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THE NIGERIAN DIASPORA AND NATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT: CONTRIBUTIONS,
CHALLENGES, AND LESSONS FROM
OTHER COUNTRIES
Sharkdam Wapmuk
Nigerian Institute of International Afairs, Lagos, Nigeria
sharksnaw@yahoo.com
Oluwatooni Akinkuotu
Nigerian Institute of International Afairs, Lagos, Nigeria
oluwatooni.a@googlemail.com
Vincent Ibonye
Nigerian Institute of International Afairs, Lagos, Nigeria
vincentibonye@gmail.com
Abstract
he paper, in general terms, clariies and discusses the link between the Diaspora
and the issue of development in general, and, in speciic terms examines the role
as well as the huge potential of the Nigerian Diaspora in national development.
Drawing lessons from the historical as well as contemporary experiences of some
countries such as India, China, Philippines, Italy, and Ghana, the paper argues
that the Diaspora can be an agent of national development. In analyzing the
diferent Diasporas and remittances from Diasporas from the diferent countries,
the paper took cognizance of the fact that they are not similar to each other, just
like Nigerian Diaspora has diferent kinds of diasporic conditions and responses
as that of other African countries in Diaspora. After many years of military
authoritarian rule, Nigeria returned to democratic rule in 1999. he event opened
a new vista in terms of Nigerian government-Diaspora relations. his is evidenced
in the increased eforts by past administrations of Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo
and Umaru Yar Adua and present administration of Goodluck Ebele Jonathan to
attract the Diaspora, not only to identify with Nigeria, but also to contribute to the
country’s development. he philosophy behind Nigeria’s current eforts to engage
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the Nigerian Diaspora was borne out of the recognition of the huge capital and
resources of the Diaspora and the need to tap into that vast reservoir of knowledge,
skills, and experiences for national development. he new initiatives by the
civilian government towards engaging the Nigerian Diaspora included interactive
meetings, dialogues, conference, and through the creation of organizations such
as the Nigerians in the Diaspora Organisation (NIDO) and Nigerian National
Volunteer Service (NNVS) as platforms for Diaspora engagement and the adoption
of July 25 as Diaspora Day every year. Such appropriative eforts have not yielded
enough fruits as the Nigerian state would have wanted. his, in part, is due to the
characteristic of Diaspora and diasporic identities in their highly hybridized and
ever multidirectional character, rendering the impossibility of entire cooption by
the national government and its agencies. When compared with the experiences of
some of the countries examined, it becomes evident that the Nigerian government
develop more platforms for the engagement of the Nigerian Diaspora and also
improve its engagement with the Diaspora by building partnerships and harnessing
its resources for national gains. he study therefore concludes by recommending
that an institutional framework should be created by the Nigerian government that
will efectively engage the Nigerian Diaspora, so that the huge potentials therein
can be harnessed for national development.
Keywords
African diaspora, Nigerian diaspora, diaspora policy, national development,
international migration, diaspora relations, international remittance
About the Authors
Sharkdam Wapmuk is a Research Fellow at the Nigerian Institute of International
Afairs, Lagos. He has an M.Sc Political Economy and Development Studies and
is currently on a doctoral programme at the Department of Political Science,
University of Jos, Jos, Nigeria. While his geographic areas of interest include Africa
and Asia, his research interests are in the thematic ields of Africa-India relations,
cooperation and integration in Africa, African development initiatives, and the
diaspora. He has written a number of journal articles and book chapters in these
areas.
Oluwatooni Akinkuotu is a Research Fellow in the Department of Research and
Studies at the Nigerian Institute of International Afairs, Lagos, where she worked
since 2011. She holds a Masters’ of Arts in International Studies and Diplomacy
from the School of Oriental and African Studies. Her research focus lies in the area
of international politics and diplomacy, pertaining to government and politics in
Africa; and post conlict development (East African region).
Vincent Ibonye is a Researcher with the Department of Research and Studies,
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Nigerian Institute of International Afairs. He holds a B.Sc in Political Science and
Public Administration from the University of Benin. His research interests are
international politics and diplomacy, globalization, governance and post-conlict
development, with further interest in energy politics/security and addressing
discordant development in the third world.
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Introduction
he formation of the Nigerian Diaspora has been intimately linked to the
evolution of a globalised and racialised capitalism. Slavery, colonial labor
policies, post-colonial conlict, including the Nigerian civil war of 1967-1970, and
economic hardship occasioned by Structural Adjustment Programs (SAP) and
neoliberalism have all propelled Nigerians into the Diaspora that grows ever more
difuse. Hernandez-Coss and Chinyere (40) claims that there are about 15 million
Nigerians living abroad (41). he Nigerian Ministry of Foreign Afairs (MFA) gives
an estimate of about 20 million Nigerian residents in Europe and the United States.
In fact, Ifeanyi (184) estimates that about 3.4 million Nigerians are living in the
United States. However, while the linkages between capitalism, imperialism, and
displacement are dynamic, we should avoid a simplistic determinism that sees the
movements of Nigerian people as some inevitable response to the mechanisms
of broader structures (Ifeanyi 184). he complexity of displacement is such that
human agency plays an essential role and avoids the unhelpful conclusion of seeing
Nigerians and other Africans as victims. According to Mohan and Zach-Williams,
“it is this interplay of structural forces and human agency that gives Diasporas their
shifting, convoluted and overlapping geometry” (1).
his paper is an in-depth examination of the role of the Nigerian Diaspora in
national development. While there has been much work on migration and labour
markets (Harris and Todaro; Durand, Parado, and Massey), there is very little on
the complex linkages between Diaspora and development. Much of the work on
the Nigerian Diaspora has been of a cultural nature, examining such things as the
survival of African cultural practices in the New World or the representation of
home in the processes of diasporic identity formation. Such issues are undoubtedly
important. he primary proposition of this of this study is, however, that although
the engagement of Diaspora communities with their countries of origin is not new
within developmental studies and international politics, recent developments1
have heightened both academic and policy interest in the nexus between migration
and development.
Over the past few years, the link between migration and development has
emerged as a distinct policy ield and, to some extent, as a new development and
cooperation sector. his development was more or less driven by the Diaspora and
supported by the home governments that recognized the growing economic and
human resources potentials of their Diaspora communities.
he study begins by noting that it is quite diicult to conine the word “Diaspora”
to an agreeable deinition because of the form and character of the subject. Diaspora
may refer broadly to communities of individuals residing and working outside their
countries of origins. hese individuals often maintain social, inancial, and cultural
connections to their country of origin, usually mediated through family and
friends in their homeland. he ancient Greek derivation of the word (διασπορά-
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diaspeirein ‘disperse’, from dia ‘across’ + speirein ‘scatter’) connotes spreading
or scattering of seeds. Historic Diaspora was often forcefully expelled, although
the modern Diaspora is formed by those who search for better opportunities and
livelihood abroad. Diaspora communities are of diferent origins. In recent times,
the subject has emerged as an area of study generating much interest.
As a subject of study, it has been argued that the African Diaspora communities
hardly exhibit the same features at any given time. Whether it is the emotional
connection to ancestry, a consciousness on identity, or a willingness to return
to Africa, the African Diaspora tends to not display every characteristic it is
associated with (Palmer).2 his is evident in the shift in consciousness of identity
among blacks in the United States from Black-Americans to African-Americans,
and then to Americans. It is instructive that Nigeria strongly protested foreign
media reports about the perpetrators of the Woolwich murder supposedly carried
out by a Nigerian descent. In addition, an African who migrates to foreign lands
may choose to deny all ties to Africa, thereby also raising the question about who
can be classiied as a Nigerian or African Diaspora. It notes from the onset that
the Nigerian government had long recognized its Diaspora as positive agents in its
quest for national development. However, the eforts of the Nigerian government
to engage its Diaspora hardly went beyond eforts aimed at cultural reconnections
(Alli 255). he paper therefore argues that if the right institutional framework is
created for engaging the Nigerian Diaspora, it can contribute more signiicantly to
national development.
