d der Mittel111eerra11111 Zit Amgang des 13, }ahrh1111derts (Hus um: Matthiesen, 1999). ~ Emile Bertaux, "Les artistes fran~is au service des rois angevins de Napies," Gazette des Beam;-Arts 33 (1905): 265-281; 34 (1905): 89-114; Nicolas Bock, "Fideles regis. Heraldique et comportement public a la fin du Moyen Age," in A !ombre d11 prmvoir. Les ento11rages princiers a11 Moyen Age, ed. Alain Marchandisse and Jean-Louis Kupper (Geneva: Droz, 2003), 203-234. 10 Julian Gardner, "A Princess among Prelates: A Fourteenth-century Neapolitan Tomb and Some Northern Relations," Riimisches )ahrb11ch fiir K1111Stgeschichte 23/24 (1988): 29-60; Christian Freigang, "'Kathedralen als Mendikantenkirchen. Zur polirischen Ikonographie der Sakralarchitektur unter Karl I., Karl II. und Robert dem Weisen," in K11mt z11r Zeit der A11jom in ltalien, A11sdmcksfo1111e11 politischer Macht 1111d ihre Rezeptirm, ed. Tanja Michalsky (Frankfurt a. M.: Reimer, 2001), 33-60 (hereafter Freigang, "Kathedralen"). 1% Nicolas llDck 11 d evelopment s til I lack systt:matic study. The sitLi:ttio11 of 1Ts t arch un tht: political aspects of the c ult of saints in gtneral is similar. Again, t h e relation between t he c ulr of royal Angev in saint s and the forging of politirnl identity in Naples has been <tt the center of interest. I.' Och e r saints havt rece ivt:d less attention. This state of research is certainly du e to the few rem aining archival and archt:olog ical d a ta, which accentuate by themselves royal patronagt: and c ult more than any other, Jess impo rtant fac t o r. The first king, Charles I (l266-J285), was still mainly occupied 1 w ith safeguarding his reig n b oth militarily ancl politically. ' Crisis lik<:: th e aforementi o n ed Sicilian Yt:spers in 1282 or the following uprising uf Naples in l.284 and the capturing of his sun Charles (11) bear tes timony to the many difficulties iu the slow prncess o f establishing and m :1inta ining powe r over the newly conquered king dom. Must import a nt was the tn·1piernenta i()n ljf !l Le n r~ .. L~ ~ cJ ~1 d ~;. ;. !: . :i s tr a tion an<l t ~ t . ' coll <;;c rion systen1 granting good regular rtve nues for the crow n wit h out permitting too 1 11 Francesco Aceco, "Ln commi rtenzn arnrnc:rncicn nella Napoli nng 10111n: ii cnso di £ nrcolomco J i Capua ( 1248-1328)," in: Mtdiort10: I co111111i11w1i, ed. Arturo Carl o Quinrnnlle (Milan: Electn, 2Cll I), 469-476; Vnlcmino Pace, "Morre n 1 :ipoli. epo lru re nol>iliurl del Trccenco." in l < ~g io1t/ 1 ils/"'ktt dr!r Gmu111a/farHh1111g, ed. Wolfgang duntd (Trier: PorcaAlbn-Vcrlng , 2000), .1 -62; Vinni Lucherini, "S:tncn Restiruca venuca dal l'A fr i .1. L\irilizz:iz.iurte c.inonirnk di un mito nlromedievalc uella t •1J:>Oli :ingioin:i," in T1a111i 1•1·111111 ,/(I/ m1m, ed. Maria. rclln Calo Mariani (Bari: Adda, _Q()9) 77- 100. 11 i ~ of Tou louse. Cf. Pmnccsco 1\ ccm, " pnz10 Tlte most prominent example is 'aint Lou eL lcsialc c I (1)1: di 'primirivi' iii San Lo rt'.flzo l\faggiore n lapoli: dnl 'S:1n Ludovi o' d1 Simone Maroni al · an Gimlnmo' di olnnrcmio," Prn;pc1!11'(1 I 7 (2() I 0): - -50 (herc~'f Acero, " pazio ec.:clcsi 1lt"}, Mario ' ngl1011e, "1 1 an Ludovico di imonc Martin!, mnnifosto dc ll.n :1.11cicil regale ngioina," /&J1cg11" .rtorir" Jtrlemilt11111 58(2012): 9- 125; Diann orm nn, "Politics nn d Piety: Locating imone Marri11i's 'Saint Louis o Toulouse' alrnrpiccc," /1 rr Hlstu1y 33 (2010): 596-619 ; Mirko Va •non!, "Unn norn suila regnlitlt acrn di Robcrco 7 ; d' Angie nll.1 luce delJa ricercn iconogmflca," 1lrrhivio m.rko iftllia110 167 (2009}; 2 ~3-26 .Joseph Polzer, "A Question ofMeu1od: Qunnmat1ve Aspei;;u uf Arr H i~ro c a l Ann.lys1s fn rhc Clnssificncio n of Eru-ly Treccnro Ica.Jinn Painting Based on Ornamc nrn.I Pmcrice," M11tril1111gm de1 KJ11whis1ori.rchm ln11i111M i11 F/11rr.11z 9 (2005) : 33- 100; Fmucesco Acern, "Le memorie an ioi.t1e in an Lorenzt) Magg iore," in/_,, chlm cli So11 lomrz11 t Sn11 Du11m1ko. Gli nrdi fli 111el/{lira1111 tJ N(/poli, ed .• ercn Romano :ind Nicolas Buck (Naples: Eleccn Nnp.CJli, 2004), 67-94; Klaus Kriiger, "A deo ·olo et a re regnu m teneo Simone: l\fanln is 1.udw ig von TOLI~c· in Neape l," lll Meclie11 der Moel/, Km/SI ':;I/I' z ~ it tier Jl11jtilil Ill l1t1lie11 , ed. To.nj11 Michu!sky (Berlin, Reimer, 200 l ), 79- 11 9. For a larger comex[, see .J ulinn · :trdncr, "The Pou rrecnch-cemury amt: The konogrnphy of Louis of Toulouse," in I ult of ~ h e flrf111Mr1111i 11d Trc 1110 (Pccugia : Universid dcgli swcli di Perugm, 1988), 167-1 B; l..l)uis Anrome de Ruffi, Lt w/1c de . U11is J 'A11j11ff ti Ma r .ml/ ~ tiff X JVe siedc (Rome: Ediz.ion! di • roria e Lcccemcura, 1954). and Cologne: Kohlbnmmcr, '1979); Gi8n Lucn u Peter Herdc, Kt11'1 I. 1'011 ll11j1/ff ( tung~r Borghese, 1rlr1 I tl'A11wo e ii mcdi1crra11M. Puli1ir.a. di/1lr1111a 2it1 ro1 ~r io i111mun:iu11al i /1ri111t1 tlei t'l!Jjlri (Rome: Ecole fmnr;a1sc de Rome, 2008). Unity by diversity 197 many exceptions like had been the case in the old French fiefs. The founding of the University meant the creation of an intellectual and administrative elite. The strong political activities in all directions of the Mediterranean - Greece, Byzantium, and the Holy Land - as well as the close ties to the French homeland, with Marseille as the nearest port, accompanied the commercial rise of the kingdom and especially of Naples as its new capital. Contrary to the regular revolts of cities and feudal lords against the preceding Hohenstaufen, the Angevin succeeded in establishing a close alliance between the Neapolitan nobility and the city's merchants, who associated themselves increasingly with the royal administration and thus with the destiny and cohesion of the Angevin state. 