REVUE INTERNATIONALE DES DROITS DE L’ANTIQUITÉ 63 2016 (Anciens) Directeurs de la RIDA Fernand de visscher (1952-1964), Jacques pirenne (1952-1964), lucien Caes (1965-1977), rené dekkers (1965-1976), roger Henrion (1965-1988), Maurice Michaux (1965-1985), aristide héodoridès (1978-1994), Jacques Henri Michel (1986-2012), roger vigneron (1989-2002), Huguette Jones (1997-), Jean-François gerkens (2003-), gilbert Hanard (2011-). Rédacteur en chef Jean-François gerkens, rue du Xiii août 89, Be – 4050 Chaudfontaine Comité de rédaction alonso (J.l.), paseo Manuel de lardizábal 2, es – 20018 san sebastián ankum (J.a.), Kennemerweg 24 (app. 21), nl – 2061 JH Bloemendaal Cascione (C.), via aniello Falcone 376, it – 80127 napoli Chevreau (e.), 53, rue de l’amiral Mouchez, Fr – 75013 paris démare-lafont (s.), 12, place du panthéon, Fr – 75005 paris dimopoulou (a.), rue akadimias 45, el – 10672 athènes Famerie (e.), place du 20 août 7, Be – 4000 liège Masi doria (C.), via niccolò tommaseo 2, it– 80121 napoli Modrzejewski (J.), 7, allée des Mouille-Bœufs, Fr – 92290 Châtenay pichonnaz (p.), Beauregard 11, CH – 1700 Fribourg pugsley (d.), rockhaven, st. george’s Well, Cullompton, devon, uK – eX 15 1ar ruelle (a.), Boulevard du Jardin Botanique 23, Be – 1000 Bruxelles rüfner (h.), universität trier, de – 54286 trier urbanik (J.), Jaracza 3/10, pl – 00-378 varsovie Wallinga (t.), sint Jacobsplaats 132, nl – 3011 dd rotterdam Envoi de manuscrits Jean-François gerkens, université de liège Quartier agora, place des Orateurs 1 Bâtiment B33 (boîte 11), Be – 4000 liège jf.gerkens@ulg.ac.be Difusion et vente Editions De Boccard 4, rue de lanneau, Fr - 75005 paris (France) tél. +33 1 43 26 00 37 / Fax +33 1 43 54 85 83 / http://www.deboccard.com information, abonnement et commandes : orders@deboccard.com Table des matières Éditorial, par Jean-François Gerkens .........................................................................7 Droit des papyrus Lothar Thüngen, Neuedition von PL II/38 aus einem griechischen Index zu Papinians libri deinitionum ............................................................9 Droit chinois Geofrey MacCormack, Physical Injury and Insult in Early Chinese Law with Comparative Annotations from Other Early Laws .....................43 Droit romain Carlos Amunategui, Market and Ownership in Iron Age Latium ..................79 Maria Vittoria Bramante, A proposito di D.12.1.3 (Pomp. 27 ad Sab.): per una interpretazione del concetto di bonitas ...............................109 Rachele Hassan, Bees, Slaves, Emperors, Tyrants: Metaphors of Constitutional Change in Rome Between the Republic and the Principate ........................................................................................................143 Aldona Rita Jurewicz, Bürgschat eines Sklaven für seine Herrin? Bemerkungen zur idepromissio servi in TP. 59 (=TPSulp. 58=TPN 48) ..................................................................................161 Carmen Lázaro Guillamon, El silencio del demandado en el proceso civil: aproximación histórico-crítica al aforismo “quien calla, otorga” ...................................................................................................177 Lyuba Radulova, Iura sepulcrorum nella Moesia Inferior: la realizzazione di un fenomeno romano in un ambito greco-trace .............197 Carlos Sardinha, Rechtsvergleichendes zur Sicherungsübereignung in der antiken Vertragspraxis ......................................................................213 Jop Spruit, Aulus Gellius als Richter. Eine Betrachtung zu Gellius, Noctes Atticae XIV, 2 ....................................................................................227 Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 63 (2016) 6 Table des matières Droit byzantin Marko Petrak, Nobile hoc Romani Imperii monumentum: Laudes imperiales in Byzantine Dalmatia ..................................................263 Droit romain aux temps modernes Osvaldo Sacchi, La regula iuris e i casi perplexi di Leibniz: algoritmo di buona decisione o presidio di verità nel diritto? ...................279 Ipek Sogut, Precautions against interventions creating environmental efects in Roman Law and its relection of Turkish Law ...............311 Chroniques Procès verbal du Xe prix Boulvert ........................................................................327 Jean-François Gerkens, La SIHDA à Paris .......................................................335 Ouvrages reçus par la direction ...........................................................................379 Éditorial Jean-François Gerkens Voici déjà le troisième volume de la RIDA dans son nouvel emballage… auquel nous espérons que les lecteurs se sont désormais habitués. Après un numéro 62 (en hommage à Jacques Henri Michel) inalement paru en janvier 2017, cette année pourrait bien devenir l’année des trois RIDA, dès lors que d’après nos prévisions (faut-il écrire espoirs ?), le numéro 64 devrait encore paraître avant la in de l’année 2017. Le présent numéro comporte les rubriques habituelles, avec un retour d’une chronique de la SIHDA plus complète que dans le numéro précédent, incluant à nouveau les résumés de la plupart des conférences prononcées. Comme le lecteur peut l’imaginer, la diférence vient ici en partie de la discipline des conférenciers et des organisateurs de la SIHDA. J’ai dès lors fourni une traduction en français de tous les résumés dont je disposais. Rendez-vous est maintenant donné pour la 71e session de la SIHDA à Bologne et Ravenne, dont le thème central sera : La liberté et les interdictions dans les droits de l’Antiquité. Elle se tiendra du 12 au 16 septembre 2017. Dans l’espoir de vous y rencontrer nombreux, je souhaite à chacun une bonne lecture ! Chaudfontaine, le 15 juin 2017 Jean-François Gerkens Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 63 (2016) Nobile hoc Romani Imperii monumentum: Laudes imperiales in Byzantine Dalmatia Marko Petrak Université de Zagreb 1. Introduction In mediaeval times, laudes to the ruler, primarily the king (laudes regiae) or the emperor (laudes imperiales) were one of the most important expressions of the supreme political authority of one ruler over a certain territory. By their very nature, laudes were liturgical reformulations of ancient Roman imperial acclamations, by which the Roman populus expressed public approval or recognition of the Emperor in the ritual form 1. Mediaeval laudes were chanted in honour of a ruler as an integral part of the Holy Liturgy on great fest days of the Church (Christmas, Easter, Pentecost and the feast day of the local patron saint). he topic of laudes regiae or imperiales was researched in detail by the famous historian of medieval political and intellectual history Ernst Kantorowicz (1895– 1963) in his fundamental and fascinating book Laudes regiae. A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Mediaeval Ruler Worship (1946) 2. Ater Kantorowicz, there were some further contributions on the subject 3, but his book remained the most important and inluential study of the kind. According to Kantorowicz, nearly all laudes regiae or imperiales were an integral part of the Latin liturgical tradition. Developed from the 8th c. onward, these laudes can be divided — from the liturgical point of view — into the older Gallo­Frankish and the newer Franco­Roman forms. “From the Gallo­Frankish 1. On the Roman imperial acclamationes, see e.g., G.S. Aldrete, Gestures and Acclamations in Ancient Rome, Baltimore, 2003; H.U. Wiemer, “Akklamationen im spätrömischen Reich. Zur Typologie und Funktion eines Kommunikationsrituals”, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 86 (2004), pp. 27–73. 