However, how does one deine or, at least, empirically measure the right
institutional framework for engaging the Nigerian Diaspora and how does one
truly understand the concept of national development within the context of
Nigeria’s national interest? he answers to such questions are usually embedded
in theoretical discussions that in essence provide a theoretical measuringstick through which conceptions and deinitions of key terms such as “national
development” or “right institutional framework” are determined. he danger in
utilizing such theoretical discourse as opposed to a policy “measuring-stick” is
two-fold: irstly, its applicability presents some challenges; such as predictability
and precision and secondly, it easily results in a generalized analysis of a diverse,
unique, and at times unstable case study such as Nigeria. To which end, such a unique
case study requires an equally lexible framework that captures the best possible
policy choices to bring about a lasting change to the living conditions of the people
concerned. Rooted in the study are policy measures that stand as parameters for
analyzing the government’s relations with the Diaspora and draw on public policy
initiatives from countries in need of addressing economic development and nation
building needs. his approach hopes to provide valuable input for continued policy
discourse at the national level and beyond. Moreover, the objective is to contribute
an alternative approach to evaluate and identify future directions and common
ground for addressing the inherent development potential of migration in the
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global, regional, and national migration and development debates.
he paper is divided into seven sections. Following the introduction, the second
section attempts to deine Nigerian Diaspora and National Development. A
discussion of the theoretical framework for the paper is also undertaken in this
section. he third section examines the history of the Nigerian Diaspora. he
fourth section highlights the role of the Diaspora in national development, while
it dovetails into relations, especially the extent of engagements, between the
government and the Diaspora. he ifth section investigates, in detail, international
remittance lows and other contributions by the Nigerian Diaspora to national
development. he sixth section explores the experiences of other countries in
terms of Diaspora engagements and possible lessons for Nigeria, and the seventh
section is the conclusion.
Defining the Nigerian Diaspora and Role in National
Development
In a world in which identity politics and recourse to ethnicity are regularly
invoked, Diaspora as a term is seriously contested. Around the world, many
diferent ethnicities, nationalities, races, and religions claim Diaspora identity
for themselves, while scholars who study them often use the term without much
analytical precision. What this bears witness to is that deining Diaspora and
deciding who gets to be regarded as belonging to a diasporic community is not
a little problematic. Accordingly, anyone who seeks to write about the Nigerian
Diaspora is almost certain to get caught in the exercise of deinition. On the
face value, the phrase “Nigerian Diaspora” may appear to be a straightforward
description. his may not necessarily be so. Methodologically speaking, deining
the Nigerian Diaspora should begin with a clear understanding of the Nigeria
state’s character, or at least its ethnic composition.
Nigeria has over 250 ethnic groups. he Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo, since
independence have been identiied as the dominant ethnic groups. However, these
dominant ethnic groups are often challenged by the minority ethnic groups. he
nature of ethnic contestations especially over power and resource sharing has
led some Nigerians to question the degree of “Nigerianness” of the country.3 he
Nigerian state, the ancestral homeland, is central to any informed analysis and
understanding of the dispersal of its peoples. It must be noted that the people who
left Nigeria and their ethnic group, either coerced or otherwise, took their cultures,
ideas, and identities with them as well, which could have been altered with time in
the new environment. he point is that the Nigerian Diaspora does not present a
single homogenous ethnic group, but a number of ethnic groups, whose identities
are underpinned by their country of origin. To avoid the unending debate on the
issue of Diaspora, the paper aligns itself with the position of the African Union.
Already, the African Union (AU) has acknowledged the African Diaspora as the
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Sixth Region in the AU (Araia), and, deined the African Diaspora as:
he African Diaspora consists of peoples of African origin living outside
the continent, irrespective of their citizenship and nationality and who are
willing to contribute to the development of the continent and the building of
the African Union (“Report of Meeting of Experts on the Deinition of the
African Diaspora” 7).
his study draws from the deinition provided by the AU. For the purpose of
this paper, the Nigerian Diaspora is deined as those Nigerians, irrespective of
their ethnic, religious, geopolitical regions, living outside the country and who are
desirous or already contributing to the development of Nigeria.
It is necessary to also clarify the issue of national development, and the role of
Diaspora in development, especially within the context of this paper. Development
is a word that is diicult to deine because of the multifarious contextual usage
of the concept. here are perhaps as many deinitions of development and/or
national development as there are scholars working on the subject. For the purpose
of this paper, the concept of national development (economic, political, and social),
especially as it relates to the role of Diaspora, is understood as bringing about
valuable and positive changes that improves the living standards of the Nigerian
people.
According to Mohan, developmental activities of the Diaspora can be divided
into three categories. Firstly, “development in the Diaspora” refers to the use of
diasporic connections in the immediate locality to ensure social and economic
well-being of the Diaspora members (107). “Development through the Diaspora”
expands upon development in the Diaspora engaging global as well as local
networks (113). Both types of development also help economic development in
the host country through trade and investment. he third category, “development
by the Diaspora”, is the most relevant for this study. he third category brings in the
role of the Diaspora in the development of their homelands.
Mohan’s typology refers to the economic, political, social, and cultural
diasporic lows that facilitate development of homelands (123). his study will
expand upon Mohan’s typology to consider how development by the Diaspora
can apply to the home country. he Nigerian Diaspora are as diverse as are the
destination countries for Nigerian migrants. Researches on development by the
Diaspora have focused on hometown associations. According to Mohan and
Zach-Williams, hometown associations are celebrated for using personal ties in
developing countries, thereby making diasporic development organizations more
relevant, more sustainable, and more accountable (227). Mercer, Page, and Evans
have argued that the work of hometown associations is distinctive in comparison
to more traditional development organizations (141). However, hometown
associations are critiqued for reinforcing the position of elites, incorporating
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social dynamics into development projects and reinforcing a sense of absolute
ethnic identity. hese criticisms force a reconsideration of the role of Diaspora in
economic development and the assumptions of the migration and development
nexus. What is the true relationship between migration and development? To this
we now turn our attention.
Clarifying the Migration and Development Nexus
he establishment of the Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM)
is illustrative of the growing interest in the migration-development nexus amongst
international institutions, national governments, and academics.4 he assumption
of migrants as development agents contrasts with the restrictive immigration
policies of migrant-receiving countries. herefore, we must be cautious of this
current round of migration and development optimism.
Raghuram argues that just as development is perceived to be an outcome of
migration, migration can also be perceived as an outcome of development (105108). In migrant-receiving countries that view immigration as a problem to be
controlled, politicians, oicials, and the public still believe that if they can tackle
the “root causes of international migration” (Raghuram 106) then it can be reduced
drastically. he root causes is understood here as that migration is a consequence
of underdevelopment, a rational response to poor economic conditions in home
countries that encourage migrants to seek employment and opportunity in more
developed economies.
De Haas identiied two problems with the current approach of restrictive
immigration policies in developed countries and the linking of migration patterns
to underdevelopment. Firstly, restrictive immigration policies have largely failed
to curb migration (819). he demand for both skilled and unskilled labor in
developed countries is relatively constant so continued levels of immigration are
highly likely. Moreover, migration patterns, once established, gain momentum and
are hard to control. Restrictive policies, instead of limiting migration, encourage
dangerous and irregular migration, as illustrated by increasing border death rates
and decreasing apprehension rates. Secondly, De Haas argues that development
does not and will not stop migration (819). Martin and Taylor’s study of the
“migration hump” sheds light on the relationship between development and
migration. Martin and Taylor argue that increases in development levels lead to an
increase in migration. According to these , Martin and Taylor, peoples’ aspirations
are raised and migration levels fall only after a signiicant development level is
reached and countries become net-importers of labor. he inding of this study is
well-supported by Skeldon who argued that “development increases mobility”, and
that “migration is essentially the response of individuals to changing development
conditions” (1). De Haas’ critique undermines the assumptions upon which
current optimism in the migration-development nexus is based, and exposes the
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contradictions between this apparent development optimism and simultaneous
tightening of border control and immigration levels. In particular, this critique
raises questions about the meaning and understanding of development in the
mainstream framework. With this clariication we now turn our attention to the
theoretical framework for this paper.
Theoretical Discourse
he classical debate of the Diaspora group revolves around the concept of
ethnicity as the unifying category, which reasserts group solidarity and commonality.
However, as is the case with Nigeria, which has more than 250 ethnic groups, it is
evident that the concept of ethnicity alone is not enough to explain constructions
of identity.
William Safran is one of the irst scholars to establish the main criteria of the
classical theory of Diaspora. In his essay “Diasporas in Modern Societies: Myths
of Homeland and Return”, he describes a number of Diaspora groups and classiies
them according to the following points: dispersal from a center to two or more
peripheral or foreign regions; retention of collective memory, vision, or myth; the
belief that full acceptance by the host country is not possible, resulting in alienation
and insult; regard for the ancestral homeland as the true or ideal home and place of
inal return; commitment to the maintenance or restoration of safety and prosperity
in the homeland; And personal or vicarious relations to the homeland in an ethnocommunal consciousness (35).
he classical theory is preoccupied with the reairmation of the value of the
collective myth, common shared ethnic identity, unitary homeland, integration,
and assimilation of the Diaspora into the host societies. Hence, the classical
Diaspora framework concentrates on the reasons and conditions of dispersal,
connections with the center, a common ethnic umbrella, and integration issues in
host societies; but not on where and how these people lived before their dispersal
(re-)migration and, most importantly, what cultural baggage, symbolic or
otherwise, they continue to bring with them from their countries of (re)migration
to a concrete community space in the Diaspora.