14 This human factor was to become one of the major pillars for the political stability of the kingdom. Major building activities began only under Charles II (12851309).1' Charles I had, however, initiated two large religious enterprises, the construction of the monasteries of Santa Maria della Vittoria and Santa Maria Realvalle, both built on the site of his decisive battles against the Hohenstaufen Manfred and Konradin. These churches can be regarded as "royal" projects, as the royal administration was directly responsible for the construction and no other patrons were involved. Their state of conservation is, however, quite bad, as both buildings have been reduced to a few walls. Santa Maria della Vittoria had already lain in ruins by 1525, but excavations have given us at least an idea of the original ground plan (Fig. 1), whereas for Realvalle the exact measurements are still unknown. The plan and architectural details of S. Maria della Vittoria are clearly related to Cistercian buildings like Royaumont in France, which was founded by Charles' father Louis IX as a family burial site, or the Cistercian abbey of Casamari to the north of Naples (Fig. 2). The same applies to S. Maria Realvalle, destined deliberately to the memoria of the new French nobility who conquered the kingdom "cum multis sudoribus et laboribus 11 Giovanni Vitolo, "Ville er monarchie clans le mezzogiorno Angevin," in L'E11rope des Anjo11. Avent11re des princes a11ge11ins d11 Xllle a11 XVe siede (Paris: Somogy, 2001), 38-47; L'Etat angevin. Pri11t1oir, mlt11re et societe entre Xllle et X!Ve siede (Rome: Ecole fran~ise de Rome and lstituto storico italiano per ii Media Eva, 1998); Eduard Sthamer, Beitrdge z11r Verfam111gsm1d Ve1walt1111gsgeschichte du Kiinigreichs Sizilien im Mittelalter, ed. Hubert Houben (Aalen: Scientia Verlag, 1994). 15 Nevertheless, there was some building activities during the reign of Charles I in Sant' Eligio, Sant'Agostino della zecca, and San Lorenzo Maggiore in Naples. Cf. Caroline Bruzelius, The Stones of Naples: Ch11rch B11i/ding in Angevin Italy 1266-1343 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004) (hereafter Bruzelius, The Stones of Naples); eadem, "Les villes, Jes fortifications et Jes eglises clans le royaume de Sicile pendant la premiere phase angevine," in L'E11rope der Anj1111. Avent11re des princes rmgevins d11 Xllle a11 XVe siecle (Paris: Somogy, 2001), 49-65. Ni colas Bock 198 cum multa insuper effusione sanguinis" from the Hohenstaufen. 11' Not only did the direction of labor lie in the hands of two French monks, but French workmen were also responsible for the most skilled work, the sculpting of the capira ls. The monks of the two monasteries were co be on ly French, and the king made the lirurgical books come right from France (eight missals, eig hc gradual:; , eight antiphonaries, and four lecc ion aries). 17 Those builc.Ungs can be classified, co cite aroline Bruzelius, ftd mndmn Fmncie. 18 JCrfl ] : : 0 0 0 0 ::; !:J a o r·--· ( .!..:-;.:::·: 0 Fig. 1. Santa Maria della Vittoria, plan Fig. 2. Casarnari , plan Under his son Charles II (1285-130')), the parameters of construction changed towards local models and an increasing inclusion of antique forms and Jj1olic1 material. Again, the style seems to have been chosen deliberately to bring forward a political message. Compare, for instance, the abbeychurch of Saint-Maximin in Provrnce, that is a church built by Charles II in his French territories, and the cathedral of Lucera 19 (Figs. 3 an<l 4). 1 '' GiLtseppc dcl Gi udice, Cudicc rliplr111111tit'fl du/ l'e[..'1111 di Cm·/11 I e II tl'A11giu, OJiifl rullczilmt di le;:gi. ffflf111i, e pri111'/egi, 3 vol. (N:iples: Stamp. dcll:i R. Universm , 1863-1908), vol. lll, 1908, 33'5 -3, i 1. llrnzelius, }/,, Si<J;m of N.1/1/,•s, 29 . See the documents i11 Bruzdius, 'Jhc• .\"1,,11c1 1!(No1j1/,•s, ·i9-'5 5 Anjuu and Gothic Architecture in '" Caroline Bruzclius, "Ad m odum Fr,1nciae: Charles 17 or rhe Ki11g<lom ofSictly," ) 0111·1111/ of th.Su iufj• of lfrchi1e.111ml His1r1ritJ111 ~() (199 I): 402.-420. 1 1 ~ Frdgnng, "Karhedr:i.lcn, " 9; N .irnlns Bock, " ! re, i vesu:ivi t la c:Hre<lralc: sc pokure e cosrrll7.ionc archircttonicn," in JI D1101110 d1 Nnj11J/i d11l pnleocri.rtimw n!l'e1n flllf,i11i11t1, ed. Serenn Romano and ~i cobs Bu ck (Naples: El ect a Napoli, :'()~, 132- 1117. Unity by diversity 199 Fig. 3. Aix-en-Provence, St.-Maximin Fig. 4. Lucera, cathedral Instead of a soaring French gothic construction with elegant, engaged columns, majestic vaults, and a light flooded apse, the cathedral of Lucera 200 Ni co las Bock shows a much w ider space with anriqu e columns framing the mass ive piers and an open-roofed nav t rnod t led afttr the:: early Christia11 basilicas in Ttal y. Th e mos t sig nificant b uilding acti vities took place in Naples, the new capital of the r e , ~1i 1. Maybe followin g the model of Paris, wh ere Charles II had been in 1290 and where under Philip IV le Bel ( J 28 5- 1"i 14 ) mu ch construction was being d one, a g reat number of new palaces, churches, and pl aces trans fo rmed Napl es into a modern capital : water supply was rc:g ulated , streets were paved with bricks , the market place became a p ublic d omain , new city wall s wt:re t:rected , a new harbo r, tht: li/11/11 m1gioi110 , was creat ed , and tht: king and princes of th e roy al family built m any pa lact:s.2" The larges t m endicant chu rc ht:s and the cathedral rt:ceivcd m oney from t he:: royal fa m ily fo r th eir new constructions and m a ny were all owed to build up a s111dim11. This urban dc:velopm ent w ent hand in hand with an in creasing u$ e o f h e 11e vv chu rch es roi pjesr ig ious bur i ~ ~ s i~ ~ :-; ~ :- ~:! i!~ ' ! '"! !: ~ d t ( J ~ 1b s. Whereas the fl. rst burial s wert srj ll spre ad within the '1 \'.;illfill - Trani, Foggia - and incl uded French mainland - Paris, Aix - the later unes rn ncent rattd on N aples. This d evelopment was acct ntuattd by t he fac t that the d iv ision of the corp se was less and less p rac ticed. The tombs g rew in size and import ance , showing sophisti c,1ted iconographic program s. Fro m H 2 5 onw ard s, th e roy al fa mily placed m onumental to mbs in every imp ortant church of th t city , preferring t he mendicant church es . Th eir scul pto r an d archi tect, Ti no da Camaino , had become the leading artist in thi s fiel.d . Appa rentl y, no mast er plan fo r the distribution of tombs in p art icular ch urches seem s to have existed, no N eap ulit an "Saint-Denis" had 21 been envisioned. The:: d istribution see ms to have foll uwed p ersunal reli g ious inclinatio ns of each fam ily member and his envy of as much space poss ible fo r hi s or hc:r ow n iil t!iiM i"lt! - and , of co urse, the availability of space wit hin the chu rches of the city. Wh ereas th e m on um ent s of t he royal family all tend ed to occupy th e space around tlw hig h altar, the nobility was res trained to t he sid e chapels, w hich cha ract erized m ost N eap olit an m ade the great ch urc h b uilding s (Figs. 5 and 6) . This ;1 /s ~ ,•;1 s d 1~ Neapoli ta n churches refl ect the stru ct ure of the rc:g11m11 wit h t ht: k ing and hi s famil y as its liturg ical head , accompanied by th e:: body of th e nobility . L1 >1T 11 z End e rki n, i) i1.: (,'r 1/.; / ~ :~ i: i t ) ~ J i ltn 11 e1 / J11j o11 i d llil frri t r1 lit!il , 'J'oh'11h1tl.r 1111t! A l ni l!!irh i.l h l:'<iri- / _;43 (\ Xi <l rtns : Wcl'llCI', I <)'!7) (hlwn i"t c r 1.'