ZBORNIK INSTITUTA ZA ARHEOLOGIJU SERTA INSTITUTI ARCHAEOLOGICI KNJIGA VOLUME 10 Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places Edited by Juraj Belaj, Marijana Belaj, Siniša Krznar, Tajana Sekelj Ivančan and Tatjana Tkalčec INSTITUT ZA ARHEOLOGIJU INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY Sacr alization of landScape and Sacred placeS Proceedings of the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval Archaeology of the Institute of Archaeology Zagreb, 2nd and 3rd June 2016 Zagreb, 2018 zBorniK inStitUta za arHeoloGiJU Serta inStitUti arcHaeoloGici KnJiGa / VolUMe 10 pUBliSHer Institut za arheologiju / Institute of Archaeology Zagreb, Croatia editorS-in-cHief and ManaGinG editorS Juraj Belaj Marijana Belaj Siniša Krznar Tajana Sekelj Ivančan Tatjana Tkalčec reVieWerS Ana Azinović Bebek Katja Hrobat Virloget Luka Šešo tr anSlationS and teXt editinG Signed below the text or translated/edited by the authors deSiGn and laYoUt Hrvoje Jambrek printed BY Tiskara Zelina d.d., Sv. I. Zelina circUlation 200 coVer pHoto BY Karlo Lolić Financially supported by the Ministry of Science and Education of the Republic of Croatia ©Institut za arheologiju u Zagrebu. Sva prava pridržana ©Institute of Archaeology Zagreb. All rights reserved. CIP zapis dostupan u računalnom katalogu Nacionalne i sveučilišne knjižnice u Zagrebu pod brojem 001012819 A CIP catalogue record for this book is available in the Online Catalogue of the National and University Library in Zagreb as 001012819 ISBN 978-953-6064-36-6 foreWord 4 Andrej Pleterski Mythical landscape. What is it? 5 Mia Čujkević-Plečko, Silvija Lasić, Ivor Karavanić aspects of Symbolic Behaviour at croatian palaeolithic Sites 19 Mitja Guštin, Alja Žorž nova tabla at Murska Sobota. Burial Site as a Sacred area 33 Anđelko Đermek the distribution of pre-christian Sacred Sites in the zaprešić area 45 Vitomir Belaj, Juraj Belaj around and below divuša: the traces of perun’s Mother arrival into our lands 69 Marko Smole Sacred Slavic triangle in the Upper Kupa and Čabranka Valley: a Story about pre-christian and christian landscape Sacralisation 93 Jelka Vince Pallua a newly discovered figurative representation of the Mythical Baba – “old Baba Vukoša” in St. Mary’s church of Gračišće in istria 105 Lidija Bajuk over the Mountains High, across the Waters deep (astroethnological contributions) 117 Marina Milićević Bradač passing through the countryside : How to recognize a Sacred place? 143 Vesna Lalošević examples of pagan Sacralisation of Sirmium and Salona landscapes in the early christian legends 165 Ehsan Shavarebi the temples of anāhīd at estakhr (Southern iran): Historical documents and archaeological evidence 179 Silvia Bekavac, Željko Miletić castles of petuntium, neraste and oneum: Sacral centres of pagi in the territory of Salona 195 Dražen Maršić Sacralization of the Salonitan rural landscape on the example of “Gradina in Uvodići” 205 Olga Špehar changing Sacred landscape: christianization of the central Balkans in late antiquity 211 Ana Jordan Knežević contribution to the Study of development and function of Sacral Buildings in zadar area (4th–9th century) 221 Vladimir Peter Goss Sacralization of the Vertical 237 Ivana Peškan, Vesna Pascuttini-Juraga forming of cultural landscape through the network of ecclesiastical Buildings in the Valley of the river Bednja 251 Jela Duvnjak, Marija Marić Baković continuity of the Sacral and actuality of the cult on the cemetery of St. ivo in livno 259 Maja Cepetić Rogić patron Saints and naming of the landscape St John and ivanić. ecclesia, Villa, comitatus, insula 277 Rosana Ratkovčić continuity and discontinuity of the Holy Sites of christianity and islam in the examples from the Sufi tradition 287 Andrea Rimpf, Dražen Arbutina ilok ottoman Mosques and ideal reconstruction of Mehmed agha Mosque 299 Karen Stark from Holy objects to Sacred places: Making Marian Sanctuaries in 14th c. Hungary Silvija Pisk our lady of Garić Marijana Belaj, Mirela Hrovatin cultural practices in Sacralisation of place: Vows in the Shrine of our lady of Marija Bistrica Antonia Vodanović, Ivan Huljev Houses and paths from podgora: a case of landscape Sacralization Merili Metsvahi the europeanisation of estonia and the folktale connected with lake Valgjarv 325 335 343 353 367 Cornelia Florea petrila Mine – Sacred Underground 375 Sandis Laime offering cave of the livs in latvia – from Sacred place to tourist destination 383 Ivan Majnarić the Uses of the past – the case of Maksimir park Mogila 393 Antonija Zaradija Kiš Saint Martin Space and its cultural perspective 403 Neda Kulenović Ocelić, Igor Kulenović new “Sacred” places: Heritage practices on Heritage Sites 415 Sandra Križić Roban displacement in the Space of art 423 Suzana Marjanić the Sacralisation of landscape in contemporary art practices: croatian Scene case Study 433 foreWord Human settlement of landscape raises the question of marking the landscape with one’s own religion. Changes of religious systems or their coexistence documented in the landscape raises further questions, particularly those pertaining to broader socio-cultural phenomena and dynamics. Even if such processes are not documented in written sources, they could often be recognized in toponyms, folklore, archaeological finds and in contemporary religious practices. Keeping this in focus, the Institute of Archaeology organized the 3rd International Scientific Conference of Mediaeval Archaeology, entitled Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places. The Conference took place on the 2nd and 3rd June 2016, at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb, Croatia. This is the third in a series of conferences designed to thematise mediaeval archaeology. However, for this third conference we have conceived a much broader framework – our intention was to stimulate an exchange of experiences and knowledge among participants with different research perspectives and disciplines and from different geographic areas and chronological periods. As many as 74 participants took part in the conference, coming from Croatia, Hungary, Estonia, Slovenia, Romania, Latvia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Italy, Czech Republic, Germany and Iran. All in all they contributed a total of 57 presentations. Introductory plenary lecture “Sacral spatial arrangement of landscape” was given by prof. dddr. Andrej Pleterski, Research Advisor at the Research Centre of the Slovenian Academy of Sciences and Arts in Ljubljana, Slovenia. The Conference was divided into the following panels: Human and sacred landscape: paradigms; Traces of sacred sites: prehistory; Myth in landscape; Sacred place - the arena of religious discourses; Social realities in the sacralization of space; Narratives and practices in the sacralization of space; Reading of holy places and sites in Islamic tradition; Traces of sacred sites: antiquity; (De)Sacralizations: spatial biographies; Christian spatial symbolisation. Most of the presenters at the conference readily adapted their presentations into papers. This publication presents analyses of sacred landscape from the perspective of: archaeology, folklore, ethnology, cultural anthropology, literature, architecture, history, art history, mathematics etc., and at the same time covers the period from prehistory, through antiquity and Slavic period and the Middle Ages to the modern period and contemporary times. In addition to this, it also compares different processes from different regions and times, by and large from Europe. All the contributions were separately reviewed by carefully selected experts from the international academic community according to their particular discipline or research perspective. By publishing a book in English, we have tried to provide to the authors the widest visibility in the international scientific community. I would like to thank once again all the participants of the conference for excellent cooperation, as well as to the institutions that helped make it a great success. Special thanks are reserved for the reviewers of individual papers and the proceedings on the whole for their effort, expertise and contribution, as well as for the colleagues from the Institute of Archaeology for their help in the organization of the conference and the publication of these proceedings. We are grateful also to the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb for their support in the organization of the conference. We sincerely hope that the contributions gathered in this publication will encourage colleagues from various scientific disciplines, especially researchers of younger generations, to engage further with the sacralization of landscape and sacred places. Juraj Belaj AndreA rIMPf, drAžen ArbutInA Ilok Ottoman Mosques and Ideal Reconstruction of Mehmed Agha Mosque Scientific paper This paper will demonstrate the possible location of individual Ottoman houses of worship on the basis of interdisciplinary research of available historical sources, visual and cartographic displays of Ilok with archaeological findings, as well as a methodology and results of the ideal architectural reconstruction of the Mehmed Agha Mosque. Written, visual and cartographic sources in Ilok mention three to seven mosques dating from the 16th and the first half of the 17th century. Material remains, indicating the locations of possible Ottoman mosques in Ilok, which will be discussed are: tombstones – so-called nişans, located on mezarluks or cemeteries of the Ottoman period; mausoleum – turbe; as well as the only preserved framed picture – levha. Key words: mezarluks, nişans, turbe, levha, mosques, ideal reconstruction iSlaM Before tHe arriVal of tHe ottoManS to iloK Islam as a religion spread rapidly across the European mainland from the 8th century. Islamic scholars were on numerous royal courts as scientists and writers. The first recordings in the historical books about Islam and Muslims in the area of Syrmia dukedom, and, therefore, Ilok, were written by a church historian, Josip Koller in the 18th century in The History of Episcopatus Quinqueecceliarum / History of the Pécs diocese, from 1410 in the third volume of this book. The act states that the rector of the monastery in Morović notified the antipope John XXIII that there are a number of pagans in Morović who refused to accept the bishop in Pécs and pay him any fees. Citing John Rudolf, he writes that those people are patarenes or bogumils1 (Koller 1784: 312). The confirmation