Visitors or Community?
Collaborative Museology and the Role of Education
and Outreach in Ethnographic Museums
Nora Landkammer
At a 2015 conference about the future prospects of ethnographic curation, I
asked one of the presenters who had spoken extensively about the collaborative
process of producing an exhibition in an ethnographic museum with local and
international communities what effect this collaborative approach had on the
education and outreach program for that exhibition. What does this collaborative approach mean for education? Her answer was that they had conducted
different programs for each target group. There didn’t seem to be any obvious
connection drawn between the demand for horizontal collaboration in the
production of the exhibition and the educational work.
In the English speaking context, through the critical engagement with the
consequences of the British Empire, as Robin Boast describes it, “[t]here are
few museums with anthropological, or even archaeological, collections that
would consider an exhibition that did not include some form of consultation”1.
Though it can hardly be said that in Germany, Switzerland and Austria there is
a comparable degree of postcolonial reflexivity, and many exhibitions continue
to represent non-European ‘cultures’ without seeming to acknowledge any
issue, the paradigm of collaborative museology in ethnographic museums has
gained a great deal of traction in the German speaking context.
But consultation and collaboration are also relevant outside the field of
museum ethnology. The critique of the homogeneous voice of the institution
has also been articulated by advocates of critical museum education. The field
of learning and outreach work is also experiencing a shift towards horizontal
collaborations and cooperative knowledge production with different audiences
1 | R. Boast, Neocolonial Collaboration, p. 56.
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which are relevant to the museum.2 Education and outreach programs which
establish long-term networks and replace a one-sided transfer of knowledge
with cooperation – as shown in the essays in this volume – challenge the
borders between what is inside and outside the museum, as well as between
the traditional activities and responsibilities of curation and education.
Still, the practice and debate around collaborative learning and outreach
projects have as yet rarely affected ethnographic museums. Conversely, in
Germany, Austria and Switzerland there are hardly any contributions regarding
education in the discussion around the possibilities of transformation and/or
decolonisation of ethnographic museums,3 while at the same time education
and teaching that critiques colonialism is happening outside of the museums.4
In this context it seems worthwhile to provide a more precise account of
the intersections between education and collaborative museology. For this
purpose, I will refer to key texts on the collaborative paradigm in ethnographic
museums, which was initially developed through the debates around indigenous rights and demands in North America, Australia and New Zealand, and
which has also provided the reference point for the discourse around ethno-museology in the German-speaking world.5 I would like to interrogate these texts,
as well as a number of contributions on the topic from the UK, as to the role
2 | Arbeitsgemeinschaft deutscher Kunstvereine (ADKV), Collaboration; Schnittpunkt
et al.: educational turn; N. Landkammer, Vermittlung als kollaborative Wissensproduktion; M. Guarino-Huet, O. Desvoignes & microsillons, Autonomy within the Institution.
3 | A current exception to this is shown in S. Endter & C. Rothmund, Irgendwas zu Afrika:
Herausforderungen der Vermittlung am Weltkulturen Museum, compiled by the education and outreach team of the Weltkulturen Museum in Frankfurt.
4 | Examples include the Weiße Flecken der Erinnerung project, from the Eidelstedt
district school and cultural agents for creative schools in Hamburg (see http://www.
afrika-hamburg.de/eidelstedt.html, accessed 19.08.2015), projects from Berlin Postkolonial, such as Freedom Roads (see http://www.freedom-roads.de/frrd/willkom.
htm, accessed 19.08.2015) or Far, far away? Kolonialrassismus im Unterricht/
Globales Geschichtslernen vor Ort, Berlin Postkolonial/Institut für diskriminierungsfreie Bildung/Entwicklungspolitisches Informationszentrum EPIZ Berlin (see http://
www.berlinpostkolonial.de/cms/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=1,
accessed 19.08.2015), the theater project Vergessene Biografien, by Judith Raner
(see www.vergessene-biografien.de, accessed 19.08.2015) or Kolonialismus: Macht:
Gegenwart, Bildungsstätte Anne Frank, Frankfurt (see http://www.bs-anne-frank.de/
workshops/kolonialismus-macht-gegenwart/, accessed 19.08.2015).