Another signiicant perspective in classical writings on Diaspora has always
been the focus on, cases such as Jews, Armenians, Greeks, and several others,
Shefer argues that the Jewish case has become so central to the Diaspora discourse
that dictionaries deine the word Diaspora by describing the Jewish Diaspora
experience. he orientation towards classifying paradigmatic cases as classical
has been predominant even in critical discussions of Diaspora theory. According
to James Cliford, “we should be able to recognize the strong entailment of Jewish
history on the language of Diaspora without making that history a deinitive model”
(306). he so-called classical model of Diaspora theory has become a descriptive
typological tool that does not allow one to go beyond accepted characteristics such
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as ethnicity, dispersal, homeland, and origin; neither does it provide an analytical
framework to fully understand the phenomenon of Diaspora as a social condition
and societal process.
Finally, the use of the concept of Diaspora has become dispersed through
diferent semantic, conceptual, and disciplinary spaces. Harutyunyan has
questioned the ability of the theory to adequately accommodate the diverse
experiences of many Diaspora groups into the available framework (3). he need
for reconsideration of the theoretical approaches has become more imperative
against the backdrop of dynamics of globalization, capitalism, transnationalism,
culture, identity, hybridity, and other critical issues underpinning the Diaspora
discourse in contemporary era.
Against this background, the paper draws from the works of Arif Dirlik’s Global
Modernity: Modernity in an Age of Global Capitalism and Arjun Appadurai’s
Disjunction and Diferences in Global Cultural Economy. heir works, we believe,
will help us to grapple the complex notion of Nigerian Diaspora and its efects on
national development in the age of globalization and transnationalism.
Arif Dirlik presents the concept of “global modernity” as a way to understand
the contemporary world. He argues that during the last three decades, capitalism
inluenced economic, social, political and cultural aspects of modernity, such that
the “present represents not the beginning but the end of globalization, which has
produced a new era in the unfolding of capitalism-global modernity” (8). he
globalization of capitalism following the fall of socialist competitors in the late
1980’s generated culturally-informed counter-claims to modernity. Modernity,
globalized, has resulted in the fragmentation of the very idea of modern. Dirlik’s
global modernity is intended as a conceptual marker to distinguish the present
from its Eurocentric past, while recognizing the crucial importance of that past
in shaping the present. he study makes its case by historicizing globalization as
concept and phenomenon and ,analyzing diferences between globalization and
earlier discourses of development (from modernization to various challenges to it
in World-System Analysis, Dependency heory, etc.).
he framework proposed by Dirlik seeks to demonstrate why globalization
as discourse derives plausibility from a new situation in the unfolding of global
capitalism. It also suggests a strong relationship between an emergent global
modernity and discourses of postmodernity and postcoloniality that acquired
currency during the same years. He further argues that the new situation of global
modernity does not break with its colonial past but reconigures it, as capital in its
transnationalization creates new class formations that cut across divides of earlier
“hree Worlds” (i.e., developed, developing and underdeveloped) ideas or of clearcut distinctions between colonizers and colonized.5
Dirlik suggests that the concept of global modernity helps overcome the
teleology implicit in a term such as globalization, while it also recognizes global
diference and conlict, which are as much characteristics of the contemporary
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world as they are tendencies toward unity and homogenization. According to Dirlik,
these diferences and the appearance of “alternative” or “multiple” modernities are
expressions, and articulations, of the contradictions of modernity that are now
universalized across, as well as within, societies. If we are to speak of alternative
or multiple modernities, which presently valorize the persistence of traditions and
“civilizational” legacies, we need to recognize that the very language of alternatives
and multiplicity is enabled historically by the presupposition of a common
modernity shaped by a globalizing capitalism.
Arjun Appadurai, on the other hand, argues that the central problem of today’s
global interactions is the tension between cultural homogenization and cultural
heterogenization. According to this scholar, the homogenization arguments
most often end up either as arguments about “Americanization” or about
“commoditization”. In his opinion, these two arguments are very much linked. he
point to note here is that these arguments often fail to consider that as new forces
from various societies enter into new societies, they tend to become indigenized in
one way or the other.
Another point to note is that smaller groups of Diaspora are careful not to be
absorbed culturally by larger groups. According to Appadurai, these widespread
global manifestations of the Diaspora are also tied to the relationship between
nations and states. To this, he adds that “the global economy must be understood
as a complex, overlapping, disjunctive order” (290). In his view, we can no longer
understand the global economy in terms of the existing center-periphery model
nor can we understand migration from simple models of push and pull theory. In
essence, the complexity of the global economy has to do “with certain fundamental
disjunctures between economy, culture and politics which we have barely begun
to theorize” (296).
Appadurai proposed an elementary framework for exploring such disjuntures
by looking at the relationship between ive dimensions of global cultural
low: ethnoscapes (movement of people), mediascapes (movement of media),
technoscapes (movement of technology), ideoscapes, (movement of ideas),
and inanscapes (movement of money). he underlying point of discussion
in these ive “scapes” is that the globalization of culture is not the same as its
homogenization. Globalization involves the use of instruments of homogenization
including advertisements, language, clothing styles, and many others, which are
easily absorbed into local political and cultural economies, only to be repatriated
as heterogeneous dialogues of national sovereignty, free enterprise, and even
fundamentalism in some cases.
Most relevant to this paper is the Appadurai’s discussion of the relationship
between the nation-state and the Diaspora in the disjunctured global economy
of culture today. He argues that the idea of deterritorialization creates an avenue
where Diaspora takes advantage of opportunities in their new territories and to
raise money (by selling their labor, expanding their investment, etc.) independent
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of national boundaries. In turn, the Diaspora moves the monies back homeland (as
in the case of Bombay) to alter their societies, either positively or negatively. On
the other hand, nation-states are always seeking to monopolize the resources of
external communities for development purposes.
he works of Dirlik and Appadurai, no doubt, are of great signiicance for our
study on the Nigerian Diaspora and National development. Both authors have
provided meaningful insights for understanding the character of Diaspora in the
era of globalization. Both Dirlik and Appadurai posit that the logic of globalization
and capital is its homogenizing tendencies amidst the otherwise conlicting and
heterogeneous character of culture, identities, peoples, media, inances, and many
others.
On Diaspora identities, Dirlik has argued that Diaspora or diasporic identities,
in contemporary cultural criticism, focus on the problematic of national identity
or the necessity of accommodating migrant cultures. he concept of Diaspora or
diasporic identity serves well when it comes to deconstructing claims of national
cultural homogeneity. It is also important in expanding the horizon of cultural
diferences and challenging cultural hegemony at a time when the accommodation
of cultural diferences may be more urgent than ever in the face of the globalizing
world. Appadurai has also noted that for the Diaspora community, there is often
tension between “cultural homogenization and cultural heterogenization” (297).
Appadurai states that in order to understand how to conduct the most successful
global economy, the understanding of these “diasporas” and movements of cultural
products needs to be achieved. he movement of monies back home could either
positively or negatively deployed in the home country, even as state governments
continue to seek to promote national development. It is against this background
that we proceed to examine the history of the Nigerian Diaspora.
Historicizing the Nigerian Diaspora
he study of Nigeria’s Diaspora cannot be completely separated from the study
of Africa’s Diaspora. his is particularly so because, during this period, no single
diasporic movement or monolithic diasporic community could be studied unless
traced back to certain experiences of the majority of pre-independent African states.
