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[Book Review] Workfare States (Jamie Peck, 2001)

This book is a worthy successor in ambition, theoretical rigor, and empirical grounding to Peck's earlier study, WorkPlace: the Social Regulation of Labor Markets (1996). It not only builds directly on that major intervention into the economic geography of labour markets but also extends it in new theoretical and empirical directions. In particular, Peck now emphasizes the discursive dimensions of the overall reshaping of labour market regimes and the disciplining of workers. He also highlights the role of political struggles, policy making, policy learning, and policy transfer as well as the many scales on which labour market policies are (re)made. In these respects Workfare States addresses what one might call the 'cultural political economy' of the increasingly evident transition in the anglophone economies from the familiar, but apparently discredited, postwar Fordist welfare states towards the naturalization of new workfare regimes that are purportedly more suited to the contemporary era of globalization and neo-liberal hegemony. Peck explores incisively the discursive struggles over the crisis of the welfare state and workfare's contribution to its resolution – initially in the USA and then, spreading through various discursive, economic, and policy channels, in Canada and the United Kingdom and even some social democratic welfare regimes in Continental Europe. He also presents a series of well-researched case studies on the complex political economy of local workfare experiments in Massachusetts and California, their adoption elsewhere in the United States, their translation to Canada (especially in Ontario) and Britain. And he dissects their economic context, their regulatory logic, their role in reinforcing contingent labour markets, their role in reinforcing gender and ethnic stereotypes and differences in the marginal labour force, and their current limits and likely future difficulties. This is an especially important contribution to the overall merit of the work because it enables Peck to interweave his discourse analysis, political analysis, and policy analysis with a detailed account of local labour markets and their place within a broader macroeconomic context.

Workfare States, by Jamie Peck. New York: Guilford Press, 2001. xviii + 413 pp. $45.00 cloth. ISBN: 1-57230-635-1. $27.00 paper, ISBN: 1-57230-636-X Bob Jessop Department of Sociology, Lancaster University, United Kingdom R.Jessop@lancaster.ac.uk Review in Contemporary Sociology, 2003 This book is a worthy successor in ambition, theoretical rigor, and empirical grounding to Peck’s earlier study, Work-Place: the Social Regulation of Labor Markets (1996). It not only builds directly on that major intervention into the economic geography of labour markets but also extends it in new theoretical and empirical directions. In particular, Peck now emphasizes the discursive dimensions of the overall reshaping of labour market regimes and the disciplining of workers. He also highlights the role of political struggles, policy making, policy learning, and policy transfer as well as the many scales on which labour market policies are (re)made. In these respects Workfare States addresses what one might call the ‘cultural political economy’ of the increasingly evident transition in the anglophone economies from the familiar, but apparently discredited, postwar Fordist welfare states towards the naturalization of new workfare regimes that are purportedly more suited to the contemporary era of globalization and neoliberal hegemony. Peck explores incisively the discursive struggles over the crisis of the welfare state and workfare’s contribution to its resolution – initially in the USA and then, spreading through various discursive, economic, and policy channels, in Canada and the United Kingdom and even some social democratic welfare regimes in Continental Europe. He also presents a series of well-researched case studies on the complex political economy of local workfare experiments in Massachusetts and California, their adoption elsewhere in the United States, their translation to Canada (especially in Ontario) and Britain. And he dissects their economic context, their regulatory logic, their role in reinforcing contingent labour markets, their role in reinforcing gender and ethnic stereotypes and differences in the marginal labour force, and their current limits and likely future difficulties. This is an especially important contribution to the overall merit of the work because it enables Peck to interweave his discourse analysis, political analysis, and policy analysis with a detailed account of local labour markets and their place within a broader macro-economic context. Peck is particularly interested in this book in how ‘workfare’ expanded from a peripheral and small-scale work program in the USA that required participants to “work off” their welfare checks to a core component in the more general project of welfare state reform in advanced capitalist economies. He shows how workfare moved from a pet project of neo-conservatives and neo-liberals to become an electorally popular and bipartisan assault on welfare states in advanced capitalist economies. In this context he develops a very clear analysis of the many-sided differences between workfare and welfare and distinguishes between their variant forms. He then seeks to explain how workfare has become the normal (or normalized) approach to the reform of an ‘overburdened’ and passive welfare state as well as of rigid local labour markets. Neo-liberal workfare appears to resolve these social and economic problems by developing more selective and targeted benefit systems that prepare the unemployed for re-attachment to the low-waged, low grade, high turnover, contingent labour market. Thus Peck defines the essence of workfarism as the ‘imposition of a range of compulsory programs and mandatory requirements for welfare recipients with a view to enforcing work while residualizing welfare’ (p. 10). In this sense, workfare operates as a disciplinary mechanism that affects the attitudes not only of those directly engaged in the workfare program but also those who observe its operations. His case studies reveal the local variability of workfare programs, how their specific forms and intended functions are adapted in different local and national circumstances, and the different forms of resistance that they encounter. Of particular interest here are his analyses of Canada (with distinct provincial approaches and far greater resistance than occurs in its southern neighbor) and New Labour’s fascination with the US workfare model. On this basis he also considers the short- and medium-term consequences of workfarism. Peck insists that the purported success of workfare policies is both spatially and temporally limited. They are less effective in inner city areas and in attaching the more marginal and less employable members of the workforce; and they are more likely to appear successful during periods of economic expansion than in periods of recession. Indeed, he claims that, stripped down to its labor-regulatory essence, workfare is not about creating jobs for people that don’t have them; it is about creating workers for jobs that nobody wants. Even though Peck was writing during the ‘new economy’ boom, it was already becoming clear that workfare policies were beginning to bump up against structural limits in weak local labour markets. This is even more evident today. Workfare States is an excellent example of contemporary radical geography. It is attentive to local variability, uneven development, and scalar articulation; it links macro- and micro-analyses; it explores discourses, strategies, institutional forms, policy transfer, and institutional learning; and, as with other radical geography, it is critical and engaged. Bob Jessop