of these records about the existence of the pagans2 in the area of the Syrmia dukedom can be found in Chapter 14 of the Statute of the City of Ilok from 1525, which relate to the royal privileges given to the town of Ilok in 1453, where it is written, “Those who despise the Christian faith and praise the faith of the pagans and sinners have no right to their patrimony. If any of these people left anything to their sons, or their son, in their testament of their patrimony and movable property, and he crosses ovet with those moving property among the infidels by approaching them and mingling with them, such as the protestants founded by John Wycliffe, schismatics and the pagans...” (Kiš 1970: 92). Given the richness of Syrmia dukedom at the time of Újlaki Miklós, my opinion is that these pagans were also Muslim merchants who settled in the dukedom or in the vicinity of it. Also, a series of historically unexplained events occurred during the time of his son, Újlaki Lõrinc, and charges of a conspiracy against King Vladislaus II Jagiellon in which Lőrinc was accused of working with the Ottomans (Hammer 1979: 267). Certainly, the successful influence of his father in diplomacy enabled Lőrinc to come into direct contact with the Ottoman beys and sultans through his new Muslims subjects in order 1 Koller also outlined the definition of Kalis and called on to the events from the 13th century and reports by John Cinamos which states that the bogumils (Cro. kalizej) defended Syrmia and Eastern Slavonia from Byzantines and were of Persian religion and refused to be Christianized (see Koller 1784: 315). Also, other opinions, but with the same conclusions about the presence of Muslims in Slavonia and Syrmia, have been made by Hafizović 2016: 183. 2 The pagan name refers to non-Christian inhabitants. Sacralization of Landscape and Sacred Places, ZIA Vol.10, 2018, 299–323 300 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A to secure the boundaries of his dukedom. However, to date the material remains of the early presence of the Muslims and Islam religion are not recorded in the area of Ilok. arcHitectUre of MoSqUeS During the conquest of the new territories, the Ottomans maintained an existing urban plan and transformed a newlyconquered settlement. This is known as istimâlet3 – the policy of the policy of obtaining loyalty of the local non-Muslim population, which implies taking old forms, institutions and anything else which wasn’t in harmony with sharia. The process of transformation was manifested in a way that first they built a religious complex: cāmi4 with madrasa5, maktab6, imaret7 and shops; these facilities were the core of a new town/settlement. When the Ottomans occupied the settlement and if there was enough space inside the walls, they would build up onto the existing architecture. However, if the city was overcrowded, its new center would be formed outside the walls (Pašić 1989: 1). The Ottomans had two types of architectural construction: official and vernacular. The official monumental buildings were built out of stone, along with decorative brickwork. The stone could also be used secondarily because that kind of used stone was considered a valuable, old-fashioned material that had highly symbolic significance (Faroqhi 2009: 162–163). An example of transformation is Ilok, which was gradually transformed from the medieval fortress into the oriental one. Due to the surrender to sultan Süleyman Kanuni in 1526, the Fortress was not damaged and the buildings were preserved. Until 1580 the interior of the Fortress, Upper and Lower Town, adopted the oriental characteristics of official Ottoman architectural construction, while retaining traditional architecture for informal buildings. The word mosque – cāmi was initially the name of the cult places, e.g. Kaaba in Mecca, the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem and Muhammad’s House in Medina. Over time, all mosques were called mescit8, however, from the 10th century mescit is a mere word for a smaller space intended for ordinary prayers, while the main mosques, called Ulu mosque or the Grand mosque, marked the place where hutbä9 was held. Therefore, the word mosque marks the place of gathering of the faithful where they would jointly fulfill the religious ceremonies (Oto-Dorn 1971: 16). The basic harmony and principles of Islamic architecture are manifested in the foundations of belief: the tevhid or divine unity; a caliph or a man as God’s vicar on Earth and his dual relationship and connection with God as the creator and his environment as part of God’s creation for which he is responsible as a vicar; and ihsan or overwhelming perfection of a man and Islam, or the last universal proclamation of worlds. By adopting and applying these principles, architects have created a concept of not only sacred objects but profane as well (Kukavica 2015: 4). The development of buildings with a dome dates back to the Selçuk period of the 11th and 12th centuries, and its central space is defined by the shape of a square covered by a high dome. The emphasis is on the exterior that is framed by a portal embellished with shallow floral ornaments. This space remained a preoccupation in the Ottoman period which is also under the influence of Byzantine architecture (Redžić 1983: 94). Its influence is evident in the combination of a dome with a small cupola or cupolas. This architectural expression influenced the constructive concept of large Istanbul mosques such as the mosque of Sultan Bayezid II from 1506 (Redžić 1982: 52). Therefore, the Ottoman mosques were created by the modification of the “Arab mosque” of the Selçuk type in combination with Byzantine architecture, resulting in a single-room mosque with a dome and a porch on the entrance side covered with cupolas. The mosque is made out of geometric shapes: a cube, a semi-circle, a cylinder, a prism and a cone. Cubus, tambour and dome are the three main bands in the vertical section of the space, which parts are equally emphasized in the exterior and interior. The windows are subordinated to a full wall that closes the space. Their size is determined by the need for natural light, but not the glittering (Redžić 1982: 53, 68; Andrejević 1984: 69). The portal is accentuated 3 For more about the istimâlet see Bešlija, S. 2012, Istimâlet u Historiji Ibrahima Alajbegovića Pečevije – Prilog izučavanju osmanske istimâlet politike, Anali Gazi Husrev-begove biblioteke, 33, 145-166. 4 Mosque, ar. ğāmi, tr. cāmi, a Muslim oratory / house of worship oriented towards Mecca. 5 Madrasa, ar. muddy, an Islamic religious college, middle and high school rank. 6 Maktab, ar. mäktäb, an Islamic elementary school. 7 Imaret, ar. imārä, a charitable public kitchen next to the mosque. 8 Mescit, ar. mäsğid, an Islamic oratory without a minaret and no Friday prayers. In the wider sense, every place where a prayer kneels down to pray. The term mescit signifies every place where sajdah is performed, a prayer as a whole. It is commonly referred to as a sacral object of smaller dimensions in relation to the mosque, which most often has a wooden minaret or does not have it at all. There is often no mimbar and mandatory sermon - hutbe -on Fridays or the Bayramic holidays, because these two obligatory prayers are not held in them (see Hafizović 2016a: 18, 29). In addition to the mosques in Ilok, there are numerous mescits: “Hadži Islamov, Mustafa begov, Kara Balija“. These mescits occure from 1578 to 1595 (see Moačanin 2001: 87). 9 Hütba, ar. hutbä, signifies the sermon on Fridays and the Bayram which imam holds in the mosque. il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue 301 with the decorticated decor with stalactites10 and, thus, separates two spaces: the space of nature and the space created by man for himself. The open semi-dome porch is a contrast to the enclosed space, and it represents a preparation for the experience of the prayer space without mysticism. It reminds us of the residence that is arranged for total concentration of thought and perfect peace (Redžić 1983: 96–97). The classic look of the mosque11 that is characteristic for the western parts of the Ottoman Empire is characterized by: architectural harmony, volume proportions, line and surface. Domes, trompes, arches and pendentives are individualized and harmonious (Redžić 1982: 39). The dome is always lying on the walls, never on the columns, and the space combined with cupolas and a dome was realized only in the Gazi Husrev Bey´s Mosque in Sarajevo and Ferhat Pasha Mosque in Banja Luka (Redžić 1983: 94–95). Therefore, architecture was the most developed branch of art in which the mi’mār12, who built bigger buildings (unlike dülger13 who built smaller oratories, shops, houses, etc.), played a big role. topoGr apHY of iloK MoSqUeS When it comes to the architecture of the mosques in Ilok during the 16th and 17th centuries, they belong to the classic style of Ottoman architecture. The architectural construction in Ilok is evidenced by the existence of a city architect or mi’mār agha (Çelebi 2003: 53). The Ilok mosques were built during the period from around 1540 to 1650. Their number increased over time with the rise of Muslim population. During the 17th century, after the end of the Long War in 1606, the population grew and new mosques were erected. The new mosques could have also been created by promoting some of the mescit, erecting mimbär14 and naming a hatīb15(Moačanin 2001: 87, 98). That could have also been the case with certain mosques in Ilok, similar to the example of Sarajevo, where Ishak Bey raised a mescit which later became the mosque of Mehmed Han (Zlatar 2013: 136–137). According to the graphic illustrations and pictures, the mosques in Ilok belong to one spatial type with cupolas on the porch. Their possible topographic accommodation is the result of available literature, archive materials, archaeological excavations and visual representations of Ilok from the 16th and 17th centuries. According to the available published archival materials in the tax list from 1568 to 1579, there is a mention of the honorable mosque16 and several well-visited mescits17 (McGown 1983: 15; Moačanin 2001: 65), and by 1580 there are three mosques (Moačanin 2001: 165). The three mosques are also mentioned in the travelogue of Reihold Lubenau from 1587 (Zirojević 2009: 186) and in the Seyahatname of Evliya Çelebi in 1664 (Čelebija 1973: 523–524; Çelebi 2003: 53–54). Further on this article describes their topographic accommodation