It was an era before the creation of an African as a trans-ethnic consciousness, let
alone a Nigerian consciousness. Gomez articulates several distinct experiences
which, he argues, accompany a description of any African diasporic community,
thus, characterizing distinct diasporic phases in Africa’s migration history. Simply
put, when examining the Diaspora of diferent African countries, it would be diicult
to ignore the following: Africa as the land of origin; the periods of enslavement
(trans-Saharan, Red Sea, Indian Ocean or trans-Atlantic slave trades); the struggle
against discrimination, speciically one of adapting to a new environment whilst
struggling to maintain their culture; the reiication of colour and race; and the on-
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going signiicance of Africa to African descendent populations.6
It is strongly believed that the irst African Diaspora was a consequence of a great
movement which occurred within and outside Africa approximately 100,000 years
ago (Palmer 25). he “Out of Africa” theory7 is the most widely accepted model
in the study of palaeo-anthropology, describing the geographic origin and early
migration of modern humans. he argument (Gill) that modern humans evolved
in Africa, possibly from Homo heidelbergensis, Homo rhodesiensis, or Homo
antecessor, and migrated out of the continent some 50,000 to 100,000 years
ago, replacing local populations of Homo erectus, Homo denisova, Homo
loresiensis, and Homo neanderthalensis can be used to argue the earliest migration
of humans.8
Although the “Out of Africa” theory is a mainstream position, not every scholar
supports it. Critics argue that this early African exodus is different in character
from later movements and settlements and thus should not constitute a signiicant
phase of the diasporic process. In 2009, a 10-year study by a team of international
scientists, published in the scientiic journal Science, was described by the BBC
as the largest African genetic study ever undertaken (Gill). he reason being that
amongst other key indings, the team was reported to have located the origin of
modern human migration in South-Western Africa, near the coastal border of
Namibia and Angola. Moreover, samples from four African-American populations
were also taken, tracing their African ancestry. his was, as expected, mostly
pinned down to West Africa, giving more weight to the “Out of Africa” theory and
its signiicance in explaining early migrations patterns out of Africa. Although no
study has gone as far as to call these modern humans Africans, it does however,
make one consider the extent to which those early migrated groups form early
African Diaspora communities. his is why as much as we may want to delve into
the subject of the contemporary form of Diaspora, it is relevant we talk about the
deeper and wider dynamics of their evolution thereby placing our perception in
proper context. Put diferently, we must consider signiicant historical factors
that shaped their development, and the critical role of global political and socioeconomic forces in their formation.
Pre-Modern Diaspora
Palmer identiies the movement of the Bantu-speaking peoples as another
major period constituting a phase of the diasporic process. hese streams began
about 3000 B.C.E., when the Bantu were believed to have migrated south and east
of Africa, and further out towards the Indian Ocean from the region that now
form modern Nigeria and Cameroon. A number of theories have been put forward
to explain this migration. One theory asserts that the Bantu came from West
Africa, around the Cameroon highlands and Bauchi/Plateau of Nigeria, pointing
to the Niger Basin as the possible cradle land of the Bantu. A second theory posits
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that the Bantu came from the Katanga region in South-Eastern Congo, gradually
spreading near the lower Congo and Kasai (Stringer 692). Nevertheless, research
shows that this distinct group can be found in parts of Africa where variants of the
Bantu language is still spoken and where pottery technology and iron technology
are still being used, linking those areas with Nigeria and Cameroon. For example,
there are said to be close to 450 known languages in the Bantu family from Gikuyu
(Gekoyo, Gigikuyu, Kikuyu) spoken primarily by the Kikuyu people surrounding
mountain ranges in Central Kenya, to Tswana, spoken by people that can be found
in Botswana, Lesotho, South Africa and Swaziland, Namibia, and Zimbabwe.
Trading Diaspora
Palmer identiies another major stream of the African Diaspora, beginning
around the ifth century B.C.E, which he calls the trading diaspora. his movement
of Africans was characterized by the passage of traders, merchants, slaves
and soldiers to Europe, the Middle East and Asia, for example (Palmer). his
diasporic stream was said to have resulted in the creation of communities of
peoples of African descent in India, Portugal, Spain, the Italian city-states, and
elsewhere in the Middle East, apparently before Christopher Columbus undertook
his voyages across the Atlantic (Palmer). he literature, particularly historical
and anthropological research, detailing the trading Diaspora of Africans on the
continent has expanded the understanding of the internal movement of Africans
and the subsequent creation of non-indigenous communities around the continent.
he trading Diaspora emanated from mostly voluntary migration of Africans
within the continent. Often, the migrant communities maintain social ties with the
“homeland”, forming kinship networks which proved to be vital to the organizational
structure of the internal and cross-boundary trading of ethnic migrant groups
(Palmer). Although involuntary migration through the Trans-Saharan, TransAtlantic Transatlantic and Indian Ocean slave trade accounts for the presence
of most of the African presence outside Africa today, the trading Diaspora did
account for some Africans outside the continent. While each of these massive
movements shaped and reshaped African life, none was more important than
the Trans-Atlantic slave trade, marking a signiicant milestone in the involuntary
movement of Nigerians across the Atlantic.
Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Diaspora
Historical accounts of the creation of a Nigerian Diaspora can be divided into
two schools of thought. Alusine and Maizlish argue that the earliest documented
Nigerian Diaspora was as a result of international migration of Nigerians as far
back as the pre-colonial era. Of which, according to the argument, began with
the Hausa transnational links that found its best expression in the Trans-Saharan
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trade, particularly between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries (71). Alusine
and Maizlish also argue that documented history of migration in the territory
known as Nigeria can be traced as early as other slave trades in Africa between
1400 and 1900. Despite these diferences in perspectives, both arguments agree
that the Trans-Atlantic slave trade, in which millions of slaves were said to have
been exported from West, West-Central, and Eastern Africa, made up a critical
phase in the establishment of Nigeria’s Diaspora. Historians still debate exactly
how many Africans were forcibly transported across the Atlantic during the TransAtlantic slave trade. A comprehensive database compiled in the late 1990s puts the
igure at just over 11 million people (Adi 14).
Modern Nigerian experiences of the Trans-Atlantic slave trade can be argued to
have begun following interactions with Portugal (Adi 15). he Portuguese initially
brought slaves to the Southwestern coast of modern Nigeria and neighboring parts
of the modern Benin Republic to be traded for gold. Even when the Portugese
slave trade expanded to the Bight of Benin and modern Angola, it continued to
maintain a presence on the Nigerian coast, keeping its control of the slave route. It
is estimated that by the early sixteenth century, as much as ten percent of Lisbon’s
population was of African descent (Adi 16). he Spanish also played a signiicant
part in forming today’s modern Diaspora, shipping the irst captives directly from
the modern Benin, Nigeria and Cameroon to the Americas, from Europe, as early
as 1518.
hroughout the expansion of the Trans-Atlantic trade and up to the middle of
the eighteenth century, more slaves came from the Nigerian coast than from any
other country in that region. According to documented accounts, approximately
thirty percent (30%) of all slaves sent across the Atlantic during the nineteenth
century came from Nigeria (Adi 16). hroughout the period of the trade, more
than 3.5 million slaves were shipped from Nigeria to the Americas. Most of these
slaves were Igbo and Yoruba, with signiicant concentrations of Hausa, Ibibio, and
other ethnic groups.
Colonial Diaspora
he colonial era witnessed another major migration stream, with the invasion of
the British as a colonial power in the nineteenth century and large-scale migration
of labor from Nigeria to countries such as Cameroon, Sierra Leone, Equatorial
Guinea, Benin Republic, and Ghana. here was a need for manual labor on
plantations, in mines, and in public administration (Adepoju 71-85). his stream
was dominated by internal continental migration, making up a critical phase in
the establishment of the Nigerian Diaspora in Africa. According to Mberu, an
estimated 6,500 Nigerians were said to have moved to modern Ghana and Benin
to work on railway construction and in gold mines between 1900 and 1902. He
also gives a detailed account of migration lows of Nigerians during this period. He
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argues that after the completion of the railway in Ghana, some migrants voluntarily
stayed behind and became traders. After WWI, more Nigerians migrated to Côte
d’Ivoire in response to the growing need for labor in cash-crop plantation and to
reconstruction eforts to aid the agricultural sector (Mberu). Osuntokun also wrote
that during the colonial times, a signiicant number of Nigerians mostly Igbos from
South Eastern Nigeria migrated to Equatorial Guinea (then known as Fernando Po)
to work in cocoa plantations (151).
his period was signiicant because with European intervention came the
scramble for African land and resources and the demarcation of African territories.
his meant that with the creation of Nigeria as a single territorial unit, and of
“Nigerians” as people belonging to that unit, also came the creation of the Nigerian
Diaspora as a concept, or consequently, as an identity group. As a result, records
of Nigerians migrating to neighbouring states were high speciically due to the
creation of territorial boundaries by colonizers, cutting across migration streams.