5 | R. B. Phillips, Community Collaboration in Exhibitions; L. Chandler, Journey without
maps; I. Karp, C. Mullen Kraemer & S. D. Lavine, Museums and communities; L. Kelly &
P. Gordon, Developing a Community of Practice; L. Peers & A. Brown, Introduction; J.
Clifford, Routes.
Visitors or Community?
‘education’ plays in collaborative museology. Through this cross-reading and a
survey of contemporary critiques and debates,6 I would like to argue that it is
necessary to reflect upon and to jointly critique the various traditions of collaborative projects if collaborative museology is not only to increase the legitimacy
of the museums, but is also to lead to a decolonisation 7 and democratisation, as
well as more justice regarding the different groups with claims to the museum
spaces and the collections.8
So how is the role of education and learning portrayed in the literature
about collaborative projects?
E DUCATION AND OUTRE ACH FOR GROUPS
WHOSE MATERIAL CULTURE IS COLLECTED IN THE MUSEUM
An initial meaning of ‘education’ as a part of collaborative practice is of making
the collections accessible for the communities with which the museum is
collaborating over the long term. In the context of ‘source community collaboration’, Peers and Brown speak of educational materials and activities as one of
the possible results of the collaboration:
Educational materials designed by community members which utilise museum and
archival resources, for instance, have become a means through which people can learn
about the diversity of materials available to them and about how the histories related to
these resources are relevant today. 9
6 | This text builds upon the work of Bernadette Lynch in (Generally Dissatisfied; Whose
Cake is it Anyway?; and with Alberti, Legacies of Prejudice). She also formulates some
of the central theses in the article included in this volume (p. 255 ff.).
7 | Decolonisation as a term has been developed since the anticolonial liberation
movements and still incites controversy, for instance, between approaches influenced
by postcolonial theory and decolonialism. They share a demand for decolonisation,
which unlike other emancipatory theories, is based on the notion that the present political, economic and epistemological situation in the global south and north is strongly
shaped by colonialism, and that action to counter this colonial continuity is demanded.
8 | Claiming a stake in the museum can take various forms, including claiming ownership of objects in the collection, expertise on the exhibition themes, the status as a
tax-payer who co-finances a public institution, the right to self-representation, the right
not to be exposed to racist or exoticising displays, or the right to education.
9 | L. Peers & A. Brown, Introduction, p. 6. Another interesting work in this field is the
collaboration of education departments with indigenous museums for the elaboration
of programs. (J. R. Baird, Landed Wisdoms).
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C OLL ABOR ATION AS EDUCATION
Ruth Phillips, former director of the Museum of Anthropology at the University of British Columbia (MOA), which is a pioneer of collaborative museology, describes the transformation in ethnographic museums, among other
characteristics, as a shift from product to process orientation: the focus is no
longer exclusively on the exhibition, but rather, the production of the exhibition is expanded into a project (including a wide range of activities) that allows
for research, education and innovation.10 Phillips emphasises the pedagogical aspect of collaborative work: she describes it as a double-sided learning
process as it is defined by the theory of critical pedagogy, as a “bilateral version
of the radical pedagogy advocated by Paulo Freire”11. Successful collaborative
processes provide both the institution and the collaborators with new insights
and understanding. Phillips’ perspective is thus advocating for an approach
in which the curatorial work of collaborating with communities from which
the objects originate is simultaneously education work guided by the model of
critical pedagogy.12
However, in this model, which has been so influential in the development of collaborative museology, the educators working at the museum are
not presented as stakeholders, as is the case with many texts that address the
processes of ‘community consultation’ or on-going collaborative work in ethnographic museums. In the introduction to their much-cited Museums and Source
Communities, Peers and Brown also emphasise how collaboration is a process of
“learning and unlearning”13. Yet the museum’s education staff only appear in
the text as one more category of museum staff who will also come into contact
with collaborative projects, alongside employees such as the salesperson in
the museum shop. Here one could perhaps speak of a ‘present absence’ of the
educational component: on the one hand, the museum is depicted as inherently ‘educational’ and learning is emphasised; on the other hand, education
as a function and education staff as a specific stakeholder group are absent in
the text.
10 | R. B. Phillips, Community Collaboration in Exhibitions, p. 160 f.
11 | ibid., p. 162.