inside Ilok and the interpretation and the establishment of hypotheses for their accommodation. Çelebi mentions in detail the Fortress mosques and the mosques from the Upper Town. Considering the time of life of certain individuals referred to as maecenas and by comparing Çelebi’s text and visual representations, it can be concluded that these three mosques correspond to Sultan Süleyman’s Mosque, Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu Mosque (Çarsi Mosque) and Arslan Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu Mosque. The existence of the first mosque within the Fortress is also mentioned by the Sanjak of Syrmia mufassil tahrir defter from 1568, which mentions imam inside the Fortress congregation and a honorable mosque (McGowan 1983: 7.15), while Çelebi cites the mufti18 (Čelebija 1973: 526; Çelebi 2003: 53). In the graphic illustration, made by Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608, two minarets are displayed in the Fortress, one of which is partially made, and the other minaret in the graphic on the left corresponds to the position of the church and 10 The stalactite is a plastic ornament with stone, wood and plaster. It is made of many small spiky niches that are formed and inclined one over the other. The upper niches are moved forward and towards the ground they are moved backwards, and in the place where the three niches meet, they appear to hang out as if they were stalactite in caves. For more see Knoll, P. 1999, O muslimanskoj umjetnosti u Bosni, Most – Časopis za obrazovanje, nauku i kulturu, No.112-113, vol. XXV, March / April 1999, Mostar, http://www.most.ba/02324/079.htm. 11 Mimar Hayrüddin formed the classical style with the architectural design of Sultan Bayezid Mosque from 1506. He first constructed a longitudinal space beneath one central dome and two semi-domes that rely on the arches on which the central dome lies. For more about styles see Redžić 1982: 54–70. 12 ar. mi'mār, an educated builder, architector. 13 ar. dulger, a builder and woodcutter, carpenter. 14 ar. Mimbär, a memorial, a pulpit in a mosque with a sermon on Fridays and Bayram. 15 ar. Hatīb, a preacher who holds a sermon on Friday and Bayram, and in the smaller mosques he is replaced by Imam. 16 The Royal Mosque is the name for the Sultan mosque. 17 It is possible that some mescits in Ilok were promoted to mosques. 18 Mufti in Islam signifies a person who must have a high Islamic education and represents the official interpreter of the Islamic law called the Sharia law who is chosen by the most religious authorities. Based on this law, he makes decisions for all questions that arise in practice and for questions for which there are no established rules. 302 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A Fig. 1 The graphic of Ilok from 1608, Ilok town museum, inv. no. rd - 2, (recorded by m. barić 2008, complemented by A. rimpf) its bell tower (Fig. 1: 1). Also, in the graphic illustration of The Liberation of Ilok from 1688 made by Jacobus Harevyn, there are two towers with a crescent moon, from which the tower on the right side of the fort represents a mosque minaret (Fig. 2: 1). The Papal Visitor Abbot Bonini in 1688 states that the Ottomans Turks have turned the church of Saint Peter and Paul the Apostles into a lavish mosque, but was in a poor condition because the lead and iron were removed from it and tran- Fig. 2 Liberation of Ilok from 1688 by Jacobus Harevyn, Ilok town museum, (recorded by m. barić, 2008, complemented by A. rimpf) sformed into weapons (Jačov 1991: 41; Andrić 2001: 168). Sometime after Bonini’s visit, in 1699, Joseph Cinesiae Firmanus states that among the civilian objects in the Fortress he could see the temples with columns made with excellent skill, which were saved by the enemy, and turned into their sanctuaries (Firman 1998: 21). About the statement that the church of St. Peter and Paul the Apostles became a mosque, an orthodox priest Jovan Kozobarić writes in 1909 describing the town according to the plan from 1784 known as De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Illok. Kozobarić states that the church of il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue 303 Fig. 3 de lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Illok, 1784 (barbarić 1975 a: 8) St. Peter and Paul the Apostles was a mosque during the Ottomans (Fig. 3) (Kozobarić 1909: 14–17). Also, on a geographical map of an unknown author, Ilok is depicted with three mosques19 (Fig. 4) (Omerbašić 2010: 208). In the remaining graphics depicting Ilok from the late 17th and 18th centuries this minaret no longer exists which is in line with Bonini’s report on the removal of the lead roof. During the archaeological excavations on a part of the church of St. Peter and Paul the Apostles from 2006 to 2008, waste pits from the Ottoman period were discovered on the outside of the building between the counterforts. Also, inside the building on one side it was discovered that the church floor was rebuilt at the time of the Ottomans (Tomičić et al. 2007: 4–5). Fig. 4 map of Croatia and bosnia in the 16th and 17th century (Omerbašić 2010: 208) The necessary existence of a religious object within the Fortress, primarily because of the army located there, suggests the fortress Szigetvár, where we can see the remains of the mosque of Sultan Süleyman. The conversion of Catholic churches into mosques is reported in an edict from 1568 for the town of Mohács. It is written that the settlement hasn’t got a 19 Geographic map is published in the book Omerbašić, Š. 2010, Islam i muslimani u Hrvatskoj, Mešihat islamske zajednice u Hrvatskoj, p. 208, the book doesn't mention the century the map is from. The map most likely wanted to show the number of Muslim population, because the town Osijek is shown with a smaller number of mosques, although it is known that it had more of them, like the town of Požega. 304 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A mosque and that the cost of construction is high, and that there is an abandoned church (Moačanin 2001: 69). This kind of conversion of a religious object into another religious object took place in the towns of Syrmia, Vojvodina and Slavonia.20 A fine example is Požega, where the Gothic church of St. Mary (nowadays St. Lawrence), became the first mosque of Sultan Süleyman; the church of St. Demetrie (nowadays All Saints), was the second emperor’s mosque Selim II (Uzelac 1994: 53), while Moačanin and Hafizović state that it belonged to Sultan Murat III (Moačanin 2001: 87; Hafizović 2016: 111, 154). Alterations also occurred in Petrovaradin, Mitrovica (Moačanin 2001: 83) and Bač, where the Franciscan church with the monastery complex was converted into a mosque and the tower of the church into the minaret (Fig. 5) (Špehar 2008: 13). Fig. 5 mihrab in the franciscan Church in bač (photo by A. rimpf 2016) Following the above, my opinion is that the first mosque in Ilok was the Gothic parish church of St. Peter and Paul the Apostles. Namely, the establishment of a mosque inside the Fortress as the first, most frequently imperial mosque, is a logical sequence of events, given that the army located in the Fortress should be provided with daily prayers. However, it doesn’t necessarily have to be raised by the sultan himself or under his authority, as is it the similar case in Požega. Fazileta Hafizović states that the two emperor mosques in Požega were appointed nominally on behalf of the emperor- sultan, and that the officers received timar for their service (Hafizović 2016: 46). The second mosque in Ilok, which is mentioned in the historical records, is the mosque of Gazi Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu, a prefect of Sanjak of Smederevo and beylerbey of Buda Vilayet. This mosque is also known as the Çarsi Mosque. Its possible location is in the area of the Orthodox Church of St. Archangel Michael which was built from 1798 to 180121 (Kozobarić 1909: 34, 40). The position of the mosque can be seen in Maximilian Prandstätter’s graphic from 1608, where the minaret and dome are depicted (Fig. 1: 2); in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687, according to Sébastien Le Clerc and Johanna Sibilla Küsela22, the mosque was depicted with a minaret23, dome and oriental windows (see Fig. 6: 1); in the N. F. Sparr’s view of Ilok in 1697 the minaret is seen in the background (Fig. 7: 1); in the painting The Tree of the Syrmia´s Saints by Ivan Filip Binder from 177724 where the position of the dome and the minaret of the mosque is visible in the background (Fig. 8: 1). In addition to visual and graphic displays, Evliya Çelebi also mentions the mosque in his trave20 The first mosque was often in the fort where it was not possible to accommodate other objects (see Moačanin 2001: 83). 21 Jovan Kozobarić states that the land for the construction of the baroque church was redeemed in 1796, see Kozobarić, J. 1909, Srpska pravoslavna crkva u Iloku, Srpski Manastir, Sremski Karlovci, 40. 22 I thank the Museum of Valpovo for the submitted graphic under the code no. MV-855. 23 The watercolour drawing shows the eastern side of the fort in the forefront, while in the background is a western side with the main entrance to the Fortress. 24 I thank Franciscan priest Ivica Jagodić from the parish of St. Filip and Jakov in Vukovar, who has given his permission for publication of parts of the painting from the parish collection. il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue 305 Fig. 6 A detail from the graphic battle at nagyharsány, according to Sébastien Le Clerc, Johanna Sibilla Küsela, from 1687, museum of Valpovo, inv. no. mV – 855 (recorded by m. barić 2015, edited by A. rimpf) logue while describing coffee rooms in the outer fortress in front of the Çarsi Mosque. In the following text, Çelebi describes the position of the mosque, calling it the Mehmed Bey’s Mosque and states that it is in Çarsi (Čelebija 1973: 523–524; Çelebi 2003: 54). Count Sigmund Joachim Trautmansdorff writes in his travelogue that on September 30, 1688, after a long march, he was accommodated in front of Ilok 25 in one Turkish mosque (Pickl 1972: 141). Fig. 7 A depiction of an army of eugen Savoy and Ilok, n. f. Sparr, from 1697, Archives of Ilok town museum (recorded and edited by A. rimpf 2015) The conclusion about the location of the mosque also indicates the proximity of found tombs and tombstones in the streets of Braća Đaković and Kralj Tomislav, which could have been a part of a cemetery. These streets are opposite of the Orthodox temple on its south side. In the newspapers Hrvatski list from 1957 Brlić writes about three graves with sitting deFig. 