In efect, traditional migrations streams of nomadic or trading communities and
communities themselves were severed with the creation of artiicial colonial
boundaries. For example, Yoruba culture and people can be located in Southwest
Nigeria to Côte d’Ivoire, Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso), Dahomey (Benin), Mali,
Togo, Niger, and Ghana (Osuntokun 151). he same applies to the Hausa ‘culture
and people’ also found in Chad, Niger, Cameroun, Benin, and Ghana (Kyari 196207).
Contemporary Diaspora
While a signiicant percentage of migrant Africans, who have leeing their home
countries because of conlict or fear of political persecution since the 1960’s, could
aptly be described as “refugees”, many Nigerians could hardly be described as such
and would more appropriately be classiied as “economic migrants” and “politicsinduced migrants”. he former Minister of Foreign Afairs, Chief Ojo Maduekwe
has noted that over 15 million Nigerians live in neighboring countries and across
Africa, in Britain, Europe, Asia, Latin America, and North America. he population
of Nigerians in the USA alone is put at about 1.5 million, while the UK is home to
2 to 3 million Nigerians (Maduekwe 4).
Several push and pull factors have inluenced the movement of Nigerians
out of the country after it gained independence in 1960: severe economic crisis
accompanied by the collapse of crude oil prices in the 1980’s; the sporadic emergence
of autocratic and oppressive regimes and the accompanying political repression
between 1966 and 1998; the economic hardships occasioned by the introduction
of the inglorious Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP) in the 1980’s; the brain
drain syndrome; the search for economic and social mobility by professionals in
various spheres; and the search for educational and training opportunities by many
young people consequent upon the destruction of educational systems are a few
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amongst many push and pull factors compelling Nigerians to migrate.
he Babangida regime, contributed to the massive emigration of Nigerians
between 1985 and 1993 in two major ways (Ajibewa and Akinrinade 1-9). he
irst was the introduction of the IMF/World Bank-inspired Structural Adjustment
Programme (SAP), which annihilated the middle class, triggered massive poverty,
and triggered the mass emigration of several qualiied Nigerians to Europe and
North America in search for better opportunities. he second was the annulment
of the 1993 presidential elections, plunging the country into political crisis. he
succeeding regime of General Sani Abacha witnessed greater political turmoil.
Assassinations of political opponents, detentions without trials, destruction of
the homes of perceived opponents, and extrajudicial killing during this time led
many Nigerians, particularly many leading pro-democracy igures, to lee abroad.
According to Ajibewa and Akinrinade, UK records revealed that between 1993 and
1995, between 400 and 500 Nigerians applied for political asylum on a monthly
basis. his is in contrast with the igure of 50 between 1990 and 1992 (cited in
Ajibewa and Akinrinade 6).
While most of those whose movements were provoked by search for employment,
have found themselves within the African contient, particularly in Gabon,
Botswana and South Africa; most of those in search of a better life have found one
in countries outside the continent, particularly in the US, UK and Saudi Arabia. A
survey conducted from 2008 to 2010, on a sample of Nigerians:’ the purpose of the
survey was to determine if Nigerians will be willing to move outside the country
permanently, if given the opportunity to do so. he results showed that 44 percent
would do so; 14 per cent of which, were planning on doing so in the next 12 months;
and 40 percent said they would choose to move to the US, 20 percent to the UK
and 8 per cent to Saudi Arabia (OECD). his supports Kómoláfé’s argument that
Nigerian migrants predominantly move to the countries where they are more likely
to adjust rapidly in terms of being able to understand the host country’s language, to
secure gainful employment, and to reunite with members of their family and with
friends or to associate with other people from their country of origin. For these
reasons, the United Kingdom, United States of America and Canada are some of
the most popular destinations for Nigerian migrants (Kómoláfé). Between 2005
and 2006, the US was the most popular destination for Nigerians outside of Africa,
with 47.1 percent of the total, followed by the UK (33 percent), Italy (6.1 percent),
Canada (3.9 percent), Ireland (3.1 percent), Netherlands (1.1 percent), Austria (1.0
percent), France (1.0 percent) and Australia (0.6 percent) (OECD).
The Diaspora as a Driving Force for National
Development
At the global level, the importance of the Diaspora as a driving force for economic
and social development has not gone unrecognized. It was not until 2006 that the
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nexus between migration and development gained formal recognition with the
establishment of a United Nations initiated High-level Dialogue on Migration and
International Development (UNHLDMID) and the Global Forum for Migration
and Development (GFMD)9 (he World Bank). As the UN observes, part of this
realization was due to globalization and increased integration. It served to draw
attention to the positive contributions migration could make to development in
countries of origin and countries of destination, provided it was supported by the
right policies.
At the continental level, recognition that the African Diaspora was fast becoming
an important source of foreign exchange for Africa was institutionalized to the
extent that the African Union (AU) designated the Diaspora as a sixth development
“zone” in addition to West Africa, East Africa, Central Africa, Southern Africa, and
North Africa (Edozie 12). he AU’s deinition of this zone is very much tied to
the contributions made from the Diaspora towards African development. Since
the April 2005 declaration of the African Union Executive Council that deined
“African Diaspora”, formal recognition of this important region of Africans has been
institutionalized. he AU has also gone as far as to extricate their identity as African
Diaspora and merged it with their responsibility to the communities their ancestors
came from. During the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) legislative week in
2012, the focus had two themes important to African Diaspora, development and
identity. Development issues included economics, education, gender, health, youth
and how to support Africa. Identity discussions focused on the millions of people
throughout the world who now identify as African Diaspora and how they relate to
Africa and the African community of their ancestors.
At the national level, it became a pattern of foreign policy to incorporate the
Diaspora in matters of economic development. he focus of such policy include
attracting greater developmental and investment capital inlows to the home
market; capacity building initiatives that efectively engage the opportunities
ofered by globalization; to strengthening governance (Edozie 13).
Nigerian Government-Diaspora Relations and Policy
Initiatives
One of the key features of the Nigerian government’s engagement with its
Diaspora is the absence of programmatized terms of engagement in the form of
a Diaspora engagement policy. In essence, a Diaspora policy provides a primary
channel through which migrant home states interact with their Diaspora. hese
policies go beyond immigration issues and focus on emigration, which is increasingly
becoming an important consideration in a growing number of countries. A study
conducted by the International Migration Institute states that such policies are
known to take a wide range of formal and informal manifestations: symbolic and
rhetorical appeals to the loyalty of emigrants and their descendants; measures
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aimed at capturing and channelling a share of the migrant remittances that now
dwarf global development aid; new citizenship provisions that extend beyond
state borders; and formal governmental institutions that harmonize and oversee
the myriad ways in which states impact on, and are impacted by, the Diaspora
(International Migration Institute).
Despite the absence of a Diaspora policy, relations have always existed between
the Nigerian government and the Diaspora. Beginning in the 1970s, eforts were
made by the Nigerian government to connect with and engage both the Nigerian and
African Diaspora. For example, under the regime of General Olusegun Obasanjo
(1976-1979), there was the recognition of the value of the Diaspora by the Nigerian
government, especially the African-American community, not only in promoting
Nigeria’s bilateral relations with the United States, but also in the promotion of
Nigeria foreign policy, particularly in support of Nigeria’s role in the anti-colonial
and anti-apartheid struggle in Southern Africa. his was evidenced by Nigeria’s
close working relations with the then-US Ambassador to the UN Andrew Young.
Nigeria also hosted the successful Festival of Black Arts and Culture (FESTAC) in
1977, which attracted a many members of African Diaspora to Africa, and Nigeria
in particular, to appreciate the plight of Africans, especially of those still under the
yoke of colonial and racist rule in continent.
he question of Nigeria purposefully engaging its diverse skilled Diaspora
towards its development was relatively an appeal that hardly resulted in many
gains under the administration of President Shehu Shagari from 1979 to 1983; nor
during the military regimes of General Muhammadu Buhari from 1984 to 1985;
and the military regime of General Sani Abacha from1993 to 1998. he Nigerian
Diaspora played a signiicant role in Nigeria’s struggle to return to democratic
rule. his was particularly true during the military administration of General Sani
Abacha when the Nigerian Diaspora, under the auspices of the Association of
Nigerians Abroad (ANA), labored struggledfor the country’s return to democratic
rule. he struggle by the Nigerian Diaspora contributed to the isolation of Nigeria
from the international community. However, leading and developed nations such
as Canada were responsible for the motion that led to the country’s suspension
from the Commonwealth (Hagher). By 1985, under General Ibrahim Babangida,
the question about the instrumentalization of the country’s Diaspora was extended
from a matter of interest to a pursuit and, indeed, an objective following the
formulation of numerous policy statements and policy initiatives. As observed by
General Babangida, the Nigerian Diaspora are regarded as “an extension of our
own resources and as one people with us we have remained ever committed to
developing stronger fraternal relations with them” (Babangida 18). Of note among
the policy measures that commenced during the Babangida administration was
the establishment of the Technical Aid Corps (TAC) on the premise of seeking to
cultivate relationships with the African Diaspora. Furthermore, a body of eminent
Africans, both based locally and in the Diaspora, was raised to address the issue of
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Reparation of Nigerian Diaspora (Babangida 18).