2. E. Kantorowicz, Laudes regiae. A Study in Liturgical Acclamations and Mediaeval Ruler Worship, Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1946. 3. See e. g., B. Opfermann, Die liturgischen Herrscherakklamationen im Sacrum Imperium des Mittelalters, Weimar, 1953; R. Elze, “Herrscherlaudes im Mittelalter”, Zeitschrit der Savigny-Stitung für Rechtsgeschichte. Kanonistische Abteilung 40 (1954), pp. 201–223; H.W.C. Cowdrey, “he Anglo­Norman Laudes Regiae”, Viator 12 (1981), pp. 37–78. Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 63 (2016) 264 Marko Petrak form there eventually branched of French, German, Anglo­Norman, and Siculo­ Norman laudes, whereas the Franco­Roman pattern survived only in the Roman ambit” 4. he only pattern of laudes which did not exclusively belong to the Western orbis was the Dalmatian one. Kantorowicz dedicated six pages of his study to the structure and form of that type of mediaeval ruler worship in a comparative context, and pointed out the following facts: “he Dalmatian laudes betray their kinship with Byzantium, it is true. But at least they present themselves in Frankish or Roman attire… so that it is justiiable to style them ‘Franco­Byzantine’ laudes” 5. Following Kantorowicz, the aim of this contribution is to add some relevant aspects to his insights. Starting from the oldest preserved sources (11th–12 th c.) and treatises on Dalmatian and Croatian history like Johannes Lucius’ De regno Dalmatiae et Croatiae (1666), the main purpose of the paper is to demonstrate that the Dalmatian laudes did not only share “their kinship with Byzantium”, but actually had certain Byzantine origins. Historical and historiographical sources from Dubrovnik (Ragusa) (as the last Dalmatian city which remained under the supreme political authority of Byzantium all until 1205), obviously unknown to Kantorowicz, like the chrysobull of the Byzantine emperor Isaac II Angelos to the Raguseans (1192) or the treatise by Seraphinus Maria Cerva named Prolegomena in sacram metropolim Ragusinam (18th c.), will be the further evidence for that assumption. However, as the direct liturgical sources of Dalmatian laudes chanted in honour of the Byzantine Emperor have not been preserved, our irst task will be to prove that they once really existed. 2. he formularies of Dalmatian laudes he oldest formulary of Dalmatian laudes is preserved on the irst folio of the Evangelistary, written in Beneventan Script, that once belonged to the collegiate church of St. Simeon in Zadar (Zara), and is now held in the Staatsbibliothek in Berlin 6. Since the analyses of the Evangelistary carried out in 1954 by René Jean Hesbert, the prevailing opinion has been that the Zadar laudes were written in 1114 7. 4. Cit. Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), p. 104. 5. Cit. Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), p. 147, p. 153. 6. Berlin, Staatsbibliotek (MS. theol. lat. qu. 278). 7. R.J. Hesbert, “L’évangéliaire de Zara (1114)”, Scriptorium 8 (1954), pp. 177–204; R. Vojvoda, Dalmatian illuminated manuscripts written in Beneventan script and Benedictine scriptoria in Zadar, Dubrovnik and Trogir, PhD dissertation, Central European University, Budapest, 2011. (available at http://www.etd.ceu.hu/2011/mphvor01.pdf), pp. 30–36, pp. 304–313; cf. also A. Zaninović, “Un Christus vincit en Dalmatie au xiie siècle”, Revue du chant grégorien 30 (1926), pp. 130–133; Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), pp. 148–153; M. Grgić, “he Eleventh Century Book Illumination in Zadar”, Journal of Croatian studies 9/10 (1968/69), pp. 41–132, especially p. 84; R. Katičić, Literatur- und Geistesgeschichte des kroatischen Frühmittelalters, Wien, 1999, pp. 443–444. Nobile hoc Romani Imperii monumentum 265 he formulary is as follows 8: Exaudi, Christe! (ter) Christus vincit. Christus regnat. Christus imperat! (ter) Paschali summo pontiici et universali papae, salus et vita perpetua. (ter) Colomanno, Ungariae, Dalmatiae et Chroatiae almiico regi, vita et victoria (ter) Stephano, clarissimo regi nostro, vita et victoria. Gregorio, venerabili Jaderae praesuli, salus et vita. Cledin, inclito nostro comiti, vita et victoria. Cunctis inclitis, vita! In the oldest formulary, the one of Zadar from the irst quarter of the 12th c., we can see that the highest authority is the Pope (Paschal II, †1118). Ater him, laudes were chanted to Coloman (†1116), king of Hungary, Dalmatia and Croatia as well as to his son, king Stephen II (†1131), then to the bishop of the city (praesul) and the count (comes) who governed the city 9. he change of supreme political authority did not discontinue the singing of laudes in Zadar. In the year 1202, ater the Venetian Doge Enrico Dandolo used the crusaders, on their Fourth Crusade to Palestine, to conquer the city, Zaratines were imposed the obligation to sing laudes in honour of the Venetian Doge and the patriarch of Grado at every Christmas and Easter 10: Clerus autem bis in anno, in Natiuitate Domini et in Pascha Resurrectionis, laudes cantabunt in maiori Ecclesia solempniter domino Duci et domino Patriarehe, atque Archiepiscopo suo et Comiti omni anno; propter quod benedictionem recipient consuetam 11. his liturgical tradition continued in Zadar for the next six centuries, all until 1918, when the last laudes imperiales were chanted at Easter of that year in honour of the last emperor of the Habsburg Monarchy (and the last king of Dalmatia and Croatia), Charles I of Austria 12. 8. T. Smičiklas, Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae, vol. 2: Diplomata saeculi XII. continens (1101–1200), Zagreb, 1904, p. 392. 9. On Coloman’s conquest of Dalmatia and the organisation of his government in Dalmatian cities, see L. Steindorff, Die Dalmatinischen Städte im 12. Jahrhundert. Studien zu iher politischen Stellung und gesellschatlichen Entwicklung, Köln/Wien, 1984, pp. 49–62. 10. On the conlict between Venice and Zadar in that period (1181–1205), which culminated in the Venetian conquest of the city in the context of the Fourth Crusade (1202), see Steindorff, o.c. (n. 9), pp. 121–132. 11. T. Smičiklas, Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae, vol. 3: Diplomata annorum 1201–1235. continens, Zagreb, 1905, p. 45; cf. Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), p. 151; R.C. Mueller, “Aspects of Venetian Sovereignty in Medieval and Renaissance Dalmatia”, in C. Dempsey (ed), Quattrocento Adriatico, Fiteenth Century Art of the Adriatic Rim, Bologna, 1996, p. 40. 12. Zaninović, o.c. (n. 7), pp. 130–133. Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 63 (2016) 266 Marko Petrak Another important formulary of laudes dalmaticae was preserved in the trea­ tise by the Italian Dominican monk Seraino Razzi (1531–1613) named La storia di Raugia and published in 1595. hey were chanted in the aristocratic Republic of Dubrovnik around 1590 and had the following text, used all until the 19th c. 13: Exaudi, Christe! Exaudi, Christe! Unus Deus Christus vincit. Christus regnat. Christus imperat! Domino nostro Sixto, summo Pontiici et universali Papae, salus et vita. Domino nostro Rodulfo, Serenissimo Imperatori Romanorum, salus, honor, vita et victoria. Domino, regi nostro Ungariae, Bohemiae, Dalmatiae et Crovatiae salus, honor, vita et victoria. Domino Paulo, Reverendissimo in Christo patri archiescopo Ragusino, salus et vita. Domino Rectori nostro, illustrissimo, salus, vita, honor et victoria. Exaudi, Christe! Once again, the highest authority is the pope (Sixtus V, †1590). Ater him, there are imperial laudes for the serenissimus imperator Romanorum. Of course, the imperator Romanorum was not in the present case the Byzantine basileus, but Rudolph II Habsburg (†1612) as the Holy Roman Emperor. he practice of chant­ ing laudes to the Holy Roman Emperor was probably introduced in Dubrovnik only in 1558, when Ferdinand I Habsburg (†1564), king of Hungary and Bohemia (from 1526) as well as of Croatia and Dalmatia (from 1527), succeeded to his brother Charles V Habsburg (†1558). In that context, it is interesting to mention that laudes were not chanted in the honour of the serenissimus imperator Romanorum because of the Emperor himself, but due to the fact that he was the same person as the king of Ungariae, Dalmatiae et Crovatiae. he laudes regiae to the king of Hungary, Dalmatia and Croatia started to be chanted in Dubrovnik in 1358, when the Crown of Saint Stephen, according to the Treaty of Visegrad, became the supreme political authority in Dubrovnik: (…) Item, quod nobis vel ilio nostro aut aliis heredibus nostris et successoribus in Ecclesia cathedrali Ragusii decantabuntur laudes ter in anno solemniter, ut est moris (…) 14. he practice of the chanting of laudes for the highest political and church authorities three times a year (ter in anno), i.e. on Christmas, Easter and the feast of the city’s patron saint (Saint Blaise), was already present in Dubrovnik ater 1205, when the Republic of Venice, as in the nearly simultaneous case of Zadar, imposed itself as the political authority over the city: 13. S. Razzi, La storia di Raugia. Scritta nuovamente in tre libri, Lucca, 1595, p. 137. 14. T. Smičiklas, Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. vol. 12: Diplomata annorum 1351–1359. continens, Zagreb, 1914, p. 482; on the Treaty of Visegrad, see B. Krekić, Dubrovnik in the 14th and 15th Centuries: A City between East and West, Norman, 1972, pp. 40– 42; R. Harris, Dubrovnik: A History, London, 2006, pp. 62–66. Nobile hoc Romani Imperii monumentum 267 (…) Clerus autem ter in anno, in Nativitate Domini et in Pascha Resurrectionis et in festo Sancti Blasii, laudes cantabunt in maiori ecclesia sollempniter domino Duci, domino Patriarche, Archiepiscopo suo et Comiti omni anno, propter quod benedictionem recipiet yperperos tres, unum a nobis, alterum ab Archiepiscopo, tertium a Comite (…) 15. hese laudes were, primarily, laudes ducis: they were sung in honour of the Venetian Doge, whose formal title was dux Venetiarum, Dalmatiae atque Chroatiae, dominator quartae partis et dimidiae totius imperii Romani 16. Ater him, they were chanted to the patriarch of Grado as the supreme church authority of the Venetian Republic. At the end, as in the case of Zadar, the highest dignitaries of the city were honoured: the Ragusean archbishop (archiepiscopus), and the count (comes) as the head of the local government. he same regulation on laudes for the count is included in a more detailed form in the Statute of Dubrovnik from 1272 17. As we can see, liturgical acclamations were chanted for the person who was entitled the ruler of the imperium Romanum. Again, this “Roman” ruler was not the Byzantine basileus, but only his former dux 18. Is there any direct historical trace in proof of the fact that laudes for the Byzantine emperor existed at all in Dalmatia? 3. he historical traces of laudes imperiales for the Byzantine emperor in Dalmatia To be sure, no formularies of such laudes imperiales were preserved. But there are two important historical sources which conirm the fact that such a liturgi­ cal practice existed in Dalmatian cities before Hungarian or Venetian rule was imposed. he irst of them, the chrysobull of the Byzantine emperor Isaac II Angelos issued in 1192 to the city of Dubrovnik, was not preserved in its Greek original, but as a 17th c. Italian translation 19. Ater the short period of the Norman’s rule (1186–1192), the chrysobull of the Byzantine emperor restored the Byzantine supreme political authority over the city and regulated some of the most important 15. T. Smičiklas, Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. vol. 3: Diplomata annorum 1201–1235. continens, Zagreb, 1905, p. 352; on the period of the Venetian rule over Dubrovnik (1205–1358) see F.W. Carter, Dubrovnik (Ragusa): A Classic City-State, London, 1972, pp. 84–130; Harris, o.c. (n. 14), pp. 46–61. 16. Smičiklas, o.c. (n. 11), vol. 3., p. 351. 17. Liber statutorum civitatis Ragusii compositus anno 1272 (eds. B. Bogišić – C. Jireček). Monumenta historico-juridica Slavorum Meridionalium, vol. IX, Zagreb, 1904, lib. I., cap. II., pp. 3–4. 18. On the complex relations between Byzantium and Venice in the diferent periods of the Middle Ages, see e.g. D.M. Nicol, Byzantium and Venice. A study in diplomatic and cultural relations, Cambridge, 1988.; G. Ortalli (ed.), Storia di Venezia, I, Origini-età ducale, Roma, 1992. 19. Smičiklas, o.c. (n. 8), vol. 2., pp. 256–257; F. Dölger – P. Wirth, Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des oströmischen Reiches von 565–1453. 2. Teil, Regesten von 1025–1204, München, 1995, Nr. 1611 (June 1192), pp. 311–312. Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 63 (2016) 268 Marko Petrak questions of local government, jurisdiction and defense, allowed and prohibited alliances, and granted Raguseans freedom of trade all over the Empire 20. One of the fundamental issues were also the laudes imperiales. he chrysobull of 1192, in the Italian translation, prescribed the following rule: (…) Che il clero cantasse tre volte le lodi dell’ imperatore nella chiesa del duomo di Ragusa (…) As the normative contents of the chrysobull are not longer than one page, it is hard to overestimate the fundamental religious, political and public law value of laudes for the Byzantine emperor. hese liturgical acclamations did not have a mere symbolic signiicance, they represented “a token of submission and public recognition of the respective overlord and at the same time a pledge binding the Church as well as the people” 21. We have seen that this Byzantine pattern of laudes, as something of an essential importance for the relations of one urban community with its political ruler, was later completely adopted by Venetian and Hungarian authorities in Dalmatia 22. To sum up, we have the proof that laudes imperiales in honour of the Byzantine emperor were still chanted in Dalmatia at the end of the 12th c. Is there any earlier trace of that type of mediaeval ruler worship? When in the year 1000 Byzantine emperor Basil II started out on a campaign against the Bulgarian ruler Samuel, a Venetian naval expedition along the Dalmatian coast, led by Doge Pietro II Orseolo, was organized in support of the Byzantine operations 23. According to the chronicle of John the Deacon (Iohannes Diaconus, †1009), when Doge Orseolo entered the city of Osor (Ossero) on the island of Cres (Cherso) in North Dalmatia with his leet, on Pentecost the community chanted laudes ducis in his honour: Hoc peracto, sacrum diem Pentecosten solemniter celebrantes, predicto principi laudis modulamina decantaverunt 24. 20. On the chrysobull of 1192, see J. Lučić, Povijest Dubrovnika II. Od VII. st. do godine 1205 [he history of Dubrovnik. From the 7th c. to the year 1205], Zagreb, 1973, pp. 60–62. (available also in the French translation: J. Lučić, L’Histoire de Dubrovnik II. Depuis de viie siècle jusqu’en 1205, Zagreb, 1974.); D. Abulafia, “Dalmatian Ragusa and the Norman Kingdom of Sicily”, he Slavonic and East European Review 54 (1976), pp. 423–427; J. Ferluga, L’amministrazione bizantina in Dalmazia, Venezia, 1978., pp. 282–283; Steindorff, o.c. (n. 9), pp. 138–139. 21. Cit. Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), p. 151. 22. Cf. M. Demović, Musik und Musiker in der Republik Dubrovnik (Ragusa) vom Anfang des XI. Jahrhunderts bis zur Mitte des XVII. Jahrhunderts, Regensburg, 1981, pp. 51–54. 23. On the historical circumstances of the Dalmatian campaign of the Doge Pietro II Orseolo an his close cooperation with Byzantium, see L. Margetić, “Le cause della spedizione veneziana in Dalmazia nel 1000”, in Histrica et Adriatica. Raccolta di saggi storico-giuridici e storici, Trieste, 1983, pp. 217–254; G. Ortalli, “Pietro II Orseolo, dux Veneticorum et Dalmaticorum”, in N. Fiorentin (ed.), Venezia e la Dalmazia anno Mille: secoli di vicende comuni, Treviso, 2002, pp. 13–27; Ferluga, o.c. (n. 20), pp. 194–202. 24. G. Monticolo (ed.), Cronache veneziane antichissime, Roma, 1890, p. 157; L.A. Berto (ed.), Istoria Veneticorum, Bologna, 1999, p. 190. Nobile hoc Romani Imperii monumentum 269 hings were somewhat diferent when the Doge was welcomed by the eccle­ siastical (episcopi) and political (priores) authorities of the Dalmatian cities of Krk (Veglia) and Rab (Arbe): Inter quos Veclensis et Arbensis episcopi cum earum civitatum prioribus adfuerunt et pari voto supra sacra evangelistarum dicta iuraverunt quo iuxta illorum scire et posce deinceps domni Petri ducis idem observare debuissent. Insuper episcopi eisdem sacris conirmaverunt quo feriatis diebus, quibus laudis pompam in aecclesia depromere solebant, istius principis nomen post imperatorum laudis preconiis gloriicarent 25. Firstly, episcopi and prioires civitatum professed the oath of idelity to the new political authority, Doge Peter II Orseolo. Secondly, and this is crucial in our context, the bishops made a solemn conirmation that the laudes principis to the Venetian Doge will be sung on the great fest days of the Church, but only ater the laudes imperiales to the Byzantine emperor have been chanted: istius principis nomen post imperatorum laudis preconiis gloriicarent. On the one hand, it means that the Byzantine emperor remained the highest political authority of these urban communities, and that the Venetian Doge was treated as his hierarchical subordi­ nated governor of the two mentioned cities 26. On the other hand, the quoted text of John the Deacon leads us to the conclusion that the chanting of laudes imperiales for the Byzantine emperor was a deeply rooted liturgical practice with essential political and legal consequences in Dalmatia around the year 1000. Now that the historical existance of laudes dalmaticae for Byzantine basileus has been attested, the next section will be dedicated to the very question of Byzantine origins of these liturgical acclamations. 4. he cities of Byzantine Dalmatia and laudes imperiales here are no preserved historical sources on laudes imperiales in Dalmatia before the year 1000. But there are two important historiographical treatises, written in a time when the singing of liturgical acclamations, which contain quite some relevant information on Roman­Byzantine origins of Dalmatian laudes imperiales and the exact igures on the practice of their chanting in various Dalmatian cities, was still a living tradition. One of these is the magnum opus of Johannes Lucius (Ivan Lučić) (†1679), nobleman and historian from Trogir (Traù) 27, entitled De regno Dalmatiae et Croatiae and published in Amsterdam in 1666. he second one is the manuscript of a Dominican monk from Dubrovnik, Seraphinus Maria Cerva 25. Monticolo (ed.), o.c. (n. 24), p. 157; Berto (ed.), o.c. (n. 24), p. 190. 26. See Margetić, o.c. (n. 23), pp. 246–247; cf. Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), pp. 147–148. 27. On Lucius’ life and work see, M. Kurelac, Ivan Lučić Lucius, otac hrvatske historiograije [Ivan Lučić Lucius, father of Croatian historiography], Zagreb, 1994.; cf. V. Brunelli, “Giovanni Lucio”, in G. Lucio, Storia del regno di Dalmazia e di Croazia, Trieste, 1983, pp. 3–46. (originally published in Rivista Dalmatica vol. 1–4 [1899–1900]). Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 63 (2016) 270 Marko Petrak (Serain Marija Crijević) (†1759) 28, entitled Prolegomena in sacram metropolim Ragusinam, written in 18th c. and published only in 2008. Both authors consacrated a whole chapter of their respective books to the topic of laudes. While Lucius wrote a chapter under the simple name De laudibus, Cerva was more descriptive: his chapter bears the title De laudibus quae in cathedrali Ragusii ecclesia statis diebus decantari solent 29. At the very beginning of his chapter on laudes, Lucius solemnly called them pulcherrimum Romani decoris monumentum in Dalmatia. Cerva, whose review nearly entirely follows the one of Lucius, but applied to the speciic case of Dubrovnik, used similar words: nobile hoc Romani Imperii monumentum 30. Furthermore, Lucius quoted the previously mentioned oldest preserved source on laudes in the context of Venetian naval operations in Dalmatia in the year 1000, compared it with the current liturgical practice of his own time, and at the end concluded: Hae autem laudes nunc canuntur in his tantum Civitatibus, quae olim Romanorum, vel Dalmatarum nomen retinuere, ut dictum est, quae Imperiales etiam dictae