8 A painting of the tree of Syrmia’s Saints, by the author Ivan filip binder from 1777, the franciscian monastery in Vukovar, no inv. no. (recorded by I. Jagodić 2016, edited by A. rimpf) ceased and Turkish coins26 that were found in Ilok in the yard of Franjo Jarabek (Brlić 1957: 1). The existence of mezarlık or cemetery is also evidenced by protective archaeological excavation in 1975 in the street of O. Keršovani bb27, where a burial tomb was discovered inside the chamber. The deceased is oriented towards the southeast28 with stretched hands to the body, without grave findings (Gerik 1975: 1). 25 In front of Ilok can often be marked in front of the Fortress, so it is possible that it is precisely about this mosque. 26 Newspaper Hrvatski list no.70. from 11.03.1927. Family Jarabek lived in the street of Kralj Tomislav between no. 30 and 32. 27 Street O. Keršovani, renamed to Braća Đaković. The tomb was found in the garden of the house between the houses of the Miličević family and the Vlha family, today from no. 5 to no. 24. 28 The position of Mecca, looking from Ilok, is in the southeast. Also, the orientation of Muslim deceased is north-south with a mild deviation with head facing the holy city of Mecca. Graves most often don't have any archaeological findings. (see Rohn et al 2009: 513). 306 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A The second archaeological excavation in this area was conducted in Kralj Tomislav Street29 in 2000, where two nişans30 or tombstones were found. The headgears of tombstones had a form of wrinkled turbans made of limestone and marble. The mentioned forms belonged to male members of Ottoman society given the exact replica of their headgear (Mujezinović 1974: 128), i.e. the nişans of the landowners, prominent men and members of the guild (Nametak 1939: 24). As the tombstones middle part with the text is missing, it is impossible to tell the exact details about the deceased. The time of the construction of the mosque is unknown, but given the time of construction of the Imaret Mosque in Belgrade around 154031 (Fotić 2001: 441–442), it can be concluded that the mosque was built in the same decade, i.e. in the middle of the 16th century. The mosque was architecturally very similar to it and made in classical form: with cupolas and a dome covered with lead. Architecturally similar or identical mosques are Kasim Pasha’s Mosque in Pécs and Osijek (Minichreiter 1984: 53), Ibrahim Pasha’s Mosque in Đakovo (Papić, Valentić 1990: 45) and other mosques of that time which were constructed in Bosnia such as: Ali Pasha’s Mosque in Buna; Aladža in Foča; Jusuf Pasha’s Mosque in Maglaj, etc. (Ayverdi 1981: 77, 117, 223). Considering that the first reconstruction of the fortress was under the management of the Odescalchi family in 1721 and that the purchase of land for the new Orthodox temple was in 1796, the mosque may have been partially visible after 1688. From this it can be concluded that the mosque was at the entrance to Çarsi Street in the Upper Town and in the same or nearby place where now stands an Orthodox temple built in baroque form.32 The mosque was destroyed after the reconquest. The third mosque is the mosque of Arslan Bey Yahyapaşa - oğlu33. The position of this mosque is reported by Evliya Çelebi, who says that it is located at the very top of the same street (Çarsi) and that there is one fountain - çeşme in front of it, and with the old cemetery on the opposite side. From that cemetery downward it goes down to iskela34 (Čelebija 1973: 524; Çelebi 2003: 54). The testimonies of Çelebi’s statement and protective archaeological excavations carried out in Dr. Franjo Tuđman Street in 1974, house number 12, are pointing to the location of the cemetery. Namely, the headgear of the male tombstone made of green tuff and with a single wrinkle was found.35 Another confirmation of the statement is the protective archaeological excavation in 2015 when the remains of the watering place for the cattle from 19th century were discovered in this area, and two meters further in the east ruins of a 20th-century well were found (Rimpf 2015: 25–27). These architectural findings point to the position of the Ottoman fountain, which is mentioned in Çelebi’s Seyahatname. The fountain was probably altered and then removed, as it was the only watercourse in this area. Arslan Bey’s Mosque is also seen in the depiction of Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608 as the last in the sequence going west. The mosque was painted with a dome and a minaret (Fig. 1: 4), while on the left side of the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány in 1687 the minaret of the mosque can be seen near the mosque of Mehmed Bey, further west (Fig. 6: 3). According to the plan of De lineatio Geometrica et oppidi Ilok, described by Jovan Kozobarić, the first Orthodox temple was built in 1703 (Fig. 3: 1) (Kozobarić 1909: 26) at the crossing of the Main and Dunav Street. That is confirmed by the 1975 press release in which was written that the new road was made in 1972 and that the workers discovered stone remains of an old Orthodox temple on the corner of the Dunav Street and Maršal Tito Street at house number 36 (Barbarić 1975 a, b: 8).36 Namely, the old temple, as Kozobarić states, was built of bricks and covered with oak wood (Kozobarić 1909: 27). In addition to that, at the beginning of the 19th century, there were no houses from the crossings of these streets going west. My opinion is that the location of this mosque, according to the information mentioned here, is partly in Dr. Franjo 29 The archaeological excavation was carried out in 2000, according to the curator of the Ilok Town Museum, Ružica Černi. She received a call about a finding found during the excavation in depth of 2 m in front of the house number 20 of the mentioned street. In addition to these findings, Ivica Miletić, who lives in house number 18, mentioned in August 2016 that he found parts of human skeletons in the family garden and on the neighboring parcels of private houses. 30 For more about tombstones see Mujezinović, M. 1974, Islamska epigrafika u Bosni i Hercegovini, Book I, II, III, Knjižnica kulturnog naslijeđa "Veselin Masleša" Sarajevo. 31 The Syrmia County was under the rule of Mehmed around 1534 (Fotić 2001: 440). Mehmed Bey Yahyapaşa – oğlu built the Imaret Mosque and the surrounding mosque complex that was demolished in the late 19 th century. 32 An example of rebuilding on the same ancient sacred spaces is not unknown, it occurs much earlier in history. 33 Arslan Bey was the bey of the Sanjak Požega and Budim beylerbey until 1566 when he was killed. 34 tur. Iskele -kind of a river boat used for transporting passangers, vehicles and goods from one shore to another. 35 Turbans of green color were a status symbol and belonged to: imams; the manager of the guild and other high dignitaries. In the newspaper Iteks, Dragutin Barbarić writes that near the house number 13, Dunav Street, monuments from the old cemetery from the 17th century were found. (Barbarić 1975b: 8). For more about the look of dignitaries and ordinary citizens see Küçükyalçın 2015b. 36 Street of Maršal Tito is today the street of Dr. Franjo Tuđman and house number 36 is not at the crossroads of these two streets mentioned by Dragutin Barbarić, but number 16. il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue 307 Tuđman Street, between houses numbers 12 and 28, and on the corner of the Dunav Street. Also, the stone foundations discovered in 1972 could have belonged to this mosque. Terminus ante quem of its construction was in 1568 and it was later demolished or partially rebuilt in the period immediately after the entry of the Christian army in 1688 and the arrival of Orthodox inhabitants under Arsenij Čarnojević in 1699. The fourth mosque is the mosque of sakkabaş37 Mehmed Agha. This mosque is the only one with the exact known location today. In the description of the Fortress it is mentioned by Çelebi, which states that there are only two mosques in the city: one is the Süleyman Han Mosque and the other is the mosque of Mehmed Agha near the Ottoman bath. (Čelebija 1973: 524; Çelebi 2003: 54). Mehmed Agha can be found in the census of Syrmia Sanjak from 1568 of the Fortress. This mosque was the core of the quarter or mahalle that is listed in the census as Mehmed Agha’s quarter. (McGown 1983: 7–8). According to Nenad Moančanin it was built between 1580 and 1590 as a mescit (Moačanin 2001: 101). My opinion is that it couldn’t have been a mescit because architecturally it is a simple house, without domes and smaller dimensions, as it is depicted in images, graphics and ground penetrating radar survey. The building can be seen in all so far known art and graphic illustrations of Ilok: from Maximilian Prandstätter from 1608, where the minaret is visible inside the fortress near the castle of the dukes of Ilok (Fig. 1: 3); in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687, where the minaret of the mosque is visible right next to the court of the dukes of Ilok (Fig. 6: 2); on the ground floor of the Fortress made by Abbot Bonini in 1688, under the letter G, it is charted with its square shape with the indicated porch and dome and a nearby building can be seen (Fig. 9). The ground floor of the Spanish surveyors from 1690 shows a square shape with a porch and Ottoman mausoleum next to it (Fig. 10: 1); in the drawing of N.F. Sparr from 1687 (Fig. 7: 2) and the Schmalkalder’s drawing from 1698 the minaret of the mosque is visible by the court (Fig. 11: 1). The presence of the mosque next to the Odescalchi palace is best depicted in the painting of the Tree of Syrmia’s Saints, where the mosque is located in front of the renovated courtyard or the palace of the Odescalchi family, with a square shape, blue dome and a minaret (Fig. 8: 2). Fig. 9 A plan of Ilok fortress by Abbot bonini from 1689 (Horvat 2002: 196, fig.2) The ground penetrating radar survey38 of the outer courtyard of the Ilok Town Museum from 2006 recorded the shape of the mosque with the indicated partition as it is shown in the drawings. It is oriented in the direction of west - east, the main prayer room is located to the south - east, and the porch is in the west. The location of the minaret is not visible in the footage, only the indications of thickening of the walls that may represent the collapse on the south and east side of the walls. Therefore, future archaeological excavations should be based on two probes: the southern and eastern part, which would also identify the exact position of the minaret and establish the preservation of the connecting walls before the beginning of the systematic archaeological excavations. A small cemetery was also located in the courtyard of the mosque. During the decoration of the courtyard of the palace Odescalchi in 2010 in the part where the mosque was first identified, the humus layer was removed and the rectangular headgear of the male tombstone was found. It is made out of Macedonian marble, gradually narrowed at the 37 tur. sakkabaş, the first water carrier. By rank the second officer behind the janissary agha or the commander. Sak, tur. a barrel or some other vessel from which water is shared (Smojaković 2004: 135-136). Nenad Moačanin translates the word "sakaba" as a court cupbearer, for more see Moačanin 2001: 101. 