12 | See Kelly & P. Gordon, Developing a Community of Practice, p. 153; on the museum
as ‘educational’ institution, see K. Message, Multiplying Sites of Sovereignty through
Community and Constituent Services at the National Museum of the American Indian?;
R. Mason, Culture Theory and Museum Studies.
13 | L. Peers & A.Brown, Introduction, p. 8.
Visitors or Community?
THE ‘ GENER AL PUBLIC ’ AND EDUCATION
Education takes on another meaning in relation to a general public: in several
texts that address a new conception of the ethnographic museum, ‘education’
seems to be understood as instructive teaching, and is taken to mean the
imparting of information and values. Robert Sullivan, who is in charge of public
programs at the National Museum of Natural History at the Smithsonian Institution, which also contains an anthropology department, defines museums
as “moral educators”,14 which have the responsibility – as traditionally sexist
and racist institutions themselves, as Sullivan makes clear – to transform the
knowledge, beliefs and feelings of their visitors.15 Amy Lonetree clearly formulates this educational mission in her discussion of community-produced exhibitions at the National Museum of the American Indian in Washington D. C.
The critique is directed at the legibility of the exhibition in terms of it having
an educational function for the nation:
Abstraction isn’t a correct choice for a museum hoping to educate a nation with a willed
ignorance of its treatment of Indigenous peoples and the policies and practices that led
to genocide in the Americas.16
This concept reinstates for the museum precisely that authority of knowledge
that has been put into question by the new museology: but this time of marginalised, unspoken knowledge.
Tony Bennett has formulated a fundamental critique of the museum’s educational mission, which re-emerges here. He presents this function as part of the
museum’s tradition of being an instrument of civilisation: “[Are] museums not
still concerned to beam their improving messages of cultural tolerance and
diversity into civil society as far as they can reach?”17 The museum as ‘contact
zone’ is, in his view, a continuation of its governmental function, but this time
for the sake of what he calls an ideology of multiculturalism. Notwithstanding
the obvious difference between a hegemonic educational project and the idea
of teaching counter-narratives, the point is that there is a dichotomy between
the learning processes envisaged with communities, and the education of a
seemingly homogeneous public.
Schultz argues that the debate in museology is limited to the relations
between the museum and the collaborators, and therefore pays too little attention to the participation of the public:
14 | R. Sullivan, Evaluating the Ethics and Consciences of Museums, p. 257.
15 | ibid.
16 | A. Lonetree, Missed Opportunities, p. 640 f.
17 | T. Bennett, Culture, p. 213.
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Importantly, in pledging themselves to collaboration museums indicate their on-going
commitment to it as a form of social activism, reflecting their belief that its relevance
extends beyond those immediately participating in the process. Such a belief, however,
implies the need for the visiting public to be a part of the process, a group that is
frequently overlooked in discussions of collaboration.18
This unnuanced perspective of the ‘public’, which Schultz also critiques, is
most prominent in the contributions from USA/Canada/Australia that work
with a clear concept of ‘source communities,’ which in the most radical cases
has resulted in an actual shift in the balance of power.
The concept of ‘source communities’ can be broadly criticised in that it
suggests an instrumental relationship between museums and groups. The
community is therefore portrayed as the ‘source’ of the collections. However
the double negotiation of mutual learning in collaborative projects on the one
hand, and instructive education for the public on the other, becomes particularly problematic when the collaborative approach is applied to the former
imperial centres and European migration societies. Collaborative museology
is understood in the ‘centres’ both as the cooperation with stakeholders in the
countries from which the collections originated, as well as the cooperation
with the diaspora in Europe. According to Wayne Modest and Helen Mears, the
concept of the source community is linked with a sense of identity fixated on
origins, and runs the risk of reinforcing the historical classification of people
that is contained in the collections. For Modest and Mears, the model of the
‘source’ replicates
simplistic approaches based on what are seen as fixed cultural markers for historically
unchanging, visibly ‘different’ homogeneous groups; the kinds of groups curators can
find historically ‘described’ by groups of material culture and their documentation in
museum collections.19
Therefore, the source community concept does not take into account a contemporary understanding of identity (as composite and influenced by multiple forms of
belonging) nor can it describe the diversity of claims people can have in a migra18 | L. Schultz, Collaborative Museology and the Visitor, p. 2. With respect to the
emergence of an educational dimension in texts on museology, a series of essays that
address the reception of collaborative exhibitions and visitor reactions is of particular
interest. See C. Krmpotich & D. Anderson, Collaborative Exhibitions and Visitor Reactions; L. Schultz, Collaborative Museology and the Visitor; K. Message, Multiplying sites
of sovereignty through Community and Constituent Services at the National Museum of
the American Indian?