fuere ad diferentiam Croaticarum, quae Regales suntque Ragusium, Spalatum, Tragurium, Iadra, Arbum, Viglia 31. he same conclusion is expressed even more precisely by Cerva: At vero nequaquam in omnibus Dalmatiae urbibus huiusmodi aut obtinet nunc, aut aliquando obtinuit, sed in iis tantum locis quae ad Orientis olim imperium pertinebant, uti sunt Ragusium, Spalatum, Tragurium, Iadra, Arbum, Veglia 32. According to Lucius (and Cerva), laudes were chanted only in the cities of Dalmatia which had once been under the Eastern Roman Empire or Byzantium:… in Dalmaticis quoque Civitatibus quae Orientale Imperium a huc recognoscebant, Laudes cantari solitas statis diebus festis… 33. From the historical point of view, only these cities can be properly called Roman, Dalmatian or Imperial. he other cen­ tral Adriatic maritime cities were not Imperial (Imperiales): they belonged to the Kingdom of Croatia and thus deserved the royal name — Regales. Lucius (followed again by Cerva) pointed out that there are six such Dalmatian cities which still — i.e. in his 17th c. — follow the traditon of chanting laudes: 1. Ragusium (Dubrovnik, 28. On Cerva’s life and work, see S. Krasić, “Crijevićev život i rad [he life and work of Cerva]”, in Bibliotheca Ragusina, vol. 1, Zagreb, 1975, pp. xii–lxxix. 29. I. Lucius, De regno Dalmatiae et Croatiae, Amstelaedami, 1666, lib. II., cap. VI., pp. 73–75; S.M. Cerva, Prolegomena in sacram metropolim Ragusinam. Editio princeps (ed. R. Seferović), Dubrovnik, 2008, cap. XXXIX, pp. 531–534. 30. Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), p. 73.; Cerva, o.c. (n. 29), p. 531. 31. Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), pp. 74–75. 32. Cit. Cerva, o.c. (n. 29), p. 533. 33. Cit. Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), p. 74.; cf. Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), p. 149. Nobile hoc Romani Imperii monumentum 271 Ragusa), 2. Spalatum (Split, Spalato), 3. Tragurium (Trogir, Traù), 4. Iadra (Zadar, Zara), 5. Arbum (Rab, Arbe), 6. Viglia (Krk, Veglia). Based on the previously ana­ lyzed sources, we saw that these liturgical acclamations were sung in Dubrovnik, Zadar, Rab and Krk 34. As for the remaining two imperial cities, i.e. Split nad Trogir, Lucius himself collected and presented relevant historical sources, pertaining to the period of Hungarian or Venetian rule and related to the practice of chanting laudes in their cathedrals. He especially included in his review the formulary of laudes chanted in his native Trogir, together with the interesting remarks printed on the margins of the pages on certain small diferencies between liturgical acclama­ tions in Trogir’s formulary and the formularies of Zadar and Split 35. Cerva did the same with respect to his native Dubrovnik, inserting the local formulary of laudes, already published by Razzi in 1595 (and analyzed supra), in his review, but without comparative references to the other formularies 36. Both authors also mentioned two further Dalmatian cities that were once imperiales, i.e. under the supreme political authority of Byzantium: Absarus (Osor, Ossero) and Ascrivium seu Catharum (Kotor, Cattaro). Regarding Osor, it is em­ phasized that laudes were once sung there, but the city was deserted at a certain moment in past: Absari, quod deserta est civitas, amplius non canuntur 37. his statement is historicaly correct. Lucius was familiar with the previously analyzed historical source on liturgical acclamations chanted to the Doge Pietro II Orseolo in Osor in the year 1000 38. Moreover, at the end of the 19th c., one formulary of laudes was discovered in the Vatican library as a later addition (written in Gothic script) on a blank page of an eleventh­century Evangelistary from Osor (written in Beneventan script) 39. It contains liturgical acclamations in honour of King Louis the Great (d’Anjou) of Hungary and Croatia, and was most probably written between the years 1378–1382 40. In any case, Osor was without doubt the seventh once imperial city in Dalmatia, where the tradition of chanting the laudes to the ruler had existed for a long time. 34. Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), p. 74.; cf. Cerva, o.c. (n. 29), p. 533. 35. Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), pp. 74–75. 36. Cerva, o.c. (n. 29), pp. 533–534. 37. Cit. Cerva, o.c. (n. 29), pp. 533–534; cf. Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), p. 75. 38. Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), p. 74. 39. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (MS. Borg. Lat. 339, fol. 59 v). 40. he formulary reads as follows: Exaudi Christe! (ter) Domino pape Gregorio sumo pontiice et universali pape salus, honor et vita perpetua! Cunctis incliti vita! Domino Ludouico regis Ungarie salus, honor et vita victoria. Cunctis incliti vita! Domino Michaeli episcopo Absarense et tocius insule salus, honor et vita perpetua. Domino Saraceno comite Absarense et tocius insule salus, honor et vita victoria. Cunctis incliti vita!; on these fourteenth­century laudes from Osor cf. A. Ebner, Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kunstgeschichte des Missale romanum im Mittelalter. Iter Italicum, Freiburg, 1896, p. 153, n. 2; P. Cagin, “Le Manuscrit latin M VI., 2 du Musée Borgia”, Revue des bibliothèques 12 (1902), pp. 62–70; Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), pp. 151–152; Grgić, o.c. (n. 7), pp. 78–82; Vojvoda, o.c. (n. 7), pp. 347–349. Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 63 (2016) 272 Marko Petrak What was the situation in Kotor as the southermost of the Dalmatian cities? Lucius and Cerva claimed that laudes were never sung there (non canuntur), be­ cause the city was always governed by Slavic rulers (Principes Slavorum) 41. his was obviously an exceptional case in which Lucius — otherwise very well informed — did not succeed to collect relevant information. For example, in the year 1199, the Slavic prince Vukan who was at that time ruler of Dioclea, which also included the city of Kotor, wrote to the pope Innocent III and pointed out that he had ordered that laudes should be sung in his kingdom in honour of the Pope’s enthronization ([…] in communi Deo et beatissimae Mariae perpetuae virgini et beato Petro apostolorum principi nec non et apostolatui vestro laudum praeconia persolventes) 42. he most direct conirmation of the existing tradition of the laudes chanting in Kotor is the description of the ceremonial events that marked the start of the Venetian rule over Kotor in 1420, including the liturgical acclamations in the cathedral of St. Tryphon for the Doge. he decription is contained in the Statute of Kotor, published in Venice in 1616: Cum die prescripto facta solemni processione et elevatis insigniis beatissimi sancti Marci sacramentum super platea civitatis Cathari et in castro civitatis eiusdem ad honorem excellentiam et statum excellentissime ducalis dominationis Venetiarum et celebrata missa solemni in ecclesia catedrali sancti Triphonis ac facta laude ad honorem et