38 The survey was carried out as part of the project Reconstruction and revitalization of cultural heritage Ilok - Vukovar - Vučedol. 308 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A Fig. 10 The ground floor of the Spanish surveyors from 1690, Archives of Ilok town museum (recorded by A. rimpf 2015) top and without its middle part. Although its appearance resembles Subaşı caps39, the caps of water-bearers40 are very similar. If the word sakkabaş is considered to be a label of janissary genus who were located in the fortress, it is possible that the building belonged to the sakkabaş Mehmed, who built a tomb, turbe41, in the circle of the mosque. The tombstone was probably inside the turbe and ended up in the middle of the mosque during its Fig. 11 Schmalkalder’s drawing of Ilok from 1688, Archive Ilok town museum (recorded by A. rimpf 2015) demolition and rebuilding of plateau of the Fortress in 1793. In addition to the tombstone, the foundation of a structure was found in the south side of the construction. It was most possibly a fence of the mosque complex or the wall of the mosque (Fig. 12). A possible part of mosque decoration could have also been a marble stone called levha42 (Fig. 13) with šahadā43, or the inscription of the First Pillar of Islam, which reads “There is no God except Allah, and I testify that Muhammad is the servant and the messenger.” The text was written in a calligraphic letter thuluth. The first part of the stone plate with the inscription is missing which can clearly be seen on the object in the upper perforation part where the two panels were joined. The inscription is vertical and reads from the top down. Such texts written in a calligraphic script were also used in architecture with the Qur’an āyät44, carved in the interior of the mosque near the door or at the mimber.45 The object was probably the part of the collection of the Odescalchi family who exhibited such items from Ilok in the palace.46 The aforementioned hypothesis about the location of the minaret of the 39 For more about turban forms see Küçükyalçın 2015.a, b; the definition seen in Šabanović, 1973; he states an explanation of the word Subaşı in the meaning of the deputy of Sanjak bey. On the other hand, with the establishment of the ziamet, every ziam would have received a title of Subaşı, which would perhaps be more appropriate for Ilok. 40 For more about turban see Vingopoulou 2014a, b. 41 The turbe - mausoleum consists of four square columns ending with an oriental arch and a cupola made of gable tile, oriented in the direction of Mecca, S-E. The building was built alternately by stacking stones and bricks. The mausoleum from Ilok belongs to the second type (Redžić 1982: 81). Namely, according to the 1930 photographs, the mausoleum is decorated with arabesque in the upper wreath which were plastered during the restorations in 1951 and 1957 (see Horvat 1956, Ministry of Culture - Ministry of Cultural Heritage / Central Archives MK-UZKB / SA-ZDE item no. 1820). Since the conservation works on hammam - bath were carried out from 2011 to 2013 and two overlapping layers were found on the inner walls, and the layer with the arabesque represents the second phase of reconstruction in the first decade of the 17th century (Škarpa Dubreta 2012: 55), second renovation of the hammam could be tied to the time of the construction of the turbe. Its architecture is very similar to the turbe of Lala Şahin Pasha from the 14th century located in Kazanlak in Bulgaria; Oruç Pasha turbe in Didymoteicho, Greece; turbe in Alifakovac cemetery in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and one near Sinan's tekke in Sarajevo. 42 Levha is a part of a square-shaped stone column, according to the owner of an antique store in Osijek, Zoran Baloban, and it originated from Ilok. It was purchased by the Museum of Slavonia in Osijek in 2009, inv. no. MSO-168922, Collection of Sculptures and Inscriptions. Levha is given as a permanent loan to Ilok Town Museum in 2010. 43 ar. šahadā, a document. 44 ar. āyät, one of 6219 phrases or verses of which the Qur'an consists. 45 I thank the retired Mufti Ševko Omerbašić for the information on the placement of the levha within religious buildings. 46 The items from the palace were taken from 1944 to 1946 and sent to Belgrade, Novi Sad and Osijek. A part of the collection was taken by the locals, although in 1955 they were ordered to return the items to Ilok in the organization of the Ilok Municipal Museum and Ilok Municipality (see Turina 1956, Ministry of Culture - Directorate for the Protection of Cultural Heritage archive MK-UZKB / SA-TOZ, Tvrđava općina Ilok). Only a small number of items were eventually returned to Ilok. il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue 309 Fig. 12 A decoration of the exterior courtyard of the Odescalchi palace with visible foundations of the walls (photo by m. Soldo 2010) mosque, its appearance, the way of construction and the person who was buried in the mausoleum, will substantiate for further archaeological excavations. The fifth mentioned mosque belongs to Gazi Turali Bey, who conquered Ilok along with Gazi Hüsrev Bey and Malkoçoğlu Bali Bey. He was also a bey in numerous sanjaks and, among other things, bey of Sanjak of Smederevo, to which Ilok was annexed in the early phase of Ottoman rule. According to his vakif nami or waqf, he built a mosque in Ilok and ten shops which he incorporated in waqf before his death in 1572, when Ilok also had an independent manager - a muteveli. It was determined that four officers: hâtib, imam and two muezzins - muezzin, will perform eight services in the Ilok mosque. Muteveli was also the chief clerk, and the first service was served by Süleyman, son of Ishak, a resident of the Fortress. The total amount of money spent on maintaining the mosque was 24 dirhams a day (Korkut 1963: 97; Bašić 2012: 165). The list of Ilok from 1579 from the Lower Town mentions one imam and muezzin (McGown 1983: 8). The drawing of the mosque in Lower Town can only be seen in a graphic called The Liberation of Ilok from 1688 (Fig. 2: 3). The construction is visible underneath the fortress in the southeast side with oriental windows, a dome and a crescent moon on the top. Since no traveller mentions this mosque, and especially Evliya Çelebi who writes about the mosques of the Upper Town and lists the objects in the Lower Town47, the location of the mosque should be sought in that part of today’s city. Namely, the Lower Town then represented a craft and trade part of the city. Given the aforementioned number of the stores included in waqf, comparing with the photos of Ilok from the 20th century (Fig. 14), finding brick architecture in 2003/200448 on the Križni put Square, and location of the Ottoman period fountains and the natural springs of water49, it can be determined that the remains of the mosque are in the area of Julije Benešić Street Fig. 13 marble levha, Ilok town museum (museum of Slavonia in Osijek), inv. no. mSO – 168922 (photo by m. topić 2012) 47 The conclusion is that Çelebi was never in the Lower Town since he only gives detailed description of the constructions in the Fortress and Upper Town. In the part of the text about the Lower Town he only gives a list of buildings. 48 The curator of the Ilok Town Museum, Ružica Černi, states that the entire square was dug up in 2003/2004 and the walls of brick were found, but since archaeological supervision was not regulated and post-war reconstruction of Ilok was underway, archaeology was not included in the project. 49 The highest concentration of water springs and fountains is precisely in that part of the Lower Town. 310 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A Fig. 14 Ilok. upper and Lower town, 1930, Ilok town museum, inv. no. rd – 9 (recorded by r. Černi 2014) towards Križni put Square. Based on the above mentioned data, the mosque was probably built before the middle of the 16th century and was destroyed no later than 1688. The sixth mosque mentioned by Çelebi is the Küçük Mehmed Bey Mosque. It is located on the way to the Danube and in the close range from Arslan Bey’s Mosque (Čelebija 1973: 524; Çelebi 2003: 54). The road that Çelebi mentions leads towards Turkish iskele stretching along the Danube and Danube backwater, called the Great and Small iskele. The graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány from 1687 depicts Ilok with five mosques and it is possible that one of the two minarets on the right side of the graphic belongs to Küçük Mehmed Bey Mosque (Fig. 6). Nenad Moačanin states that at least one mosque is likely to be erected until Çelebi’s time, regardless of the increase in the population (Moačanin 2001: 101) and no later than 1664. Namely, in the area of Vodocrpilište in Ribarska Street in 2002, parts of several skeletal burials were discovered50, some of which were interlaced,51 and they probably belonged to a small cemetery beside a religious object within the settlement. In addition to this, the site of the settlement can also be confirmed by the existence of an Ottoman fountain, which was redesigned in the 19th century. The archaeological remains of the mosque are not visible today since the area is covered with high vegetation, but I think its location is on the part of the Small iskele where the natural high ground is located. The seventh mosque, referred under that name by Nenad Moačanin, is the mosque of çavuş Mustafa. The mosque emerged as the center of mahalle of the same name until 1595 (Moačanin 2001: 87), while Çelebi has mentioned the mosque as a mescid on the way to iskele (Çelebi 2003: 54). The archaeological remains of this building and its possible location for the time being remain unknown, due to the poor archaeological excavations of the Upper Town of Ilok. It is also possible that, the same as the previous mosque, one of the minaret in the graphic of Battle at Nagyharsány may perhaps belong to the mosque of çavuş Mustafa (Fig. 6: 15). reconStrUction of MeHMed aGHa MoSqUe in iloK The ideal reconstruction can be carried out as an educational display of a particular space or building assembly, or as an initial analysis of spatial possibilities. Those possibilities, in a given space or within specific spatial parameters, provide 50 On that occasion, the curator of the Vukovar Municipal Museum, Mirela Hutinec and the archaeologist of the Conservation Department in Osijek, Vesna Kezunović, came to the field and noticed in the southern and eastern profile of the excavation parts of skeletons, completely and partially preserved with the hands on the pelvis. In the following days it is stated that nothing else was found during the excavation, and the supervision was taken over by the Vukovar Municipal Museum (Hutinec 2002: 1). It is important to mention that that area is a part of the settlement that has continuity to this date, so the attention should be paid to future agricultural works on that location. 