19 | W. Modest & H. Mears, Museums, African Collections and Social Justice, p. 300.
Visitors or Community?
tion society to having a say in an anthropology museum: is the legitimacy of the
interests and right to participation only defined by the ‘origin’ of the collection?
I would like to shift my focus now to the debate in England, in order to
further unpack the question of the collaboration with different communities20
and to illustrate some other relationships between education and collaborative
museology in projects implemented by education and outreach departments.
C OLL ABOR ATIVE EDUCATIONAL PROJECTS
Viv Golding has theorised such an approach to learning in ethnographic
museums, based on her practice at the Horniman Museum in London. The
collaboration with the Caribbean Women Writers Alliance (CWWA) at the
Horniman Museum in the 1990s offers an early example.21 Under the title
re-writing the museum and working with both young and established writers,
the workshops conducted in this project focused not only the collection’s
objects, but also on the institution and on the museum’s existing displays and
the racism and exoticism to be observed in them. Thus the group critically
engaged in writing with a panel that still showed the ‘races of man’. Golding
describes education as work on the ‘museum frontiers’ that makes a re-writing
possible: “the museum frontier marks a boundary that is also a space of transformation”.22 Golding speaks of the ‘frontier’ and not of the ‘contact zone’, since
for her, the term emphasises the necessity of actively working towards a transformation. Speaking in terms of a frontier makes it clear that there are risks,
dangers and fear involved. She therefore re-emphasises the aspects of Pratt’s
‘contact zone’ that are so often omitted in the museum debate.23 Long-term
collaboration, according to Golding, leads to many different results, be it school
projects (working on poetic texts with students, involving the writers as educators), a publication (Anim-Addo 2004), or the establishment of an annual event
commemorating Emancipation Day at the Horniman (in remembrance of the
anniversary of the British Slavery Abolition Act).
In her description of the project, Golding does build a bridge to the collaborative paradigm in museology, as formulated by Phillips from the work done
in Canada, though she also strongly refers to literature from the fields of pedagogy and education. She takes different paths than the ones prescribed by the
20 | ibid.; W. Modest, Co-Curating with Teenagers at the Horniman Museum.
21 | The Caribbean Women Writers Association is an international organisation. For the
project at the Horniman Museum, the participants were made up primarily of teachers
and lecturers in England who are members of the CWWA.
22 | V. Golding, Learning at the museum frontiers, p. 49.
23 | R. Boast, Neocolonial Collaboration.
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concept of source communities: this collaboration engages an organisation of
writers, both because of their work, and because of their positioning as Black
women and their political project.24
The project emerges from the tradition of museums seeking to address
groups whose voices are excluded from the museum’s dominant narrative.
The educational and community work advanced in particular by the New
Labour government in the UK has contributed to the broader establishment of
education and outreach work not only in exhibitions, but also in long-standing
cooperation and community involvement projects in museums, as well as an
intensive discourse around its theorisation and critical development.25 Modest
describes this development in England:
At first, many of these initiatives were delivered by peripheral elements [sic] of the
museum: by the education and then freshly-formed outreach teams, but increasingly they have moved closer to the core of museum business and used collections in
achieving those outcomes. 26
In a text about his role as curator at the Horniman Museum, Anthony Shelton
refers to the permeability between the areas of activity: the effects of contingency
of these processes, he writes, “today are as likely to be mediated by a museum or
exhibitions manager, or an educationalist, as a curator”.27
C OLL ABOR ATIVE PROJECTS BE T WEEN E XHIBITIONS
AND EDUCATIONAL WORK – A PLE A FOR JOINT REFLE XIVIT Y
In collaborative practice, particularly in Great Britain, two different concepts
and practices coincide. Firstly, the idea of building collaborations with the erstwhile ‘objects of research’, which emerged from indigenous demands as well
24 | On the capitalisation of the term ‘Black’ here: “Black (as placed in opposition to
the construction of whiteness) does not refer here to biological indicators, but rather
to the self-conception of a group of people who, as a response to the denigration of
their African heritage within racist power structures which constructs the dichotomy
of ‘white’ and ‘black’, derive their consciousness from precisely this context, reinterpreting blackness as positive, and reflecting this through the capitalisation of the word.