statum prefate illustrissime dominationis (…) 43. According to the recent study on laudes in Kotor by Anton Belan, the tradi­ tion of liturgical acclamations to the Venetian Doge lasted all until the end of la Serenissima in 1797 and the practice of chanting “lode” — as they are called in the local dialect — in honour of the patron saint of the city (St. Tryphon) is well alive even in our time, similarly to the so called laus that is still acclaimed for St. Blasius in Dubrovnik 44. To recapitulate: the tradition of the chanting of laudes as liturgical acclama­ tions to the ruler was observed only in the eight Dalmatian cities which were once under the supreme political authority of Byzantium (Dubrovnik, Split, Trogir, Zadar, Rab, Krk, Osor and Kotor) — remaining in some places all until the 20th century. It is obvious that this liturgical tradition with all its political and legal implications really lasted the ages. But is it possible, on the basis what has been presented so far, to reconstruct at least partially the genuine Byzantine period of laudes dalmaticae? In this context it is interesting to point out that Lucius mentioned in one place, almost en passant, one highly important fact about laudes dalmaticae: the name of the Byzantine 41. Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), p. 75.; cf. Cerva, o.c. (n. 29), p. 533. 42. Smičiklas, o.c. (n. 8), vol. 2., p. 333; Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), p. 150. 43. Statuta civitatis Cathari, Venetiis, 1616, p. 337. 44. A. Belan, “Laudes – Lode – Pohvale [Laudes – Lode – Praises]”, Hrvatski glasnik. Glasilo Hrvata Crne Gore 94 (2013), pp. 12–14. Nobile hoc Romani Imperii monumentum 273 Emperor was at a certain moment in the past substituted with the name of the Pope as the irst one to be solemnly acclaimed ([…] loco Imperatoris summo Pontiici acclamatur […]) 45. Today, no sources remain for such a prompt deinitive conclu­ sion. he preserved sources only witness in a direct way that laudes imperiales for the Byzantine emperor existed in Krk, Rab and Dubrovnik. Regarding the other ive Dalmatian cities, one should presume that liturgical acclamations were chanted there in the Byzantine time, because they were performed in the later periods only in these cities. To corroborate that statement, it is of highest importance to remind that Byzantine emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus (†959), in the cap. XXIX of his famous piece of writing, the De administrando imperio, written between 948 and 952, under the title “Of Dalmatia and of the adjacent nations in it”, described in detail the once spacious Roman province Dalmatia which was reduced is in his time to only eight cities and some smaller islands. his Byzantine “octapolis” in Dalmatia included Kotor (Δεκάτερα), Dubrovnik ( Ῥαούσιν), Split (Ἀσπάλαθον), Trogir (Τετραγγούριν), Zadar (Διάδωρα), Rab (Ἄρβη), Krk (Βέκλα) and Osor ( Ὄψαρα) 46. As we can see, these eight cities are exactly the same Dalmatian cities where the tradition of chanting laudes existed, and this is surely not a coincidence. he “octapolis” constituted the Byzantine theme of Dalmatia (θέμα Δαλματίας), created ater the Aachen Peace between Byzantium and Franks in the year 812 47. We should thus conclude that the liturgical tradition of chanting laudes imperiales in honour of the Emperor was cultivated in the Byzantine theme of Dalmatia and all its eight cities. hey presented the unique preserved traces of laudes chanted in honour of the Byzantine Emperor within the realm of the Latin liturgical tradition. 5. Roman­Byzantine origins of Dalmatian laudes imperiales On the basis of the preserved sources, it is not possible to discover the destiny of the laudes dalmaticae before the creation of the Byzantine theme of Dalmatia. It is only possible to analyze the very structure of these liturgical acclamations and to try to unveil their origins. As we have seen, Dalmatian formularies undoubtely followed the same pattern (with some slight local varieties) which also indicates the same origins. Despite the fact that liturgy celebrated in the Dalmatian cities was all the time part of the Latin tradition, we will try to ind the speciic Byzantine elements of their oldest structure. 45. Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), p. 74. 46. C. Porphyrogenitus, De administrando imperio (ed. G. Moravcsik, trans. R.J.H. Jenkins), Washington, 1967, cap. XXIX., pp. 122–139. 47. On the Byzantine Dalmatia, see J. Ferluga, L’amministrazione bizantina in Dalmazia, Venezia, 1978.; cf. also I. Goldstein, “Byzantine Presence on the Eastern Adriatic Coast. 6th–12th Century”, Byzantinoslavica 57 (1996), pp. 257–264. Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 63 (2016) 274 Marko Petrak he very important hint in that direction is given by Cerva who mentioned the Byzantine practice of polychronion (πολυχρόνιον), solemnly acclaimed wishes for the long life of the Emperor, as the pattern for Dalmatian laudes: Acclamationes etiam genus erat, dum statis diebus imperatori longiorem vitam seu πολυχρόνιον, quod est ad multos annos, adprecabatur inter praecipuos Constantinopolitanae aulae administros 48. As a passing remark, a similar opinion was expressed by Katičić some iteen years ago, when he pointed out that “this old and characteristic tradition of the Dalmatian church” indeed presents the liturgical continuation of the Roman acclamatio or Byzantine euphemia (εὐφημία), acclamations by which people recognized the imperial dignity of a certain person 49. Despite the fact that in the later days of Byzantine empire distinction was made between polychronion, which was acclaimed in honour of the Emperor, while the addressee of euphemia was a certain Church dignitary, in earlier times both words were used for the imperial acclamations 50. Byzantine ceremonies, festivals and services, both political and liturgical, con­ tained plenty of such acclamations in honour of the Emperor. Another piece of writing of Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae on the ceremonial of the Byzantine imperial court, written probably around 956–959, describes all the wide range of such a practice 51. A number of these acclamations had the form of a polychronion in the strict sense of the word: formulaic wishes for the long life of the Emperor: εἰς πολλά ἔτη or πολλὰ τὰ ἔτη! Very similar acclamations in honour of the Byzantine emperor were once also chanted in Rome. As it was mentioned by Lucius and Cerva, pope Gregory the Great, in the year 603, ordered the Roman clergy and senate to perform acclamationes in the Lateran Basilica for the emperor Phocas and empress Leontia: Exaudi Christe! Focae Augusto et Leontiae Augustae vita 52! 48. Cerva, o.c. (n. 29), p. 533. 49. Katičić, o.c. (n. 7), p. 444. 50. E. Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, Oxford, 1962, pp. 98–102. 