. 11clcrlc in, C rA /cg ,11). JI Jli rgc:n Krligcr, . /..tJrt'l/Z Q ll'lnJ!J:iim iu Nutfltl. P..i11t r m11zi1k1111trlairrh r.111ischm Ortl1!11sidet1! 1111tl l:Jemch11/t;t1tv.hi1 k.111r (W r:rl in W escfaJ en; D1ernch - oclde Verlag, 1985), J l6-Ll8 (hen'll.ft:er K ruger, . Lm't!m:u 1 \ 1 1 1 1:.~i Qr ~ ) ; Eindcrlein, mbleg.11 ; Tanja Mid 1alsky , J\!lt11111ri11 11111/ l ~ c {l r i m 1t a 1 i1 . Die Gr rtb m d l ~ r .!es Ki 1 ig h 1~ l lilju11 111 l!tJ/im ( iitcingen: Vnndcnh oc k & Ruprl>ehr, 2 000), 92-1 09 nnd 153, where she proposes the 1den of a "con epc" ,,f Angevin fc111c ra ry poli tics. 1 : · Uniry by diversiry 201 d Ir I J I I r. ' rtl .. . - c ·;. Fig. 5. Naples , S. Chiara Fig. 6. Naples, S. Chiara, plan As the beginnings of this evolution and the great building campaigns lay in the reign of Charles II, it has often been seen as a period of transition between the pure "Frenchness" or "cultural imperialism" of his father, the conqueror, and the overt "Italianness" of his son, Robert the Wise. Thus, the periods of architectural history reflect the political history, their sequence following the succession of the Angevin kings . This scheme can easily be maintained for the building policy under Charles I (Santa Maria della Vittoria, Santa Maria Realvalle) and Robert the Wise (Santa Chiara). Both can be closely associated with specific architectural projects and their realization. The intermediate period under Charles II is less easy to classify, though, and the personal implication of the king in the three major building projects of his reign - San Lorenzo Maggiore, San Domenico Maggiore, and the cathedral - are less evident. Moreover, the years between ca. 1280 and ca. 1310 represent by no means a simple transition in a continuous evolution, but are clearly different in character from the preceding as well as the following periods. By turning to new architectural models , the building projects of the time of Charles II augmented heavily the quantity of side chapels (Figs. 7 and 8). The creation of these new spaces meant an unprecedented augmentation of liturgical celebrations and a new quality in the cult of the saints. ~1 N irn las Bock 2 Fig. 7. Napks, San Lorconzu Maggiure , plan fig. 8. Naples, Cathedral, plan The new buildings stood, as will be shown here, for a policy of diversity , which allotted space to the most important families of the kingdom while creating at the same time coherence between these different actors by means of architectural framework . One has to ask whether the building politics under Charles II were not essential for consolidating his reign in a period of transition Imm an exclusively French cultural model towards an increasing integration of the nobility imo the Angevin rule. The cvalmttion of this. period proves tu be crucial for our understanding of the Neapolitan development and the rule that the cult of saints played in this political process. 11. To1nbs as witnesses Funerary monuments arc today the most important source for th e presence of the noble families in Nea1 olitan churches. Contrary tO the rich collection of writte11 sources in many comrnu11al cities uf Italy, the Angevin royal archives as wdl as those of the differenc monasteries, which were mostly concemrared in rhe state archives after the secu larization ar rhe beginning of the 19'" cemury , underwent rep are<lly heavy decimations and are roday mosdy lose. For chat reason , it is ra.ther diFflcult to reconstruct the hi cory of individual chapels and their dedication to the individual saints on an. archival basis . The losses of sculptural remmmrs of the many tombs which once occupied these private chapds make a Unity by diversity 203 comprehensive approach equally difficult. Although we are thus obliged to rely on heavily mutilated data, a census of the remaining tombs from the reign of Charles II can still provide some valuable insight. Taking the Franciscan church of San Lorenzo Maggiore in Naples as an example, the difficulty of the documentary situation becomes evident 22 (Fig. 7). The dedication of most of the 28 chapels during the 13 ch and 14'h centuries is unknown. 23 In fact, it can be documented only for six chapels, but their location within the church is problematic. 24 The chapels were, however, equipped for liturgy and did possess altars and piscinae, decorated with paintings. 25 Tombs have therefore to serve as witnesses for the chapel use. Because of various reorganizations of the interior, the destruction of the choir screen and the subsequent changes in chapel possession, the original attribution of chapels to individual families is rarely possible. Many of the tomb slabs were transferred already in the l 7'h century out of the church and into the convent. All in all, 74 tombs 22 Kriiger, S. Lorenzo Maggiore. For the discussion, see also the reviews by Caroline Bruzelius, ]011rnal of the Society of Architect11ral Historians 48/3 (1988): 301f and Valentino Pace, Bollettino d'Arte, 6'h ser. 73 (1988): 104f; Cornelia Berger-Dittscheid, "S. Lorenzo Maggiore in Neapel. Das 'gotische 'Ideal'-Projekt Karls !. und seine 'franziskanischen' Modifikationen," in Festschrift Hart11111t Biermann, ed. Christoph Andreas (Weinheim: VHC, Acta Humaniora, 1990), 41-64. 