51 According to Branimir Vrbanac, a resident of Ilok, landowners in Ribarska Street, near Vodocrpilište, going westward, during orchard plantation works came across ceramic pots and stove tiles. He states that pottery can be found throughout the length of a small high ground above the Danube. il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue Fig. 15 311 topographic location of the mosques (source: https://geoportal.dgu.hr/; edited by A. rimpf 2016) us with the possibility to explore planning further research (as it is the case here). In our case, the ideal reconstruction is there to explore and possibly confirm the disposition of a particular structure within the overall spatial structure (in this case, the assembly of the Ilok Fortress), and also to clear the possible relationship it had with respect to the other buildings that have been so far inscribed within the observed spatial unit. The ideal reconstruction, along with its pragmatic research reasons, also presents a clear educational message at the same time, i.e. its visual reconstruction represents a clear initial idea of the building to professionals, on the one hand, and to the general public on the other. Such visualization presented to the experts provides an opportunity to clear the existing hypotheses or to define some new. For the non-professional people, or the general public, it can represent the personification of complex spatial relationships and historical changes through time in a given space, that are for that audience difficult to understand from the technical drawings and descriptions. In the case of Ilok, the ideal reconstruction was initiated precisely for the purpose of checking and defining parameters for future research, but also as an educational contribution to the perception of the complex and layered urban history of the medieval town. In that respect the procedure that was carried out included a few features that have to be mention. The procedure that precedes each reconstruction is collecting and analyzing available data. In the case of a former Mehmed Agha Mosque, data on its former position was preserved in both written and graphic historical sources, as well as observation of the site itself, proved and fully confirmed by field observation and by geophysical methods. An examination of the available historical materials (illustration or various records) was initially carried out and through field sighting it was confirmed by visual inspection of the site, where parts of the former walls or foundations were visible due to different grass pigmentation in the observed area. The confirmation and collection of additional data was carried out in the next step, by using the non-invasive geophysical survey. It was carried out in 2006 and 2007 on the site of the entire fort in Ilok. That survey fully recognized and affirmed the position and the basic dimension of the foundation construction and the position of the former building walls. In conjunction with the information from the written sources and some preserved historic illustrations, it can be concluded that the mosque belonged to Mehmed Agha. The ground penetrating radar survey confirmed the position, organization and dimensions of the building with a quadratic base and a specific portico as a significant and in foundation preserved example of Ottoman architecture, positioned close to the preserved turbe, i.e. mausoleum of the Ottoman dignitary, east of the Odescalchi castle. The ground penetrating radar survey defined the basic dimensions for the reconstruction of the building as well as 312 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A indications for the disposal of the main building elements. Therefore, the dimensions of the Mehmed Agha Mosque show a building defined by an elongated rectangle whose main axis extends in the east - west direction with the length of this rectangle of about 14 meters, and with the width of more than 8 meters. The geophysical research confirmed, together with the total of the visually accessible spatial contours, the quadratic base of the main space that had the quadrant dimensions of about 8 and a half meters (it can be assumed to be a prayer space), together with the portico that goes outside of a quadratic floor plan about 6 meters to the west (Fig.16). Fig. 16 A photograph of the yard (and detail) of ancient Ilok fortress where different grassland pigmentation areas are observed as the correct contours of the former mehmed Agha mosque (photo by A. rimpf 2016, edited by d. Arbutina) The visualization of the conceptual reconstruction was initially based on the data of the ground penetrating radar survey. It was from the presentation of those findings that the raster of the basic floor plan and the basic dimensions of the building had been defined. The basic spatial layout and construction features had been further defined on the basis of analogy with the respective construction practice within the area connected to the Ottoman Empire together with the time frame within the original building was erected. In the case of the Mehmed Agha Mosque preserved structures of a similar type had been placed on the territory of the western provinces of the former Ottoman Empire from 16th to the end of 18th century (Fig. 17 and 18). For the definition of basic spatial elements, all involving basic dimensions of spaces or constructive elements, it is necessary to study the basic characteristics of the Ottoman architecture of the observed period (the 16th century), especially in the area of the western provinces of the Empire. In these provinces, the largest occupied mosques were erected within the borders of Croatia (i.e. Slavonia, where one of the partially preserved examples is in Đakovo, while the other is in Dalmatia, Klis) and Hungary (where the most important examples are in Pécs or Szigetvár). The features of these and the examples of similar structures built in other parts of the Western Ottoman provinces, especially those in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the most numerous and most respected, are almost all based on a spatial concept that impressed the Ottomans after the occupation of Constantinople, the great Byzantine Hagia Sophia52 (Fig.19). 52 Hagia Sophia and its spatial and constructive concept are characterized by a central spatial composition with a dome placed on the many windows dematerialized tambour. Special constructive feature of the building is the way of securing the transition from the quadratic base of the ground floor to the circular base for the tambour. It means that base of a dome rests on the circular base of the tambour lying on the segments of spherical surface planes that ensure the transition from the quadratic shape of the floor plan to the circular tambour shape. In this example on its longitudinal sides it was supported and spatially extended with the semi-domes. Those semi-domes provided significant both structural and spatial effect with supporting the tamboured structure and the central dome itself. For the first time, the necessary continuous support for the construction of the tambour was provided with the parts of the spherical elements, or the pendentives. Those are constructed to ensure the geometrical transition from the quadratic to the circular base together with the enabling the overall stability of the dome itself and the entire building. It also created one of the most important elements for the dematerialized definition of the interior space, but also the exterior of the building. il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue 313 Fig. 17 The situation of the ground penetrating radar survey conducted in Ilok fortress in 2006 and 2007, where the former mosque of mehmed Agha was detected in the part of the display marked “Obm 1”., digital Archive Ilok town museum, (recorded by b. mušič, J. Soklic 2007) Fig. 18 Analytical View of the ground penetrating radar survey results, digital Archive Ilok town museum (recorded by b. mušič 2006) In the case of Islamic architecture on the territory of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Hungary, as well as in other Balkan countries that were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire during the 15th and 16th centuries, the construction of Islamic places of worship was largely defined by a typological determinant described by central spatial disposition. It that disposition the principle of the mosque organization is with the main prayer space defined as a unique spatial unit under 314 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A Fig. 19 A schematic representation of a constructive problem of transition from a quadratic base to an octagonal or circular drum and, ultimately, to a semispherical dome (drawing by d. Arbutina 2016) Fig. 20 A schematic representation of a pendental structure that provides a transition to the circular base. Structure of a tambour that carries a dome and it transition from a quadratic base (similar to that of Hagia Sophia). A construction showing a quadratic base around which the base of the