51. On the acclamations contained in Porphyrogenitus’ De cerimoniis aulae Byzantinae see e.g. O. Treitinger, Die oströmische Kaiser- und Reichsidee nach ihrer Gestaltung im höischen Zeremoniell. Vom oströmischen Staats- und Reischsgedanken, Darmstadt, 1956, pp. 49–84; A. Cameron, “he construction of court ritual: the Byzantine Book of Ceremonies”, in D. Cannadine, S. Price (eds.), Rituals of Royalty. Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies, Cambridge, 1992, pp. 106–136.; Z.A. Woodrow, Imperial ideology in middle Byzantine court culture: the evidence of Constantine Porphyrogenitus’s de ceremoniis, Durham theses, Durham University, 2001 (available at http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3969/), especially pp. 105–114. 52. P. Ewald – L. Hartmann (eds.), Gregorii I papae Registrum epistolarum, vol. II, Berlin, 1999, p. 365: Venit autem icona supra scriptorum Phocae et Leontiae Augustorum Romae vii. Kalendarum Maiarum, et acclamatum est eis in Lateranis in Basilica Iulii ab omni Clero vel Senatu: “Exaudi Christe, Phocae Augusto et Leontiae Augustae vita!”. Tunc iussit ipsam iconam dominus Beatissimus et Apostolicus Gregorius Papa reponi in Oratorio S. Caesarii Martyris, Nobile hoc Romani Imperii monumentum 275 However, one important speciicity of laudes dalmaticae — unnoted by Kantorowicz in his excellent comparison of the Dalmatian acclamations with the Byzantine and Western ones 53 — was that they did not only comprise the wish for longevity, but also a cumulation of several kinds of best wishes for the ruler: salus, honor et vita perpetua (Osor, Zadar, Split); salus, honor et vita victoria (Osor); salus, honor, vita et victoria (Zadar, Dubrovnik); laus, honor et decus ac caelestis triumphus; laus, honor, gloria et triumphus perpetuus; laus, honor, vita et gaudium sempiternum; laus, honor, dignitas et vita perpetua; laus, honoris augmentum, gaudium perenne et pax sempiterna; salus, honor, vita et gaudium perpetuum; salus, vita et gaudium salubre (all from Trogir) 54. hus, Dalmatian acclamations were not just a polychronion, but an euphemia. Is there a Byzantine pattern underlying such a structure? In Porphyrogenitus’ De cerimoniis, there is also a description of the imperial ceremonial regarding the inal races of the year which were held on Constantinople’s Golden Hippodrome. his inal Hippodrome ceremony of the year took place on the 15th of February and is called Lupercalia (or μακελλαρικόν), as the contin­ uatition of one of the oldest pre­Christian Roman festivities whose rituals were linked with the fundation myths of Rome 55. At a certain moment of the Lupercalia festival, the choirs of the two Hippo­ drome factions, the Blues and Greens, chanted antiphonally the following euphemia as acclamations in honour of the Emperor: Ἲδὲ τὸ ἔαρ τὸ γλυκὺ πάλιν ἐπανατέλλει, χαρὰν ὑγιείαν καὶ ζωὴν καὶ τὴν εὐημερίαν, ἀνδραγαθίαν ἐκ Θεοῦ τοῖς βασιλεῦσι Ῥωμαίων καὶ νίκην θεοδωρητὸν κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων 56. It is important to point out that the quoted euphemia — the “Hymn of Spring” which in the context of Lupercalia obviously had pre­Christian Roman roots 57, is intra palatium; Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), p. 74; Cerva, o.c. (n. 29), p. 532; Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), p. 102. 53. Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), pp. 152–153. 54. Lucius, o.c. (n. 29), pp. 74–75; cf. Cerva, o.c. (n. 29), pp. 533–534. 55. C. Porphyrogénète, Le Livre des Cérémonies (ed. and French trans. A. Vogt), vol. II, Paris, 1967, cap. 82 (73), pp. 164–168; on the festival of Lupercalia as described in De Ceremoniis, see M. Chronz, “Die Feier von Hypapanté und Luperkalia zu Konstantinopel in mittelbyzantinischer Zeit”, in D. Atanassova – T. Chronz (eds), Synaxis Katholike. Beiträge zu Gottesdienst und Geschichte der fünf altkirchlichen Patriarchate für Heinzgerd Brakmann zum 70. Geburtstag, Münster, 2014, pp. 107–146, especially pp. 124–133; Woodrow, o.c. (n. 51), pp. 231–236. 56. Porphyrogénète, o.c. (n. 55), p. 167: “Behold, Spring, sweet Spring which anew is sprung, [bringing] joy, health, life and prosperity, to the Roman Emperors, courage from God and victory, git of God, against the enemies” (trans. Woodrow, o.c. [n. 51], p. 233). 57. On the quoted “Hymn of Spring”, its ancient roots and christianization as well as its use as the euphemia acclaimed in honour of the Emperor, see E. Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 63 (2016) 276 Marko Petrak an example of an acclamatio which contains a cumulation of several best wishes to the ruler ([…] χαρὰν, ὑγιείαν καὶ ζωὴν καὶ τὴν εὐημερίαν, ἀνδραγαθίαν… καὶ νίκην […]), as in the case of Dalmatian laudes. his kind of cumulation emerged very early on also in the pure Christian context. he most ancient Church’s prayer for the political rulers, by the fourth pope, St. Clement of Rome (†99), contained such a formulation: οἷς δός, κύριε, ὑγίειαν, εἰρήνην, ὁμόνοιαν, εὐστάθειαν, εἰς τὸ διέπειν αὐτοὺς τὴν ὑπὸ σοῦ δεδομένην αὐτοῖς ἡγεμονίαν ἀπροσκόπως (“Grant to them, Lord, health, peace, concord, and stability, so that they may blamelessly administer the government that you have given them”) 58. It is necessary to agree with the conlusion that “the elements of peace, harmony, and order, that are so important to the author of this letter, relect some of the fundamental values of Roman society” 59. his type of acclamations with a cumulation of the best wishes to the Emperor also became part of the Byzantine liturgy. he manuscripts of the Divine Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom and the Divine Liturgy of St. Basil the Great contain the litany (ἐκτενής) — placed near the end of the Liturgy of the Catechumens, ater Gospel Reading — which includes the prayer to the God for “power, victory, per­ severance, peace, health and salvation” ([…] κράτους, νίκης, διαμονῆς, εἰρήνης, ὑγείας, σωτηρίας […]) of the “most religious and God­protected Emperors” ([…]τῶν εὐσεβεστάτων καὶ θεοφυλάκτων βασιλέων […]) 60. In certain liturgical sources, this prayer for the Emperors is immediately followed by the prayer for the highest Church authorities 61. Similarities of these prayers with laudes dalmaticae are remarkable. On the one side, as it was demonstrated, Dalmatian liturgical acclamations also contained the cumulation of the best wishes for the ruler. On the other side, from the point of view of the liturgical structure, laudes in Dalmatia were performed at the same “place”: near the end of the missa catechumenorum, ater the Gospel chanting: post cantatum in missa Evangelium 62. Already in the oldest preserved Dalmatian for­ mulary (Zadar), one can ind the following remark: Laus quae in Pascha et Natali and Hymnography, Oxford, 1962, p. 102; Woodrow, o.c. (n. 51), pp. 233–234. 58. St. Clement of Rome, Ad Corinthios, cap. 61, in M.W. Holmes (ed.), he Apostolic Fathers: Greek Texts and English Translations, Grand Rapids, 2007, pp. 126–127. 59. Cit. Holmes, o.c. (n. 58), p. 33; on St. Clement’s prayer for the rulers, see e. g. W.C. Van Unnik, “Studies on the so­called First Epistle of Clement. he literary genre”, in C. Breytenbach – P.W. Van der Horst, Sparsa Collecta: he Collected Essays of W.C. van Unnik. Part Four: Neotestamentica — Flavius Josephus — Patristica, Leiden/Boston, 2014, pp. 253–270. 