Following Nigeria’s return to civilian democratic rule in May 1999, up to 2007
under President Olusegun Obasanjo, various changes were witnessed in the method
and approach towards engaging Nigerians living abroad by the oicial recognition
of Nigerians abroad as valuable stakeholders and partners in the country’s
development. Howard Jeter, former US Ambassador to Nigeria, had pointed
out that “for Nigeria and Africa to really beneit from the Nigerian and African
Diaspora, there is need to move to a new phase that will emphasize organized
and institutional cooperation between Africa and the African Diaspora” (Jeter 7).
his informed several foreign trips made by former President Obasanjo during
which he held discussions with Nigerians in the Diaspora. Most of the discussions
had centered on Nigerian Diaspora maximization in terms of contributing useful
human resources towards Nigeria’s development (Akinrinade and Ogen 81). In
other words, Obasanjo’s focus extended beyond improving cultural relations to
introducing novel initiatives aimed at bringing home professionals and experts
among Nigerian living and working abroad.
Following numerous interactions and engagements with the Nigerian Diaspora
referenced above, Nigerians in the Diaspora Organisation (NIDO) Worldwide was
established in 2001. It comprised a local branch at the Ministry of Foreign Afairs
in Abuja (later moved to the Presidency), and international branches situated in
Nigerian embassies across Europe, the United States and Canada, and a few Asian
and African countries (Akinrinade and Ogen 81). In order to galvanize development,
NIDO Worldwide established a two hundred million-dollar investment fund to be
drawn upon by both local- and foreign-based Nigerians seeking to invest in the
country, scaling up the competition existent among various NIDO conigurations
worldwide (Ani). he Organisation ofers a base for purposeful debate on issues
of Nigeria’s national development and encourages the input of the Diaspora in
the country’s domestic afairs (Mberu). Within the same year, the Directorate
of Technical Cooperation in Africa (DTCA) was formed to attract professionals
of Nigerian and African descent to invest their knowledge, skill and expertise
in Africa’s economies (OSFU). Tangible outcomes from Government-Diaspora
interactions were witnessed shortly after this time, one of the more notable ones
being the 2002 decision that allowed Nigerians to acquire foreign citizenship
without forfeiting their Nigerian citizenship (Mberu). his ofered Nigerians living
abroad the opportunity of having dual citizenship.
By 2003, the government of Nigeria established the Nigerian National Volunteer
Service (NNVS) as an additional institution for Diaspora engagement. Situated in
the Oice of the Secretary to the Government of Federation, and having branches
across the thirty-six (36) states of the federation, the organ guides the process
of constructive engagement between Nigeria and its Diaspora. It was in 2005, in
Abuja, that the NNVS initiated the irst annual Science and Technology Conference
between Nigerians at home and abroad. It was at this forum that former President
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Obasanjo declared July 25th of every year as Nigerian Diaspora Day (Akwani). his
was in recognition of the signiicance of Nigerians in the Diaspora to the Nigerian
project, thereby marking the country’s dedication to the Diaspora initiative
(Anyim). Notably, in 2006, the irst Diaspora Day celebrations, alongside the second
Science and Technology Conference of that year, recorded an increased turnout of
two hundred (200) members of the Nigerian Diaspora as against the seventy six
(76) which attended the conference of 2005 (Akwani). Some tangible outcomes
after the conference included: the signing of the Memoranda of Understanding
(MOU) on aiding medical missions to Nigeria between the Association of Nigerian
Physicians in America (ANPA) and the Medical Association of Nigerian Specialists
and General Practitioners in the British Isles (MANSAG) with the Ministry of
Health, Nigeria. he Federal Ministry of Health also signed an MOU with the
NNVS (Akwani). In addition, local research funds are now available to foreignbased scientists via the Science and Technology Trust Fund, while the execution
of projects such as arthritis managing medication produced by Dr. Obaija received
approval of the National Agency for Food Drug Administration and Control
(NAFDAC) to enter the public market (Akwani).
By 2007, following the controversy surrounding the 2007 presidential elections
that ushered in Umaru Musa Yar’ Adua as President; the manner of removal of
Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala (a much respected member of the Nigerian Diaspora) as
Finance Minister, among other disappointing showings, disenchantment on the
part of the Nigerian Diaspora came to fore in the poor attendance of that year’s
conference (Akwani). Notwithstanding, the Nigerian-Canadian Professor Isa Odidi,
who vied for presidency in the 2007 elections and lost, managed to secure the right
of the Diaspora to contest elections in Nigeria at the Supreme Court (Akwani).
hereafter, in 2008, former president Umaru Musa Yar’ Adua declared open the
2nd Diaspora Day celebrations and 3rd Science and Technology Conference with the
theme: “Connecting Nigeria with its Diaspora”. hat year’s conference witnessed
a high turnout of about four hundred (400) Nigerians living abroad registered in
attendance (Akinrinade and Ogen 82).
Since 1999, successive Nigerian governments have paid considerable attention
to the Nigerian Diaspora as a distinct community within Africa. he maximization
of the Nigerian Diaspora on the auspices of agencies such as NIDO has facilitated
high level visits by government oicials for the purposes of attracting investors,
exploring trade opportunities, and acquiring modern technology. Indeed,
governments at all levels have employed the skills and expertise of foreign-based
professionals and have appointed some to signiicant positions of authority (Ani).
Open and interactive sessions have been held across Nigerian Embassies between
the Nigerian President and Nigerian Diaspora during visits to some countries.
hese have led to the resolution of possible diplomatic rows and other challenges
facing Nigerians abroad that could otherwise prove to be national embarrassments
(Ani). he Jonathan administration has also argued that Nigerians in the Diaspora
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constitute a major asset in Nigeria’s transformation agenda. In his message at the
6th Annual Nigeria Diaspora Day Celebration (2013), themed: “Diaspora NigeriansAgents of Investment and Development”, President Goodluck Jonathan, represented
by Nigeria’s Vice President Namadi Sambo, stated the Federal Government’s
move to redevelop its approach on Diaspora policy for increased cooperation
and reinforced partnerships towards economic sustainability (Radio Nigeria and
News Agency of Nigeria). While he encouraged the Diaspora’s deployment of its
expertise and contacts towards attracting foreign investment into the country, he
also appreciated an estimated N10 billion Naira annual remittances from Nigerian
Diaspora. It is instructive to note that, on December 3, 2011, the irst Diaspora
National Development Strategy was initiated Nigerian government at a Business
Dinner attended by Nigerian Diaspora, the Nigerian Embassy in Germany, and
German businessmen; the event was hosted by the German chapter of NIDO
Europe in Berlin (Nweke). In announcing the Diaspora’s adoption of a proactive
approach to Nigeria’s development, Collins Nweke, Chairman of the reconstituted
Board of NIDO Europe stated that:
Trade and investment is a cornerstone of the development strategy, at least
for the period 2012-2014. hat our main policy focus is trade and investment
should not come as surprise to any careful onlooker given the dire need for
wealth creation in Nigeria and enhanced economic growth through injection
of impetus into the non-oil sector. It is also an imperative of our time to work
in consonance with government national economic priorities in a concerted
manner, so that sooner than later, the trickledown efect will translate to job
creation particularly for our teeming young unemployed or underemployed
youths .(Nweke)
Apart from trade and investment, other policy areas were selected such as
political reforms, basic education, and security. In underscoring the need to
connect these apparently slack areas for consistency in policy, Nweke stated:
...the development challenges facing the country do not start and end with the
chosen areas, but that these are the policy areas where the Diaspora has the
human and inancial capital to enable it make its impact felt. hese are the
low-hanging fruits that do not require a ladder to enable us pluck. (Nweke)
he Nigerian National Assembly has equally provided encouragement and
support to the country’s Diaspora through the Foreign Afairs Committee in the
Senate and the Diaspora Committee in the House of Representatives. On February
27, 2013, Chatham House hosted a meeting between the Nigerian National
Assembly’s Joint Committee on the Review of the 1999 Constitution and UK-based
Nigerians in order to provide them the opportunity of contributing to the debate
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surrounding the process of, and indeed the amendment itself (Chatham House).