sphere is depicted, and the cross-section of sphere together with the cubes that provides the organization of a constructive assembly for the octagonal tambours and semi-spherical domes (drawing by d. Arbutina 2016) the dome, located on the tambour of the circular or octagonal floor plan with the portico in front and often some additional structures (as fountain) and spaces around or in the vicinity of the main structure. The central spatial concept was taken over from Byzantine architectural practice and within the construction of Ottoman mosques it is adapted to specific Islamic religious requirements and local technical and financial capabilities. The examples of single-space mosque based on a quadratic ground plan, with the central prayer room, had the dome constructed in two specific ways. In both technically demanding construction possibilities, the basic idea is in using the geometry related to the Constantinople church of Hagia Sophia in a way that enables the positioning of the semi-spherical dome over the quadratic base. In one technical possibility specific transition from the quadratic base of the basic space to the circular base of the tambour was resolved by the pendentives53 (Fig.20). The other construction option was to use the trompe since this constructive procedure was less technically demanding, but spatially less impressive.54 In the areas of Hungary, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Serbia and Macedonia, the most common way to solve the transition from the quadratic to the octagonal base was with the squinches. Numerous examples of larger or smaller mosques were built in those areas with ground plan dimensions based on the quadratic of 7, 5 meters in one respect to over 20 meters in the other. In most of those examples the transition from the quadratic base to the octagonal 53 The pendentives are spherical surface planes formed by a cross-section of semi-spherical and cubic structures. 54 Squinches are constructions that are carried out at the corners of the quadratic base of central structures to provide a continuous support of circular or octagonal tambours as the base of the semi-spherical dome. Squinches, as constructive elements, can be constructed as a series of arches, i.e. a vault that connects the junctions of the walls in the quadratic base, and thus creates a proper octagon base on which the octagonal tambours are built within the quadratic floor surface planes, all as a basis for a semi-spherical construction of a dome. il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue 315 tambour stands for the semi-spherical dome done by using the squiches. Among those examples, we can mention one partially preserved in Croatia as part of the Ibrahim Pasha Mosque in Ðakovo, today as the Catholic Church of All Saints. 55 Many more are preserved in Bosnia and Herzegovina, with selection that includes the Aladža Mosque in Foèa56, Ali-Pasha Rizvanbegoviæ Mosque in Buni57, Koski Mehmed Pasha Mosque in Mostar58, as well as the Karagöz Bey Mosque in Mostar, and Kalavun Jusuf Pasha Mosque in Maglaj59. Within Macedonia it is worth to mention Ishak Çelebi Mosque and Yeni Cami in Bitola60, as well as Ahmed Pasha Mosque in Kyustendil, Bulgaria61. The interesting and remarkably preserved examples are also in Hungary, and those include Gazi Kasim Pasha Mosque and Jakovali Hassan Pasha Mosque in Pécs, and Ali Pasha’s Mosque in Szigetvár. Jakovali Hassan Pasha Mosque in Pécs, with its basic plan view, possibly with constructive solutions and together with the time of its emergence (according to some sources it is the second half of the 16th century,62 or according to other interpretations near the first quarter of the 17th century63) can greatly serve as a model when considering possible overall appearance of the Mehmed Agha Mosque in Ilok.64 The mosques in the territory of Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Hungary and other Balkan countries were most often the vanguard structures of local dignitaries, which were also considerably smaller than the buildings under the patronage of the ruler’s family. In those cases, their dimensions represent the proper economic status of these individuals in the empire in juxtaposition to the ruler, or the Sultan himself. Those structures are therefore indicator of overall position of Fig. 21 A schematic representation of the Ali-Pasha rizvanbegović mosque in buna (drawing by d. Arbutina 2016) 55 For more see Karač 2015: 96–104. 56 The Aladža Mosque in Foča is an example where, in addition to the construction of dome on the squinches, it is worth highlighting the double porch in front of the main prayer room. Three segments on the porch that are next to the main mosque space are covered with domes, while the outer field is solved as a single-roofed structure. 57 Ali Pasha Rizvanbegović's Mosque is seen externally by the elements of the construction of the building, which include the squinches and the octagonal tambour of the dome, which fully coincides with the dimensions of the external walls on the quadratic base. 58 The Koski Mehmed Pasha Mosque in Mostar shows the construction of the dome on squinches and a double porch in front of the main prayer area, where the three segments of the porch along the main mosque are covered with domes, while the outer field is solved as a single-roofed structure. 59 The mosque in Maglaj has an octogonal tambour of a slightly reduced dimension and slightly engraved with respect to the surfaces of its quadratic base, but here, on the outside, is the visible foundation of the structure of the squinches which ensures the transition from quadratic to octagonal basis. 60 The Yeni Cami Mosque in Bitola is an example of a quadratic-sized mosque of about 20 meters, but also a double, but closed, two-rowed with threedome ceiling structures. 61 The specificity of this small mosque is in the position of the minaret, which is part of a double porch covered with three cupolas. In this case the field of the porch closer to the main prayer area is closed, and beside it is a position for a minaret (not adjacent to the main cube of the building, i.e. connected to the walls of the main prayer area, and unfortunately destroyed in the earthquake at the beginning of the 20 th century). In this and similar cases some of these peculiarities may be the consequence of the special construction circumstances. Those could be defined by the 15th-century construction of the mosque on the foundations of the former church, i.e. the complex of antique baths, as well as the alterations and upgrades undertaken during the time (in this example during the last quarter of the 16th century and also during the 18th century). The proper cube (almost cube) of this mosque, and the octagonal tambour, show the direction in which the architecture of the smaller Islamic places of worship will be developed and spread throughout the western provinces of the Ottoman Empire. 62 For more see Gerő 1976. 63 For more see Sudár 2009: 398–406. 64 An interesting interpretation of the work of Sudar, B. 2009, where in his work "Who was Hasan-pasha Jakovali?" he explains the thesis that the relationship can be between the mosque in Pécs and the mosque in Đakovo. In that thesis the connection is the same family that is related to both of the towns, which is the family of Memi-pasha, who owned Đakovo and who had his main possessions in this Croatian town. During the same time the service of family members within the Empire led those persons to Pécs where they erected some buildings that are preserved up to this day. 316 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A Fig. 22 A drawing of Kalavun Jusuf Pasha’s mo- Fig. 23 Ishak Çelebi mosque mosque in bito- Fig. 24 Yeni Cami mosque, bitola, macedosque in maglaj (drawing by d. Arbutina nia (drawing by Arbutina, d. 2016) la, macedonia (drawing by d. Arbutina 2016) 2016) Fig. 27 Ahmed Pasha’s mosque in Kyustendil, bulgaria (drawing by d. Arbutina 2016) Fig. 25 The Hassan Pasha’s mosque in Pécs. The layout of Jakovali Hassan Pasha’s mosque in Pécs (according to the plans of G. Gerő 1976: 20, fig. V; drawing by d. Fig. 26 A cross-section and ground plan of Arbutina 2016) Koski mehmed Pasha mosque in mostar (in accordance with the designs of Ayverdi, e. H et al. 1981: 234, r 373 – 374; drawing by d. Arbutina 2016) il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue 317 Fig. 28 A section and floor plan of Aladža mosque in foča (drawing by d. Arbutina 2016) certain areas within the state that include their political and economic status within the Ottoman Empire (Fig.21 –28). Such structures were defined by their typology in a way that included the following features: • In principle, the mosques were built as the central spatial organization buildings. • They are designed with, usually, quadratic base of the ground floor plan for the main prayer area, and only exceptionally rare with octagonal ground floor plan. • The dimensions of the ground floor plan of the main spatial unit were from about 7x7 meters to more than 20x20 meters. • As spatial structures, the mosques in western Ottoman provinces were often mono-spatial structures (i.e. the main prayer room is a separate spatial entity) with the dome that rises above the main prayer area. • The basic volume of the main prayer space is the cube, while the octagonal or circular tambours are raised over it, and on those tambours, that serve as a transitional structure from the quadratic bases, semi-spherical domes were built. Domes of the mosques were sometimes hidden within the wooden structure of the roof, but more often seen as proper and dominant structures in perception of the whole building. • Along with the basic volume, the porch was placed in front of the main structure. It was often constructed as adjunct structure that has been covered with multiple cupolas, often with the one or two rows of triple cupolas that made the ceiling structure of the porch. In that respect the porch, as a spatial construction, is often a single- or double-row structure, where the space underneath is solved with sequences covered by three cupolas in a row. A certain small number of mosques erected in the middle of the 16th century had the porch that was done as a double-row structure, where it was possible to build two sequences of three cupolas, i.e. to construct the second sequence of the porch as a space covered with a beveled roof65. A rather small number of examples were built as mosques without dome, with the main prayer room