(Autor_innenkollektiv rassismuskritischer Leitfaden 2015, p. 5).
25 | R. Sandell & E. Nightingale, Museums, equality and social justice; B. Lynch, Whose
Cake is it Anyway?; A. Dewdney, D. Dibosa & V. Walsh, Post Critical Museology; E.
Hooper-Greenhill, Museums and the Interpretation of Visual Vulture.
26 | W. Modest & H. Mears, Museums, African Collections and Social Justice, p. 296.
27 | A. Shelton, Curating African Worlds, p. 5.
Visitors or Community?
as the internal critique of curatorial work and is informed by the concept of
‘source communities’; and secondly, the demand for participation and collaboration of groups regarded as excluded by the cultural sector, with the aim of
advancing the democratic utilisation of cultural institutions, which is key to the
work of learning and community engagement departments.
It is important to separate the two discourses, because their respective
contexts determine how the collaborators are addressed and invited, and which
roles they are assigned in the projects. Although Shelton had already pointed out
the permeability of the different roles in this community work 15 years ago, the
debate today still reproduces these two discourses and the gaps between them.
Wayne Modest writes about the requirement as curator to collaborate with
young people, and poses a rhetorical question in his text about one of the most
discussed recent collaborative projects at ethnographic museums (The Stories
of the World initiative run during the London Olympics):
I was especially interested in what yield could be gained by working with a group of
people based around age categories as opposed to a source. Were they also a source
or even a community?28
This question implies a discourse of collaborative projects, shaped by the
connection to people over the history of the collections, which differs from the
educational discourse on the involvement of audience groups. In a reflection
on the same major project (also discussed by Bernadette Lynch29 in this publication), Morse, Macpherson and Robinson problematise, conversely, that the
project layout of Stories of the World remained within a logic of youth participation, not taking sufficiently into account the political questions of ‘source
community collaboration’. This led to tensions in producing an exhibition from
a collaboration between the museum’s education and outreach team, youth
co-curators and people with a historical connection to the origin of the objects:
The main tension in the rhetoric here is around the language of youth empowerment and
creativity and the use of world cultures collections, without a direct acknowledgement
of the politics of working with originating communities, or reference to museum practice
in this area. 30
I assume that the confluence of both collaborative approaches – the restructuring
of the relationship with source communities from the curatorial discourse, and
28 | W. Modest, Co-Curating with Teenagers at the Horniman Museum, p. 100.
29 | See p. 255 ff.
30 | N. Morse, M. Macpherson & S. Robinson, Developing dialogue in co-produced
exhibitions, p. 95.
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the collaboration with diverse audiences from the educational discourse – is
productive if they mutually interrogate one another, for both traditions involve
complex problems.
The focus on the collections and on the right to co-determine the institutions that characterises collaborative museology can contribute to a questioning of the often paternalistic understanding of participation in education.
The tradition of “social inclusion” and “participation” are the legacy against
which collaborative education must still fight to this day. In Stories of the World,
Modest describes the educators’ concern that the young participants might
become frustrated when confronted with tasks that are too challenging.31 He
criticises the assumptions about the interests and behaviour of young people
that is so widespread in museums. The danger of paternalism, when the
educators think they know in advance how and why the participants should
be empowered, is one of the biggest tensions inherent in collaborations which
come out of the outreach tradition of including groups in the museum. For
the discourse of collaborative education, it is necessary to replace the notion
of ‘inviting groups to participate’ with a conception of collaborators as experts
in a knowledge not present in the museum, and with a notion of the right to
co-determination, as proposed in collaborative museology.