According to Rt. Hon. Emeka Ihedioha, Deputy Speaker and Chairman of the
House of Representatives Committee on the Review of the Constitution (following
the call for memoranda and the announcement of the holding of the People’s
Public Sessions), the Committee received memoranda from numerous interest
groups such as the Central Association of Nigerians in United Kingdom (CANUK),
the All Nigerian Nationals in Diaspora (ANNID), the Nigerian Diaspora Alumni
Network (NIDAN), the Students Association of Nigerians in Diaspora (SAND),
among other NIDO related and non-NIDO related organizations (Ihedioha 24).
At the event, Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, the Chairman of the Diaspora Committee
from House of Representatives, gave several instances where the interventions
of the Committee on Diaspora were successful in addressing challenges faced by
some Nigerians living overseas. She mentioned the cases of a 72-year-old Nigerian
woman who was assisted out of a Brazilian jail she landed in on drug charges, and
had her sentence reduced to house arrest, upon discovery of an age restriction
barring adults above seventy (70) years of age from being jailed; of twenty three
(23) Nigerians that were saved from executions in Libya during the Gaddai era,
among other examples.
he National Assembly has also been very vocal about the Nigerian Diaspora as
a vast pool for national development. In her speech at the Chatham House meeting
Hon. Dabiri-Erewa stated that “the Diaspora policy is actually the migration
policy....we are talking to the executive of government to bring that policy and
review it to have a migration policy that includes a Diaspora policy for people
in the Diaspora” (Dabiri-Erewa 30). In seeking the review of Nigeria’s migratory
regulations, the focus is the establishment of mechanisms that guarantee the
constructive engagement of future emigrants as potential Diaspora.
Furthermore, the need for a Diaspora commission has been underscored at
various fora in terms of relieving relevant personnel from having to manage both
diplomatic and consular issues alongside Diaspora issues. he House Committee
on Diaspora Afairs has initiated a Bill for an Act to establish the Nigeria Diaspora
Commission (NIDCO). he Nigeria Diaspora Commission as conceived seeks to
operate as a one-stop establishment in the management of Diaspora matters, and
would be responsible for “coordinating and organizing a system of collaborations
with Nigerians in Diaspora for their contributions by identifying, preserving, and
mobilizing the human/capital/material resources and expertise to the general
development of Nigeria” (Olowokere 2). While the eforts of the National Assembly
towards Nigerian Diaspora engagement are noteworthy, Nigerian Diaspora have
demanded for increased participation in the politics of the country. Speciically,
the Nigerian Diaspora has made a case for the recognition of their voting rights. In
the warm-up towards the 2015 General Elections, the Diaspora reiterated its call
on the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Nigerian government
for their inclusion as voters. he issue of inclusion of the Diaspora as voters has
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remained a challenging issue at this time considering the challenges of managing
elections and voter count even within Nigeria. Against the background of the
country’s drive to generally harness its Diaspora for development, particularly of
the economy, it is instructive that the demand for Diaspora voting be addressed
more seriously. While seeking to grant a voice to the Diaspora, that voice for now
does not include voting rights as explained by Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa:
You want to know whether or not you are going to be able to vote in 2015.
Unfortunately I am not able to answer that question; neither is the deputy
speaker at this point in time, because like the deputy speaker said, the issue of
Diaspora voting was on the list of amendments. I know how my constituency
voted: yes. I don’t know how other constituencies voted. But most important
is: let your voice be heard all of the time. (Dabiri-Erewa 32)
In his capacity as Foreign Afairs Minister in the regime of General Ibrahim
B. Babangida, General Ike Sanda Nwachukwu had stated that there is “much to
gain through mutual cooperation between Nigeria and blacks in the Diaspora”
(Yohaig 12). Relecting on this statement many years later one observes that
initiatives for Diaspora engagement not only failed to make considerable headway.
his in part is as a result of the frequent changes of leadership and government,
especially during the era of military rule, policy reversals and lack continuity
that characterizes governance and politics in Nigeria. For instance, in 2007, the
Yar’ Adua administration terminated several signiicant policies of the preceding
Obasanjo administration when it came into power. Accordingly, Warisu Alli notes
that compared to previous administrations before him, “only President Olusegun
Obasanjo has invested so much energy and resource in the Africa project with a
great deal of attention given to the Diaspora” (255). Notwithstanding, the signiicant
role the Diaspora will play in the achievement of the transformation agenda of the
Goodluck Jonathan administration has been strongly emphasized.
At a meeting with the Nigerian community in Nairobi, Kenya, President
Jonathan announced the Diaspora Export Programme (DEP). he DEP, according
to Goodluck, is geared towards facilitating international trade through the
encouragement of Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs) owned by both local
and foreign-based Nigerians. According to Olusegun Aganga, Minister of Industry,
Trade, and Investment, the DEP seeks to “leverage on the presence of Nigerians
living abroad, using their individual and collective advantage in these countries
to advance the promotion of Nigeria’s non-oil export” (Ventures Africa, Nigeria
Trade Hub). Moreover, the government has made it a fundamental responsibility
to defend the interests and welfare of the Nigerian Diaspora. According to
Ambassador Olugbenga Ashiru, former Minister of Foreign Afairs, “Nigeria will
not abandon the responsibility of protecting its Nigerian citizens abroad” (Otufemi
12). Undoubtedly, Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Afairs has lately, risen in defence
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of the Nigerians in the Diaspora irrespective of their status or predicament. his
can be observed in its recent interventions in Asian-Paciic countries, such as
Indonesia and the Philippines, to obtain clemency for a number of imprisoned
Nigerians ordered to be put to death, and indeed their transfer back home under
the Prisoner Transfer Agreement.
Nigerian Diaspora, Remittances and Contributions to
National Development
For decades, Diaspora remittances were a largely unnoticed feature of the global
economy. It featured more as cultural practice where expatriates sent a little pocket
money back to dependents in their home country. Recently, the low of migrant
money into Nigeria has increased to record levels as more Nigerians than ever
before cross borders to live and work abroad. In 2012, the World Bank reported
that recorded remittance lows to developing countries reached an estimated $401
billion USD. Of the $401 billion USD estimate, Sub-Saharan Africa is estimated
to have received $31 billion USD in remittances, with more than one third of
remittances to the region coming from Western Europe. According to the World
Bank’s projections, remittance lows are expected to grow at an average annual rate
of 8.8 per cent between 2013 and 2015, to approximately USD 515 billion in 2015
(he World Bank).
Since many transactions go unrecorded or take place through informal channels,
the actual amount of money that Diaspora members send to friends and family
members overseas in 2012 is argued to be signiicantly higher. Analysts predict that
informal remittances could amount to more than the volume of oicially recorded
remittances for a number of reasons. First, some remittances to Sub-Saharan Africa
are received through people rather than oicial channels such as banks or money
transfer companies. Second, the cost of remittance that is deducted when money
leaves the host state and enters the home state reduces and afects the total amount
received. Lastly, in countries lacking functioning formal inancial systems, such as
Somalia, the DRC, and Afghanistan, informal channels such as via hand (carried
by friends or family), through NGOs or religious missions, or through informal
transfer systems are often the only alternative for transferring money (De Bruyn
and Johan). hus, it is too diicult to conirm the exact remittances to developing
countries’ such as Nigeria, based on the projected igures and unreported sums.
Nigeria’s Remittance Figures
Nigeria is the largest recipient of remittances in Sub-Saharan Africa, most
likely as a result of its population size and consequently through the size of its
Diaspora. he World Bank ranked Nigeria ifth of the top ten recipient countries,
with $21 billion (USD) in remittances in 2012 alone. Its 2012 igures accounted for
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approximately 67 percent of the inlows to the region. Estimates in 2003 show that
the country received approximately 65 percent of total oicial remittance inlows
within Sub-Saharan Africa, and 2 percent of formal global remittance inlows
(Orozco 12). In 2004, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) reported approximately
$2.273 billion USD in remittance inlows. At the time, the Gross Domestic Product
(GDP) of Nigeria was at $72,105,349 USD, putting remittance equivalents to
3.15 percent of the GDP (Hernandez-Coss and Chinyere 41). Estimates for 2007,
according to the Migration and Remittances Factbook (2008) and referenced by
the Human Development Report 2009 and Ponce, set the total remittances inlows
to Nigeria at $9. 221 billion USD, while remittances outlows were estimated at
$103 million USD (Ponce). hat same year, Nigeria was said to have received $2
0.42 million USD as Oicial Development Aid (Ponce). An unpublished report by
the Central Bank of Nigeria, and referenced in the International Organization for
Migration’s 2009 Country Proile estimates that the total amount of remittances
inlows to Nigeria for 2007 was $18 billion USD, and for 2008, it was $19.2 billion
USD (Ponce). he size of remittance lows to developing countries is now more
than three times that of oicial development assistance. Nigeria’s 2012 remittance
inlow was said to have amounted to approximately 7.7 percent of 2012’s GDP and
nearly 50 percent of CBN’s foreign exchange reserves (Afolabi). About 50 percent
of remittance lows to the country in 2011, originated from the US and the UK,
with 40 percent from Chad, Italy, Cameroon, Spain, Germany, Ireland, and Benin
(he World Bank).