23 The total number of 28 is highly imprecise and takes only the architectural structures into account. The original number must have been much higher. The recorded dedications are: In 1282, Charles !! gave money "pro construenda Capella S. Anna in Ecclesia S. Laurentij fratrum Minorum Neapolis." Naples, Archivio di Stato di Napoli, Registri Angioini 1292 E fol. 81 v (hereafter Registri Angioini); Kriiger, S. Lorenzo Maggiore, 141. In 1317, a chapel dedicated to Saint Agnes is documented in the testament of Giovanna Sparella. Registri Angioini 1316 B, n. 197, fol. 25 5r; Kriiger, S. Lorenzo Maggiore, 151. Catherine of Austria left an endowment for a chapel of Saint Louis of Toulouse in 1323. Registri Angioini 1343 C, n. 330, fol. 133r; Gaetano Filangeri, Dommenti per la storia, le arti e le ind11strie de/le province napo!etane, 6 vol. (Naples: Gianni: 1883-1891), vol. !!, 127 (hereafter Filangeri, Doc111nenti); Kriiger, S. Lorenzo Maggiore, 141. A chapel "de virginibus" is documented in a notary document from May 30, 1348 for the tomb of Puccio Russo.. Filangeri, Dowmenti, vol. II, 131; Kriiger, S. Lorenzo Maggiore, 15 8. A letter from Pope John XX!! from May 23, 1324 mentions a chapel belonging to the noble (miles) Picardius de Ganibatesa, which was dedicated to the Virgin. Jean XX!! (1316-1334), Lettres co11111111nes, analysees d'apres !es registres dits d'Avignon et d11 Vatican, ed. Guillaume Mallat (Paris: A. Fontemoing, E. de Boccard, 1904-1946), no. 19604; B11/larimn Francescanm11, ed. Conrad Eubel (Rome: Vatican, 1898-1904), vol. VI, 263; Kriiger, S. Lorenzo Maggiore, 141. The "Cappella della nativid della Madonna," also called "Cappella della Reina," was probably dedicated by Giovanna d'Anjou Durazzo before 1383 and realized by her sister, Queen Margarita of Anjou-Durazzo, around 1409. Nicolas Bock, Kunst am Hofe der Anjo11-D11razzo. Der Bi!dha11er Antonio Baboccio (1351- 111n 1423) (Berlin and Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2001), 125-130, with documents (hereafter Bock, K11mt am Hofe). 21 Aceto, "Spazio ecclesiale," 2-50; Bock, K11nst am Hofe, 125-130. 25 For the decoratedpiscinae, see Kriiger, S. Lorenzo Maggiore, ill. 110-113. 204 N ico las Bock berween the end of the 13'" and the be8inning of che 15•h centw·y can be documented .16 Less than one third (17) is dared before 1320 . For about haJf of them we possess information about their social srams or their role in administration: apart from two descendants from the Angevin family ,2 7 we find an abot,~ magister cm11bella1111s 1 '1 111agist11r l'tflio1wlis, 111 co11.tiliari11s,3 1gt"tm comestt1bile, 11 casLef/fmus, 1·1 j1rothonotm'i11s and professor of civi l law, \ one woman,3 5 and several nobles. A friar who had died ar an unknown dare before the rernnstruction of the ch urch was now claimed ro be a vir Jttnctm and bis body was thus transferred into the new cburd1. ' The spreading of rhe tombs all ove.r the church makes it clear that t he chapels were given to the different families at a very early dace. Several of rhe deceased seem from Neapolitan fami lies (de Rocco, de Capua, crignari), ochers came from as far as icily (Barrese) and the Abrnzz.i (Barile), or had possessions in the wider Neapolitan hinterland (Sabran, Malena). ln shorr - and noc very '" In his cexc, Kriigcr, S. fj1J't11'.::fl M"ggifJI'•, 86 speaks of around I 00 combs for San Lo renzo, while his caraloguc 142-161 011ly lists 74. J7 These . re Rn1mw"ul Bereng:u ('I 1305). son of C:hnrlcs !!, and Louis Ct 13 10), sou of Roberc of Anjou. buried ia rhc rlghr rmnsepc . Regisui Angioi1u 1306 S (I), fol. 13l- l33; Pi lnngcri, Dr1r1111w11i, vol: fl, 67; Cesare d'Engenio Larnccio lo, Nt1p11/J r1m1 ( a1 lcs: Bclcrano, 162 ), l L (hc:rcaftcr D'Engcnio nracciolo, N11/1ali Jmm); Krii •er, S. Lormw Mttggiot't , 146-148 . !;1 ob u . ~ Currn1gnunus Ct 1-34), his tomb dm:umenred in chi: Grsc chapel to chi: left of chc nave. Be nuse of r.hc date and the lctccring of the ins ription, lus tomb wns probnbly made larer in rhc I '" ccmu.ry. Pibngeri, Dummen11, vol. I.I, 115; Kruger, S. Lt1rmzo 1\foggiore, 142. :!!! Gl11dO Jc Rocco Ct 1267) hnd hL~ tomb . tt1d.Jcd to che monks' choir, which wns deHroycd in cbe 16'" euniry. Scipione M;1zzclla, Dmrittirm{ dtl f<tg110 di Nt7fl1Jli (1 aE les: C:ppello, 160'1), 669; Kruger, S. Uiro11z11 Maggiore, 143. 0 ' Gorbci:r, bishop of Ca rp ccio (t 1293), known by documentnl evidence only. Rcgimi Ang ioinl 53, fol. 223; Kl'i.iger, . Lurmzo Mllgginn, l'1 3f. 1 ' lonnnes B11pnstn Mnrchcse (t 1299} Is claimed co hnvc Pet:n a rn un~elor t() ,hnrlc.:s 11. T he msc:ription wns seen near co rhc chapLcr halL Stn111sl. o d' Aloe, 'Fm·ro /,,.pitJr1r-io lltifltilttrn111 (N:1plcs· cnmperia rcnle, 1835), 166; Kruger, S. Lorm;;o Maxgiurt, 144. 31 uillaume Escendnrd ('i' 1308) had an pu lem fu11trary mw1umcnc co che left of the high altar, opposite the lacer monument co .itchcrine of A11sma Cl· '1323). Pierro di ccfuno D1 ~ ft"ri1 t de' i l10.~h orri rMlt1 rillr) di Nflpoli (Naplc : R.J1ymondo Amnro, 1560). Tlic.: monument w;i.~ then w1.nsftrrcd inro Li1c.: convcut. D 'Engenio Airucc-iolo, Nt1poli sa1:rn, 124. ' M1111frcd Mnlercn, t'tl.1 /e/111111/i of Mn11fredonia (i' 13 10), died poor. His buri«l in an Lore11zo Maggiore is c1ocumemed in Regisui Robe.rd in nrc A, maz 5, 1i.3; Marreo Camera, 11111111/i de/I{ D11 Sicilit (N •.plcs: Fibreno, 18 l-clO), vol. l l, 192. 1-1 Giacomo de Ca.pun ( 1312) wa probably originally buried in the 6m chapel t() the righl ofrhe t1avc. 'Ilnge nio Cnr cciol<>, 1,1p1lli JUcro, 1~; Kriigcr, . l.1Jl'v11zo Afoggi01· . 150. " The cc tumenc of Giovn1111n pllrelln <'t 13 17) asked for a burial in the hapcl of Saine Agnes. Registn Angio1111 1316 B, n. 197, fol. 255, Filangc.ri, DtK/f/1JtJ1li, vol. 11 , 210. '" His name was frn Donato nnd his bcxly was tmnsforrcd in I 08. The comb wns seen in the I (i'h century in the third th ipcl to rhe right in the ambttlllrory. Giovnnni Rccupidci, fl i11 • Lqnmzo Mttg;:i111T! i11 Nt1/11ili (N nplc ·: Laurcnzinnn, 197 _). 3, I 6-17 . l1ti110 Du110111 s~polt .lll Unity by diversity 205 surprisingly - some of the most important families and the highest officers of the regnttm were gathered there. What is more interesting is the heterogeneous social composition of the deceased, who came from different political parts of the nobility. 