60. See e.g., J.P. Migne, Patrologia Graeca, vol. 63, Paris, 1862, col. 911.; Migne, op. cit., vol. 106, Paris, 1863, col. 1300; on the liturgisation of the acclamations in the Byzantine rite, see generally R.F. Taft, A History of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, vol. IV: he Diptychs, Rome, 1991, pp. 1–7. 61. See e.g. Migne, o.c. (n. 60), vol. 29, Paris, 1857, p. cccxxxviii. 62. Cit. Cerva, o.c. (n. 29), p. 533. Nobile hoc Romani Imperii monumentum 277 Domini post Evangelium dicitur 63. Taking into consideration all the aforemen­ tioned facts, it is not inappropriate to conclude that the oldest Roman­Byzantine roots of laudes dalmaticae are to be traced to the imperial acclamations contained in ancient festivities such as the Lupercalia 64. Ater their liturgisation, through the medium of the Church liturgical patterns and with the support of the Byzantine political authority, elements of these acclamations found their path to the Dalma­ tian formularies of laudes. 6. Concluding remarks Despite the fact that direct liturgical sources of laudes dalmaticae chanted in honour of the Byzantine basileus have not been preserved, the existing historical sources, especially from the 11th–12th c., ofer suicient arguments for the conclu­ sion that these imperial ritual acclamations were once really practised. Given the fact that the liturgical tradition of chanting laudes to the ruler was observed contin­ uously all until modern times only in the eight Dalmatian maritime cities (Kotor, Dubrovnik, Split, Trogir, Zadar, Rab, Krk and Osor) which were once under the supreme political authority of Byzantium, and not in any other city, it is to be presumed that this kind of mediaeval ruler worship had existed already in the pe­ riod the Byzantine theme of Dalmatia (θέμα Δαλματίας), created ater the Aachen Peace in the year 812, and constituted of the same “octapolis”: Δεκάτερα, Ῥαούσιν, Ἀσπάλαθον, Τετραγγούριν, Διάδωρα, Ἄρβη, Βέκλα, Ὄψαρα. Furthermore, the inner structure of laudes dalmaticae, especially the cumulation of best wishes to the ruler (e. g. salus, honor, vita et victoria), as well as their position within the rite of liturgy, reveals that the oldest Roman­Byzantine roots of laudes dalmaticae are to be traced back to the imperial acclamations (εὐφημία) contained in ancient festivities such as Lupercalia. hese acclamations were later liturgicized in the Constantinopolitan Rite and thereby undoubtedly inluenced the practice of imperial worship in the whole Byzantine empire. However, one should specially point out that laudes dalmaticae represent the unique preserved trace of evidence of acclamations chanted in honour of the Byzantine Emperor within the realm of the Latin liturgical tradition. From the point of view of the local urban community, it is hard to overesti­ mate the fundamental political, legal and religious value of laudes for the Byzantine basileus in Dalmatia. hese liturgical acclamations did not have a mere symbolic signiicance, but represented “a token of submission and public recognition of the respective overlord and at the same time a pledge binding the Church as well as the people” (Kantorowicz). Furthermore, for the ordinary mediaeval people, 63. Berlin, Staatsbibliotek (MS. theol. lat. qu. 278); Kantorowicz, o.c. (n. 2), p. 149, n. 13; Katičić, o.c. (n. 7), p. 444. 64. On the festival of Lupercalia, its pre­imperial origins and continuination in the Byzantine times, see supra, including n. 55–57. Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité 63 (2016) 278 Marko Petrak these liturgical acclamations undoubtedly also served as a source of knowledge of the most important public law information related to questions such as: what were the highest state and church functions of that time, who were the current incumbents of those functions and what kind of hierarchy existed among them. Laudes dalmaticae faithfully fulilled these purposes for more than one millenium: from the times of the Byzantine θέμα Δαλματίας until the end of the Habsbur­ gian Königreich Dalmatien. his pulcherrimum Romani decoris monumentum in Dalmatia was really of a longue durée. la revue n’est pas responsable des manuscrits qui lui sont envoyés. les articles publiés n’engagent pas les opinions de la rédaction. © presses universitaires de liège, septembre 2017 Éditeur responsable : Jean-François gerkens d/2017/12.839/23 issn : 0556-7939 isBn : 978-2-87562-140-5 63 2016 la Revue Internationale des Droits de l’Antiquité, dont c’est ici la 3e série, est née de la fusion des Archives d’histoire du droit oriental avec la 2e série de la Revue Internationale des Droits l’Antiquité, fondées par Jacques pirenne et Fernand de visscher. elle rassemble des contributions sur les diférents droits de l’antiquité (rome, grèce, Égypte, Babylone, Chine...) ainsi que sur leur réception. Ces contributions sont publiées en cinq langues : Français, allemand, italien, anglais et espagnol. elle publie également diférentes chroniques et, en particulier, la chronique des sessions internationales de la société Fernand de visscher pour l’histoire des droits de l’antiquité (siHda). les articles proposés à la revue pour publication sont systématiquement soumis à peer reviewing. Sommaire Droit des papyrus l. thüngen, Neuedition von PL II/38 aus einem griechischen Index zu Papinians libri deinitionum Droit chinois g. MacCormack, Physical Injury and Insult in Early Chinese Law with Comparative Annotations from Other Early Laws Droit romain C. amunategui, Market and Ownership in Iron Age Latium ; M.v. Bramante, A proposito di D.12.1.3 (Pomp. 27 ad sab.): per una interpretazione del concetto di bonitas ; r. Hassan, Bees, Slaves, Emperors, Tyrants: Metaphors of Constitutional Change in Rome Between the Republic and the Principate ; a.r. Jurewicz, Bürgschat eines Sklaven für seine Herrin? Bemerkungen zur idepromissio servi in TP. 59 (=TPSulp. 58=TPN 48) ; C. lázaro guillamon, El silencio del demandado en el proceso civil: aproximación histórico-crítica al aforismo “quien calla, otorga” ; l. radulova, iura sepulcrorum nella Moesia Inferior: la realizzazione di un fenomeno romano in un ambito greco-trace ; C. sardinha, Rechtsvergleichendes zur Sicherungsübereignung in der antiken Vertragspraxis ; J. spruit, Aulus Gellius als Richter. Eine Betrachtung zu Gellius, noctes atticae XIV, 2 Droit byzantin M. petrak, nobile hoc romani imperii monumentum: laudes imperiales in Byzantine Dalmatia Droit romain aux temps modernes ; O. sacchi, La regula iuris e i casi perplexi di Leibniz: algoritmo di buona decisione o presidio di verità nel diritto? ; i. sogut, Precautions against interventions creating environmental efects in Roman Law and its relection of Turkish Law Chroniques procès-verbal du Xe prix Boulvert J.-Fr. gerkens, La SIHDA à Paris Ouvrages reçus à la rédaction presses universitaires de liège isBn : 978-2-87562-140-5