Another problematic issue in collaborative education projects is their traditional positioning at the margins of the institution. Golding writes about the
aforementioned collaboration with the CWWA: “[the] CWWA collaboration
occurs at the margins of the main museum discourse, which left the centre of
the museum unchanged”32 . The project participants’ ‘rewriting’ of the museum
left intact the exhibitions’ central power of definition, the museum’s self-determination and its structures. Even when efforts exist to engage with the different
audiences “from the margins to the core”,33 as Richard Sandell demands, the
educational tradition of ‘community engagement’ continues to operate with a
structure of centre and periphery, in which the museum integrates the communities into its projects as an ‘outside element’. As Lynch points out, within the
centre/periphery structure, the museum remains in its position of power,
whereas the different communities are forced into the role of “beneficiaries”
who receive individual “pieces of the cake” through different projects, instead
of posing the question: “whose cake is it anyway?”34 Decolonisation should
concentrate on organisational development and on understanding community engagement as an all-encompassing practice for institutions.35 Thinking
31 | W. Modest, Co-Curating with Teenagers at the Horniman Museum, p. 106.
32 | V. Golding, Learning at the museum frontiers, p. 60.
33 | R. Sandell & E. Nightingale, Museums, equality and social justice.
34 | B. Lynch, Whose Cake is it Anyway?, p. 16 f.
35 | ibid., p. 22 f.
Visitors or Community?
the participatory aims coming from education together with a collaborative
practice that directly affects the collections and the power to define them, and
which implies a long-term transformation of the responsibilities for objects (as
sometimes occurs in indigenous appropriations of museums), can be generally
helpful for the development of ‘community engagement’.
Conversely, the attention paid to the process at the expense of the product,
and the expertise in ascertaining interests in group settings in education can
interrogate the focus on objects that often characterises curatorial collaborative
projects. The risk of the museums’ interests regarding the collection objects
prevailing over the (diverse, not solely object-focused) interests of the communities, is inherent to the concept of the ‘source community’: the concept of
a source is not only related to an understanding of identity which is fixated
on origins, as explained above, but rather its definition also ensues from the
objects in the collection. This suggests that collaboration is fundamental for
the museum’s need to deal with the collection and tends to make the collaborators into ‘informants’ from whom information is obtained in a setting which
retains a colonial character. Thus, Fouseki quotes one of the participants of the
consultation process: “People at the museum just had a fascination about all the
objects they got, ‘oh look at this object’, you know, and not thinking so much
about the people who were talking in the museum.”36
The joint scrutiny of both collaborative traditions is necessary – and this
is my main point – in order to reflect upon the concept of community. Neither
an exclusive understanding of the communities as stakeholder groups with
regard to the collection objects (as in the concept of the source community)
nor addressing groups from the point of view of actual or imagined exclusion
from cultural institutions (which shapes many educational projects) suit the
complexity of the rights, potential interests, expertise and demands for having
a say in transforming the ethnographic museum, particularly in migration
societies. If the transformation of the museum is not intended to be pure
“transformism”,37 in that the collaborative projects provide the harmonising
evidence of participation, and instead ethnographic museums wish to become
spaces of critical research, exhibitions and learning, the museum must enter
into the complexity of possible communities – in relation to racism, interests,
geography, occupational and social positions. It must engage the many, some36 | K. Fouseki, Community voices, curatorial choices, p. 186 f. The example refers to
community consultation in the context of the exhibitions in London in 2007 in commemoration of the Prohibition of Slave Trade of 1807. It does not address projects in ethnological museums, but since it focuses on critically confronting the colonial past and on
cooperating with the African and Caribbean diaspora organisations in England, it can be
used to illustrate the issue at hand.
37 | N. Sternfeld, Erinnerung als Entledigung.
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times overlapping and conflicting, self-defined communities in processes of
learning and unlearning, both in collaborative projects and in the daily work
of the educators with school classes and other groups of visitors. The Spanish
educator and theorist Javier Rodrigo Montero has described this kind of work:
“The museum would not be a centralising focal point of culture, not even a
catalyst, but rather one more mediator within a network of diverse, different
and even antagonising social agents.”38
Then it will perhaps be possible to transform the museum into a political
space and into a post-museum, as envisioned by Eilean Hooper Greenhill,
“where diverse groups and subgroups, cultures and subcultures may push
against and permeate the allegedly unproblematic and homogeneous borders
of hegemonial cultural practices”39.
38 | J. R. Montero, Experiencias de mediación crítica y trabajo en red en museos, p. 78.
39 | E. Hooper-Greenhill, Museums and the interpretation of visual culture, p. 140.