37 This certainly depended partly on the deceased person's residence in the city's quarter, the seggio, associated with the church of San Lorenzo Maggiore. Others, though, who often held rich possessions in the provinces, also chose to be buried in Naples. This is a clear sign of the attraction the still "new" capital exerted on the nobility of the regn11m. The study of the funerary monuments in San Lorenzo Maggiore shows clearly that this approach should be carried on to include all tombs, the remaining as well as those only documented, in all the churches of the city, in order to accumulate sufficient data for comparison. A step in this direction can be made by looking at the still existing sculptural remnants of tombs in Naples: 15 tombs can be dated to the same time period between 1290 and 1320; three military effigies of knights in armor 38 stand against six tombs of nobles in civilian garments and six clergy members, all of them belonging, of course, to the higher nobility. 39 Most of them are to be found in Naples, since only a very few chose a burial site outside the city. 4° Contrary · to the other churches, the cathedral shows a high concentration of tombs of the clergy - one pope, one archbishop, one papal protonotary, and one deacon 41 (Fig. 9). Only two clerical tombs are to be found elsewhere. 42 The form of the tombs is often difficult to reconstruct. 37 Manfredi Maletta, for instance, was a relative of Manfred of Hohenstaufen and had to flee the kingdom. He came back in 1299 and died poor. Giuseppe Palumbo, "Manfredi Maletta, Camerario de! regno di Sicilia," Archivio storico 11gliese 7 (1954), 24-57, 179-279. 38 These are the sculpted gisants of Giovanni Ct 1287) and Carlo Ct 1304) de Lagonissa in Montevergine, and the tomb slab of Pietro Barrile Ct 1320) in San Lorenzo Maggiore. 39 These are the effigy of Caterina Valdemonte Ct 1304), Montevergine; the antique sarcophagus of Giovanni Pipino, Naples, San Pietro Martire; the romb of the Barrese family in San Lorenzo Maggiore; the tomb of Filippo de Iudice Ct 1312) in the Museo di San Martino; and the slab of Francesco Loffrido. 40 Three monuments belonging to the Lagonissa family are partially conserved in the monastery of Montevergine, a hundred kilometers from Naples. Giovanni Ct 1287) and Carlo Ct 1304) de Lagonissa, both of them with gisants in three quarter relief, and the latter's wife, Caterina Valdemonte Ct 1304). The effigy of Giovanni is, in fact, the first to follow the French military type. Raffaele Causa, "Precisazioni relative alla scultura del '300 a Napoli," in Smlt11re lignee nella Ca111pania (Naples: Montanino, 1950), 64. 41 These are: Philippus Minutulus Ct 1301), archbishop of Naples; Tommaso Piscicelli Ct 1301), deacon of the cathedral; Matteo Caracciolo Ct 1314), papal protonotary; and Pope Innocent IV Fieschi Ct 1254). 11 In San Lorenzo Maggiore, there was the aforementioned monument to fra Donato, · erected upon the transfer of his body to the new building in 1308. From outside Naples, only the tomb slab of Azzone da Parma Ct 1310) remains in San Michele in Caserta Vecchia. 206 Nicolas Bock Many are heavily fragmented, contain various persons m one tomb, or consist of a reused antique sarcophagus as in the case of the l//(/gister rotllidris and governor of Lucera." l The very limited sculptural decoration of the sarcophagi from this early period, which were sometimes also adorned with decorative mosaics, does not permit any conclusion about preferences in devotion. This becomes possible only for a later date, as is demonstrated, for instance, by the elaborate Franciscan program of the funerary monument to Catherine of Austria (°I 1323) in San Lorenzo Maggiore or the multiplication of saints at the tomb of Robert the Wise("! 1343) (Fig. 10). It becomes evident, though, that the tombs from this early period are characterized by great variety . Fig. 9. Naples, Cathedral, funeral monument of Filippo Minutolo Fig. 10. Naples, San Lorenzo Maggiore, funeral monument of Catherine of Austria III. Community in diversity: Church architecture and private chapels Most of the tombs discussed here were placed in private family chapels at the side of the naves or around the main altar. Up to now, the creation of ·,;The tomb of Giovanni Pipino ("!" 1316) in the northern tra11.1ept of San Pietro Martire. Unity by diversity 207 these side chapels, that is of architecturally distinguished, family owned, and more or less independent spaces within the churches, has been studied mainly under the aspects of finances, social prestige, and religious memoria. Taken not as individual witnesses, but as testimonies of an important part of the society, they represent the political community and can stand for the expression of political cohesion in the liturgical spaces of the capital. This phenomenon is part of a larger development. From the beginning of the 13'h century, the naves of many French gothic churches were enlarged by opening up the walls between the outer piers. In Paris at Notre-Dame, this was a long process, which began around 1225-35 with the first four northern chapels in the nave and ended only around 1300 with the addition of the outer chapels in the ambulatory of the choir (Fig. 11). Long lines of side chapels accompany also the new built cathedrals of Rodez, Clermont, Limoges, Narbonne, and Albi, to name only a few. 44 Older cathedrals such as Laon and Amiens began to have lateral side chapels added to them around the end of the 13'h century, a development taken up in parish churches at the beginning of the 15th century. ........ . ........ ,'.. ....r ...... .. ........... ....... . . .. .. ......... .I;. , . t ..-- ,.i.u . . ..t,," ..; ...·· ..... .. " . ... ~. ~ . ~ .. ••• £> I I ., I .. ••• • .... 