covered with a flat wooden ceiling or a hidden wooden dome inside the roof structure. • Along with all the mosques, the minaret was almost always built as a structure connected with the main building, as a circular base, high-end elegant tower. The most examples of minarets are exceptionally slim and tall, with a conical top (roof cap) at its top, although there are examples of such structures that resemble church towers, or are built not as separate structures but as wooden constructions that are specifically raised from the main cubic building. The above mentioned parameters for the definition of spatial, functional and constructive analogy together with the data of geophysical research, defined the parameters for the ideal reconstruction of the basic visual elements in the exterior of the Mehmed Agha Mosque in Ilok.66 Those parameters in connection with analyzed certain historical sources (written sources, as well as illustrations) defined the basis for reconstruction that, in that respect, had the following initial elements: 65 According to the analysis presented in Pašić, Amir (1994), Islamic architecture in Bosnia and Herzegovina, it is considered that the Karagöz Bey Mosque in Mostar, with a double porch, is the work of mimar Sinan, all based on the analogies of mosques built in other places. Those include mosques built in Űskudara (Mihrimah Sultan Mosque built in 1548), Tekirdag (Rustem Pasha Mosque from 1553), an example of the Mostar Mosque from 1557, Tahtakale in Istanbul (Rustem Pasha's Mosque from 1562) or Istanbul (Atik Valide Sultan Mosque from 1583). 66 The interior reconstruction is also possible at the level of hypothetical processing using the analogy of defined formatting elements from some existing structures of similar origin, time and place. In respect to the exterior, decorating and interior decoration themselves are more connected to the speculative nature of possible reconstruction than basic external shapes and constructions. It is because interior decoration depends significantly on the slightest change in factors affecting the overall financial strength of the one that drives the construction process but also in terms of available materials and workforce, where each of these parameters can produce dramatically different results in synergy between themselves, even at the seemingly same starting conditions. 318 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A • The rectangular basis of the entire structure with total dimensions of the foundation, which is about 14 meters in length and over 8 meters in width. • Within the overall structure the basis of the main prayer area is the quadratic based floor plan element, with side of the quadratic dimension of about 8 and a half meters. • The structure of the semi-spherical dome was probably on octagonal tambour that has the squinches to enable transition from quadratic base to the octagonal structure of the tambour. • The height of the main prayer room walls was possibly and approximately equal to the width of the floor plan base of the main prayer area to form the cube as a basic spatial unit of the mosque. This ideal reconstruction, as a procedure, analyzed the data of geophysical research, and based on them and presented analogy, it defined the possible disposition of the structures and spaces. The process is, thus, defined as an analytical speculation, in such respect that results have to provide the programme for further research, while some parts of the process need to be verified by conducting specific archaeological researches as well. It is, therefore, essential that we consider the process of ideal reconstruction in this (and not only this example), not as a final and only presentation of fully conclusive results, but as an important part of the research processes. The process, which will be further carried out with the future discoveries, should be verified with a concrete archaeological research, as well as a detailed analysis and interpretation of all of the possible results from such researches (Fig. 29). Fig. 29 The results of the ground penetrating radar surveyon the site of the fort in Ilok, digital Archive Ilok town museum (recorded by b. mušič 2006) If the basic dimensions and survey data overlap with the analogy of the prepared spatial and constructive dispositions from the examples from the similar area, then the reconstruction will be carried out. It means that central space under the octagonal tambour and the proper dome dimensions could be defined, but in the definition of the porch and its structure some intriguing aspects still exist. It means that information from the surveying of the site defined the possible structure of the basic foundation strip at a distance of 290 cm from the base of the main prayer room, what is one-third of the dimension of the side of the main prayer area base, but also the approximate dimension of the 10 Roman feet (Fig. 29 and 30). This together with another strip of foundations further away can suggest specific way of construction and structure for the porch. It means that the foundation in front of the main prayer area has the dimension that significantly exceeds the usual depth of a single row of the porch ceiling. It that respect, there is position to conclude that in the case of the Mehmed Agha Mosque double porch was built on the west side of the building. It is also possible to assume that one row with three cupolas was probably built close to the entrance to the main prayer area, while the exterior of the outer row is open to the further consideration. It is, therefore, necessary to plan the verification and confirmation of the hypothesis after the implementation of archaeological research (Fig. 31). What is left as a significant unknown feature is also the position of the minaret. It is the position of the minaret on the building itself that raises the question. Within the geophysical research there is no notice of the reinforcement of the foundation for the possible structure, while the pictorial records of the city from the time when the mosque existed show the minaret as visible structure, but there are no material remains present. According to the analogy with other examples of such architecture from the time when the mosque of Mehmed Agha was supposedly constructed, and analogies with the mosques in other locations across the western provinces of the Otto- il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue 319 Fig. 30 An analytical overview of the basic configuration for the reconstructed mosque showing a one version of the positioning of the porch (reconstruction and visualization by d. Arbutina 2016) Fig. 31 A three -variants perspective of pedestrian views that were considered during work on an ideal reconstruction (reconstruction and visualization by d. Arbutina 2016) Fig. 32 A display of a possible minaret location next to the building. The first version is located next to the main prayer room, while the other can be speculated as one of the possibilities, on the basis of the geophysical survey, since a substantial quadratic underground foundation structure is detected along the mosque with dimension of about 3 meters, almost like the module of 10 roman feet, i.e. about 290 cm (drawing and visualization by d. Arbutina 2016) 320 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A man Empire, it is possible to suggest that mosque had the minaret close to the main prayer area, beside the porch or close to the main structure somewhere else. The location of the minaret based on the present data can only be defined on the level of designed speculation. According to the data now available, it is possible to consider two possible locations. The first one is next to the southern wall of the main prayer area (possibly the southwestern corner of the ground floor), where detailed archaeological research should be used to verify any reinforcement of the foundation. The second possibility, unpopular and unusual, is the location of a minaret dislocated from the main building, on the eastern side of the mosque, since the geophysical survey shows some structure with the quadratic base (the assumed foundation) of side dimensions about around 3 meters and assuming in that way the possibility for the minaret to be on that side (Fig. 32). There is an opportunity with this ideal reconstruction to define the plan and programme of the further research, especially to plan further archaeological excavations. Those plans will consider excavations of the structures around or to the east of the main building for possible examination, at first in conjunction to the possible minaret position. In that respect, the ideal reconstruction, together with the final photo-montage of visualized building concepts, defines the basis for launching possible further researches, both archaeological and structural, and further more presents one of significant elements within the spatial structure of the Ilok fortress in the second half of the 16th century, during the Ottoman rule (Fig. 33 –35). Translation: Renata Šućurović, Dražen Arbutina Proofreading: Adrijana Roždijevac Fig. 33 A visualization and photomontage of the mehmed, Agha mosque with a minaret on the southern side of the main prayer area (reconstruction and visualization by d. Arbutina 2016) il o k o t t o m A n mo s q ue s A nd ide A l re c o n s t ru c t i o n o f m e hme d A gh A m o s q ue 321 Fig. 34 A visualization and photomontage of the mehmed Agha mosque with a minaret on the outskirts of the main prayer area (reconstruction and visualization by d. Arbutina 2016) Fig. 35 A visualization and photomontage of the mehmed Agha mosque with a minaret on the eastern side of the main prayer area (reconstruction and visualization by d. Arbutina 2016) Andrea Rimpf Ilok Town Museum Šetalište oca Mladena Barbarića 5 HR-32236 Ilok andrearimpf@yahoo.com Dražen Arbutina Zagreb University of Applied Sciences Av. V. Holjevca 15 HR-10000 Zagreb darbutina@tvz.hr 322 A ndre A rimp f, d r A ž e n A rb u t in A BiBlioGr apHY Andrejević, A. 1984, Islamska monumentalna umetnost XVI veka u Jugoslaviji, Institut za istoriju umetnosti Filozofskog fakulteta Beograd; Balkanološki institut SANU, Beograd. Andrić, S. 2001, Potonuli svijet, Rasprave o slavonskom i srijemskom srednjovjekovlju, Hrvatski institut za povijest – Podružnica za povijest Slavonije, Srijema i Baranje, Slavonski Brod. Anić, V. (ed.), 2002, Hrvatski enciklopedijski rječnik, Novi Libre, Zagreb. 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