1 . . . . , . . . Fig. 11. Paris, Notre-Dame, before and after 1300 If this development in France can be characterized as a long process, change arrived much more suddenly in Naples, where the first building to 11 Christian Freigang, lmitare ecdesias nobiles. Die Kathedralen vrm Narbonne, ToNl011se 1md Rodez /Ind die nordfranziisische Rayonnantgotik im Lang11edoc (Worms: Werner, 1992). Nicolc1s Bock 2118 introduce this feature seems tu have been the Francis can church of San Lorenzo Maggiore (Fig. 7). Accordi ng co Ca roline Bruzelius, this early d1dstian building was enlarged by a row f side hapels already at a very early momenr in its construcrion around tbe mid-1 3'h cenrury ( 125 0 -70 ) a nd before the • rrivaJ of cl1e Anjou. During the ensuing Angevin building campaign ar the eml of the century, the church was provided with a new choir with a transept, an am bwarory, and outer chapels (l 295 ff) . ln a third camr aign, rhe nave was finally extended coward the W est and three more chapels were added on each side ( I 3 23ff). Othe r like Jurgen Kruger and Cornelia B erger Dittscheid p lace the amplification of cl1e nave wirh cl1e lareral d1apel imo a lacer period, namely aro und L290-l 00, which wou ld be contemporary with che ocher bui lding campaigns in the ci ty. Independently of this debate the sch m e of a nave wirh adjacent side chapels 1ui.ckly became the standard model. for the large constructions of San Dumei i o M aggiore: (1284, l290s- l3 -5), rhe arhedral itself (1294 ca.13 10) , and Santa Chiara ( L3 l 0) (Figs. 6 7, and 8). It had a spectacu lar effect: within one ge nerarion between 1290 and 1320 , more than 100 large private chapels were created in the cathedral anJ the three mendicam churches. This calcu lus presents a trict minimum a nd includes neirber rhe archirecru rally ind ependent chapels, of which N aples possessed many , rror the chapels i.o parish churches, chose in th e drnrche of rhc other orders in cl1e city like Sant'Agost.ino), or those in rhe santtLra ries utside the city, Like ch e monastery of M ontevergine or the Cercosa di San M artino . Far From being a matter of fam ily affairs , private chapels were most imporram fo.r the urban development in general. The construction of g reat churches, esp ecially those of t he new mendicant orders needed very large SLLIDS of money. As these orders were b0t111d by t hei r vow of p<>verry , the increasing demand of money for construction purpos es was not easy to fulfill. Since the 126 0s, the Domini cans gave up their original reticen ce to in-church burials and memorial masses. This chang e of opinion led to a new function of church buiJding s, transforming them more and mure intu giant cem eteri es."' A fr er th e death of Bonaventura and the genera l chapter of Assisi in 1279, the Franciscans likew ise permitted the execution of -,-, For t he (:vulu1ion of burial i11 n1c:n di ca11L chun..: lic.:s 1u\(l the Lheolog icnl tli~ c usion!' rn1111ccred, s c ~ Frirhjof chwnrrz, // btl i111ilu1Y1. Sm1t11 Ma r111 N0ticll11 i11 l'lum1z 1279- 13411. Grr1b1111i'f1•r, l1 · r h it ~k 1m · 1111tl l!J·e!/.Jthnft (13erlm and Mw1ich: Deutscher Kunsrvcrlng, 0()9) , 127- J 34 (hereafter Schwnrrz, JI btl d 1i ~ r Q ) ; \ ..arn linc Bruzeliu , "The De11<l ome ro Town: Pre(1cl1ing, Burying uml Building m rhe Mcml1 anc Orders," in The }'wr / JOO 1111rL the Cm1tiP11 0/11 Nt 111 /J11ropet111 lil'dJ11ert11rc, ed. Alexan<lrn G11jewskl and Zue Opnfa' (Turnhma : Brcpols, 20()7), 203-224. The issues of fu nding, burial, nnd building arc nlso exrnnsivcly trcart:d ia Cami inc Bruzclius, P1w1rhm[1,. B111/d111g rmd Hmyi11w Prian in rht t\folict· ti City (Londo11 and New Have n: Yale University l'rcss, : ~I. I " [) . Unity by diversity 209 testaments, thus opening up a source of considerable revenues. By the beginning of the 14'h century the situation had changed so much that Ubertino da Casale could speak of the Franciscan order in 1311 as the "procuracio sepulturarum divitum." 46 A look at the Dominican church of Santa Maria Novella in Florence shows some historical parallels to the Neapolitan developments. The choir and the transept had already been built in a first campaign during the years 1246-1264. The construction of the nave started only in 1279 and lasted until the mid-14'h century. Whereas the transept and the apses followed the Cistercian model and offered only a few chapels for very rich donors, 47 the nave was financed in a new and different manner. The Dominicans allowed the construction of funerary niches in the outer wall of the nave and the fac;;ade, the so-called avelli, which offered to the Florentine society a new and very prestigious form of public display to an extent never seen before18 (Figs. 12 and 13 ). Easily visible and decorated with the coats of arms of the family, these 65 monumental tombs promised more prestige than the habitual tomb slabs inside the church. 49 As these avelli housed the mortal remnants of the city's most important families, their construction was also intended to be "ad honorem comunis." 50 The construction of public places around the church and the integration of the avelli into the visual urban axes further enhanced their importance. 51 Thus, the original political significance of the last building campaign of the nave of Santa 6 Ugolino Nicolini, "I frati minori da eredi a esecurori testamentary," in No/ens illtestatm decedere. II testa111ento come Jonte c/ella storia religiosa e sciale (Perugia: Edirrice Umbra Cooperativa, 1985), 31-33; Cesare Cenci, L'ordine francescano e il diritto. Testi legislati11i c/ei secoli Xlll-XV (Goldbach bei Aschaffenburg: Keip, 1998), l 22f; Schwartz, II be! cimitero, 37. 7 " Santa Croce offered ten side chapels, Santa Maria Novella at that stage only four . For the development, see Julian Gardner, "The Family Chapel: Artistic Patronage and Architectural Transformation in Italy circa 1275-1325," in Art, ceremonial et lit11rgie a11111oye11 age, ed. Nicolas Bock et al. (Rome: Viella, 2002), 545-564; Renate Wagner Rieger, "Zur Typologie italienischer Bettelordenskirchen," Rii111ische historische Mittei/1mgen 2 (1957): 290297; Annegrit Hoger, St11dien z1tr Entsteh1mg der Familienkapelle 1md z11 Fa111ilienkapellen 1112c/ Altdren des Trece11to in Flore11ti11er Kirchen (Bonn: Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat, 1976), 62-65 (hereafter Hoger, St11c/ien). Specifically on Sama Maria Novella, see Joanna Cannon, Religiom Povel'ly, Vis11al Riches: Art in the Dominican Ch11rches of Central Italy in the Thirternth and Fo11rteenth Cent11ries (London and New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013), especially 319-337 (hereafter Cannon, Religio11s Poverty) . 18 ' Schwartz, II be/ cimitero, 66. 9 ' Better visibility was also a reason for transferring the monumental tombs around the Florentine Baptistery in 1296: "quad sepulcra seu avelli que et qui sum circum circa ecclesiam Sancti Johannis eleventur et removeantur de ipsis locis et alibi ponatur ubi melius videbitur." Hoger, St11dien, 141; Schwartz, I! be! cimitero, 115. Cannon, Re!igiom Poverty, 322. 50 Schwartz, II be! ci111itero, 74. 51 Ibid., 67-75. ' Mar ia Novella as a p<' ;lccm:dzi1ig cfl(,rr in the civil wa r becwee11 rhc C uel r-:~ :ind rh e G hi b e lin e ~; fo11nd ;,1 stron g visl.l :tl cornplc.::111c:n1· in the nc: \V ::llld la1·g t' (.)(fr 1· of p ubli c; ol):J.Ce lO rhe Florc-: nri11 r; c i t i:c el' 1s .~ u lbi I., 3-50. Unity by diversity 211 The value of these avelli, where noble families could underline and propagate their social and political importance by using their personal heraldry, compares to the organism of family chapels in the Neapolitan churches. Naples and Florence were the central places for the development of new private spaces intended for a wider public from the 1280s onward. This development was, of course, more complicated than shown here. In order to retrace this evolution, one would need to consider the reuse of the antique building of Sama Balbina in Rome, with its monumental niches transformed into side chapels, as well as the side chapels in various churches in Genoa, Orvieto, and Siena. 53 No other city, though, could rival with Florence and Naples in the sheer number of these family chapels and their architectural coherence. The competition between the families for public space seems to have been rather similar - be it the rich Florentine merchant or the mighty noble of the regnmn. IV. Diversity and centralization Naples had been a big city before, but the religious building boom, which started after the Sicilian Vespers around 1290, has to be seen in the context of the dynamics of regional cohesion. After the limited building activities under the reign · of Charles I, who had still to deal with a pluricentered kingdom between Apulia, Campania, and Sicily offering only Frenchness as a unifying concept for his realm, the reign of Charles II proposed a new phase in the political state-building process. The enormous quantity of architectural spaces that were now offered for religious engagement testifies to a religious as well as political shift: the major families of nearly the whole kingdom found now a common interest in the new churches not by force, but by seduction. 54 This new situation might be described with conviventia, the term expressing an awareness of a group that they were "becoming something", with a particular emphasis on the coexistence 51 · For the early history of family chapels in Rome, see Claudia Bolgia, '"Ostentation, Power and Family Competition in Late-Medieval Rome: The Earliest Chapels at S. Maria in Aracoeli,'" in AJpects of Power and A11thority in the Middle Ages, ed. Brenda Bolton and Christine Meek (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 73-106. 54 This implies a shift in the definition of social distinctiveness away from a foreign outergroup towards social distinction within the inner-group. See Henri Tajfel and John Turner, '"An Integrative Theory of Intergroup Conflict,'" in The Social Psychology of Intergro11p Relations, ed . William Austin and Stephen Worchel (Monterey, CA: Brooks I Cole, 1979), 33-47; and more recently John Turner and Katherine Reynolds, '"The Story of Social Identity,'" in Rediscovering Social Identity. Key Readings, ed. Tom Postmes and Nyla Branscombe (New York, NY: Psychology Press, 2010). Nicolas Bock 212 of norms, cultural interchange, and social assimilation.;' The centralization of administration in the capital was followed by religious cohesion in the diversity of cult. Only in the next phase, <luring the coming years under Robert the Wisc, a visual and liturgical perspective centered on the royal tombs in the apse was introduced in tht::se churches, unifying thereby visually and liturgically tht:: divt::rse "players" in the kingdom. Already under Charles II, though, the institution of the private chapel had become the common denominator in the interests of each single family. It was a place where one could venerate the saints of one's own preference. At the same time, the possession of a private chapel demonstrated openly one's membership in the same leading social group. )'; Within this setting, however, the ornamentation of one's chapel left ample space for competition with [he other nobles of the ;·egillliil. Or, to put it differently , in tbe second phase of the Angevin rule under Charles II, cohesion was ,Lehi ec.I not by the cult o f~' single saint, but by making room fox tlw c11lr of many different saints in private spaces, united only by the architectural framework of the modern churches. The cult of saints (plural) had thus become an important agent in the dynamics of political cohesion. ' 7 Only a very few nobles, although often some of the mightiest, choose to be buried in their own territories outside the capital - so did the Sanseverino near Salerno, the Altomonte in Calabria and the del Balzo Orsini in Galatina in 8 Apulia.' For all the others, the city of Naples offered now everything they could wish for. ; ; Blake de Maria, R, r11111i11g !lmdidll: 1111111igrc111!s rlil,/ th ~ / Ins iu J:m·ly !Ho.lrr11 V<'lli<c (New Havrn and London: Yak University Press , 20 I()), ix; Thomas F, Glick , "Convivcncia: 1\11 lncrodL1ctury Nute:," in C1,uPil'dhii1:.ftU'J, 1Hm·/i111r .:111rl <:hriJtij1uJ iu tHl!diu al :Spi1i11, ed . Vivian l\fann, Thonus Gli ck, and jerrylin Dudds (New York, NY: George Braziller, J 992). -.... Cases or shared or rnrpurate patronage (co nfra ternity, guild, or an extended family) seem ro be r, re in Naples. As a burinJ community, on ly the hebrlr1111111/t1rii of rhc cnthedrnl nppea r inside one of lhc mAjor church buildings . o nfrnrcrnities seem to have preferred iudepcndetu ch:1pels (like S. Mnrta or . Monica ccc.) Dcrnilecl swc;lics on rhis phenomeno n in Naples are lncking. On chis ropic, see Parri 111 imcms,. " Palrnn;ige in the Tornaq uinc t Chapd, Sama Mari:1 N ovella, Florence," in l't1t1YJ11ag , 1lrr mrd S1Jci ty i11 R' 11ni.rm11ce /!fl!J', ed. f'rnci.~ W. Kent and Patricia Simufls (Oxford: Clarendon Press, J 98 7), 2~ 1- 2)0. " This co11cern.s al.so the question of the individual liberty to dmose cl patron saint for one's chapel and of the general planning of the order umcerned. Cf Irene Hueck, '"Stifo.:r und Patron at.s recht. Dokumente zu zwei Kapelle11 cler Ilardi," Mi1t~lg, d c.1 K1n1.1 thislilri.1·,/1C11 lmtit11W iu f/,;mr;; 20 ( J 976): Z6'\-DO . .,, For t he Sanscvcririo, sec Bock, l<1mst ,1111 !fo(c; for the Alrornuncc, sec Lorenz Entk!'iein, ··zur Entstchung der Ludwigstafcl des Simone Martini in Ncapel ," J?ij111i1d1tJ J r1h1•/,mi> ,/ ~ ; · Nihlioth c<<1 I-lc vt;;i,n1r1 30 ( J 995 ): J 35- J 1i'J; fur Galatina, sec Damiano Cosimo Poso, "L1 lo"dazioflc di Santa Caterina, Scdrn devoz ionale e <.ornmirrc11 za artistica di Raimondo Orsini clel Balzo," ir1 D,t! g1 :~ lio ,;//'ouo, eel . Antunio C:assia110 and Benedetto Vetere (Galatina: Co11gedo, 2006), 19 4 - 2~; Dag mar Zimdars , Di ~ / l11,111ul1111g d,r Fr,u;,:isi:,111c•1·l>.i11hc Sm1/r1 C1tu·i11r1 i11G<1lc1ti1M, 1!p11lir11 (Munich: Tuduv, l '!88). 1 Cuius Patrocinio Tota Gaudet Regio. Saints' Cults and the Dynamics of Regional Cohesion edited by Stanislava Kuzmova, Ana Marinkovic and Trpimir Vedris with introductory study by Thomas Head and concluding remarks by Gabor Klaniczay HAGIOTHECA ZAGREB 2014 Cuius Patrocinio Tota Gaudet Regio. Saines' Cults and the Dynamics of Regional Cohesion: Proceedings of the 4'h Hagiography Conference organized by Croatian Hagiography Society 'Hagiotheca' and by CULTSYMBOLS project with OTKA Saints Project, Dubrovnik, 18-21 October, 2012 . Edited by Stanislava Kuzmova, Ana Marinkovic' and Trpimir Vedris Copy-editing: Marina Miladinov Bibliotheca Hagiotheca ·Series Colloquia, vol. 3. Series edirors: Ana Marinkovic' and Trpimir Vedris First published 2014 Croatian Hagiogra!>hy Society 'Hagiotheca', Vrbanic'eva 6, 10 000 Zagreb, Croatia C:11pynght 20 14 by the publisher and contributors AU rights for thi. book reserved . No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, 1 r rransm ttred, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, re rdmg or ot hen vise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN 97 8-95 3-56205-2-5 A catalogue record for this book is available from the National and University Library in Zagreb under number 885640 Cover (ca [1 1 (detail of the Contents Preface Abbreviations IX lntrod11ction Saints' Relics and Community m the Earlier Middle Ages (400-1100) Thomas Hectd Xl Papers 1. The Vita Patricii by Tirechin and the Creation of St Patrick's Nationwide Status in Seventh-Century Ireland Elizrtbeth Dmuson 2. Foreign Saints at Home in Eighth- and Ninth-Century Rome: The Patrocinia of Dictconiae, Xenodochia, and Greek Monasteries Maya Mmkarinec 3. Holy Validation: Saints and Scandinavian Bishoprics Semi Ellis Nilsson 4. 39 The Histoi-iae of Saints Oswald and Edmund: Crafting the King's Image, Defining the Community's Identity Sebmti/m Salvad6 5. 21 59 Inter-Regional and Local Saints' Cults: Examples of Significant Liturgical Chants from Medieval Region of Istria Hanct Breko Kmt11rct 81 6. The Saints Across the Sea, the Overseas Saints: Cult and Images of St Michael and St Nicholas Between Apulia and Dalmatia in the Middle Ages E111c11111ela Elbtl 7. 91 Episcopal Hagiography, Territorial Cohesion, and Memory in Southern Medieval France. The Case of the Diocese of Mende Femand Pelo11x 109 8. Magdalena Praedicatrix and Other Provens;al Cults: A Dialogue in Images Between Universal and Regional Identity 133 Anne Domtaly 9. Patrocinia M11lta Erant Habentes: State, Parrocchia, and Colony - Relic Acquisition in Medieval Venice 153 Ana M1111k 10. Unity by Diversity: Private Chapels, Church Architecture, and Concepts of Political Cohesion in Medieval Naples 193 Nicolas Bock 11. The Multiple Regional Identity of a Neapolitan Queen. Mary of Hungary's Readings and Saints 211 12. The Development of Devotion to Saint Anthony Between Localism and Universalism 231 Eleonora Lombardo 13. Shepherd of His Flock, Guardian of the Polis: The Geography of Regional Identity as Expressed in the Dedications of Churches 253 Graham Jones 14. Dorothea of Montau (t 1394): Remarks on the Cult and the Iconographic Tradition of a Teutonic Knights' Expelees' and Poles' Saint 2 71 Mctrco Bogade 15. The High-Altarpieces in the Hanseatic City of Rostock in Northern Germany: A Hagiographic Approach to the Creatation of Collective Identities 285 Kathrin Weigner 16. Saintly Patrons, Their Altarpieces, Identities in Medieval Scepusia Ivan Gercit and Regional 297 17. From "Adoption" to "Appropriation": The Chronological Process of Accommodating the Holy Hungarian Kings m the Noble Millieus of Late Medieval Hungary Daina Elena Crclcim1 313 18. One Town's Saint is Another's Worst Ni_ghtmare: Saints Cults and Re_gional Identity in Medieval and Early M~dern Russia's Upper Volga Region Isolde Thyret 335 19 . Memory and Identity: Recycling of the Historical and Geographical Knowledge in Martyrium Sancti Arethae et Sociomm in South Slavic Context Diana Atanassova 351 20. How Did an Eulogia Broug ht from J erusalem in the Sixth Century Assist in P romoting D av it-Ga reji Cave Monasteries to Regional CaL1casian Significance Lado Mirianashvi/i 369 21. The Cult of Spain's Regional Saints m CounterReformation Madrid }11an L11is Gonzalez Garcia 3 77 22 . Sulla venerazione dell'immagine della Madonna di Sinj nel XVIII secolo e sul processo di trasformazione dal suo status dal simbolo antiturco al simbolo di identita nazionale Ivana Prijatelj Paviftl 389 2 3. Natales Divo Ladislavo Restit11ti: "Nationalization" of St Ladislaus in the Seventeenth-Century Croatia Zrinka Blazevzl 411 24 . Rational Clergy and Irrational Laity: An EighteenthCentury Biography of St Blasius in the Service of State Promotion Relja Seferovic 425 Concluding Remarks Sainthood, Patronage and Region Gabor Klaniczay Contrib11tors 441 455