Evidentially, the Diaspora has a large stake in the economic growth of Nigeria.
he igures produced by the CBN, IOM, UNDP, IMF, and the World Bank, and as
observed in several other publications, highlight the magnitude of remittance lows
to Nigeria, which in part, explains why Nigerian government policies are being
directed at increasingly engaging the Nigerian Diaspora. However, the questions
still remain: what has the Nigerian government done to make the Diaspora feel
more connected to the homeland, in terms of political, cultural, scientiic and
technological development, and how have Nigerian emigrants been given a greater
role in the development of their country of origin? We shall attempt to answer this
question by focusing on the impact of remittance on development.
Impact of Remittance on Development
Migration10 has enormous implications for growth and poverty alleviation in
both origin and destination areas (Central Bank of Nigeria). his is primarily because
migration allows workers to move to where they will be more productive, resulting
in an increase in output and income. One of the most substantial contributions
the Diaspora makes is the money they send to their countries of heritage. Income
essentially becomes the source of remittances sent home by migrants. Most, if not
a large majority of reports have pointed to an encouraging increase in remittance
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to developing countries, rated three times larger than total global aid budgets, and
sparking two serious debates: whether migration and the money it generates is a
realistic alternative to aid; and to what extent can remittance alleviate poverty and
drive development in home countries.
Nigeria receives the highest amount of remittances in Sub-Saharan Africa.
In 2007, remittances outperformed Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), Overseas
Development Assistance (ODA) and other inlows into the country, with an
estimated $18 billion USD in formal lows reported by the Central Bank of Nigeria.
Currently, remittance inlows rank second to oil receipts as a foreign exchange
earner (Agu 185-220). Comparable data, released by the Canadian International
Development Platform for 2010 and 2011, shows that aid from Canada to Nigeria
was over $67,537,403 USD and remittances were at $454,639,801 USD (he
Canadian International Development Platform).
However, statistics can be misleading. Hong Kong-based Ghanaian academic
Adams Bodomo states that the deinition of ODA, which is primarily set by Western
parameters, does not always include all external aid. For instance, Saudi-inanced
mosques built for social and religious reasons are not included, nor are semicommercial deals like Chinese road-building projects in exchange for minerals
concessions (Doyle 1). However, he adds that ODA does represent a majority of
what most people usually understand foreign aid to be. Moreover, remittance data
is generally based on assumptions, leaving room for discrepancies in the literature
of data available. For instance, the World Bank’s remittance matrix data is based
on assumptions using migrant stock, host country incomes and origin country
incomes. Analysts have found large discrepancies between this and other data
from the same source. For instance while the bilateral matrix for 2001 estimates
global remittances at around $500 billion USD, the Bank’s own remittance outlow
database (which relies on data from the IMF, national statistical agencies and Bank
country oices) reports the igure at around $337 billion USD for the same year
(he Canadian International Development Platform).
Remittances surely have their beneits and have had implications for development.
he nature of the impact that remittances have had on development in Nigeria has
been either at the individual or household level. Moreover, reports have pointed to
the signiicance of remittances based on the comparable impact such remittances
have had with the often skewed development initiatives taken on by the government.
Apathy for government’s ability to deliver basic services has warranted the support
of such funds that have more visible impact the grass root However, analysts are
also concerned that this can cause discordant development,11 since not everyone
has a relative or patron in the Diaspora.
Supporting Economic Development
Unlike private capital lows, remittances tend to rise when the recipient economy
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sufers an economic downturn following a inancial crisis, natural disaster, or
political conlict (Ratha 2). It is common for migrants to send more funds during
hard times to help their families and friends. In Somalia, remittances provided
a lifeline for the poor. In 2012, the region was estimated to have received $31
billion USD in remittances, 1 percent greater than in 2011. With more than half of
remittances to Nigeria coming from Western Europe and the US, it is bound to feel
some decline in remittances throughout the inancial crisis. Zero growth in lows
to Nigeria recorded by the World Bank in 2012 was partly attributable to the labour
market recovery in the UK and other major remittance source countries in Europe.
Remittances are more likely to be countercyclical 12in poor countries (Mohapatra
and Dilip 2).
A stable inancial system is understood to be a prerequisite for sustainable
economic growth and the continued inlow of inances into the country (especially
in countries whose GDP is less than remittances) can have positive economic efects,
such as making it more resilient to adverse shocks and less susceptible to runs.
Remittances are known to fuel innovation and increase household investment, for
example, which fuel economic development. However, a stable inancial system is
hard to qualify in countries in Sub-Saharan Africa because oicial aid lows have,
in the past, luctuated considerably from year to year, and remittances have been
more stable than both FDI and oicial aid (Gupta, Pattillo, and Wagh 4). It will also
be interesting to examine the implication of remittances on poverty reduction in
Nigeria and to this we turn our attention.
Implications on Poverty Reduction
Very limited empirical literature exists on the macroeconomic impact of
remittances on poverty in Nigeria. he reasons for few literatures on the impact
of remittances are not farfetched as studies in this area conducted by Nigerian
scholars are equally scarce. However, cross-country studies are increasingly inding
evidence of positive impact of remittances on household income levels. A World
Bank-funded study conducted by Adams and Page in 2005, showed that an increase
in per capita oicial international remittances can lead to a decline in the share of
people living in poverty (1645-69). According to the World Bank, remittances have
the potential to reduce the level and severity of poverty. his is because remittances
typically lead to: higher human capital accumulation; greater health and education
expenditures; better access to information and communication technologies;
improved access to formal inancial sector services; enhanced small business
investment; more entrepreneurship; better preparedness for adverse shocks such
as droughts, earthquakes, and cyclones; and reduced child labour. In this light, the
Diaspora is seen as an important part of this process (he World Bank).
Although it can be diicult to separate the efects of remittances from the
overall efect of migration, empirical studies shows that the primary beneits of
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both remittances and migration to recipient households is the improvement in
their general welfare. Household surveys in Africa show that remittance-receiving
households have greater access to secondary and tertiary education, health services,
information and communication technology, and banking than households that
do not receive remittances. his is because a signiicant part of all remittances
is spent on human and physical capital investments, such as education, health,
land, housing, starting a business, improving farms, and purchasing agricultural
equipment. Analysis of recipient households in Uganda and Ghana shows a high
possibility that remittances reduced the share of poor people in the population by
11 percent and 6 percent, respectively. his supports the argument that remittances
have the potential to reduce poverty and resulted in better development outcomes
in many low-income countries. In essence, remittances directly augments the
income of the recipient households by providing inancial resources either directly
or indirect through multiplier efects and macroeconomic efects (Mohapatra and
Dilip 5). his increases aggregate demand thereby increasing employment and
wages of the poor.
Studies on Nigeria conducted by Odozia, Awoyemia, and Omonona in 2010
concluded that remittances are associated with a reduction in the share of people
living in poverty. For example, food security in rural areas of Nigeria improved
considerably with an increase in remittances. One of the reasons being, income,
assets, and important food security have close links to nutritional indicators. Since
income and assets are important factors in household nutrition and the income of
remittance-receiving households is signiicantly larger compared to those of nonreceiving households, calorie supply in remittance receiving households is as a
result, signiicantly larger. Babatunde and Martinetti’s study to examine the impact
of remittance income on food security and nutrition among farm households
in Kwara State of Nigeria also shows that farm size is also larger in remittancereceiving households. Moreover, remittance receiving households were found to
consume signiicantly more calories than non-receiving households. However, it is
important to note that other studies have shown the positive impact of remittances
on poverty especially in Africa. his can also be attributed to the possibility that
poverty itself causes increased migration, hence larger remittances (Gupta, Pattillo
and Wagh 6).
A large percentage of remittances to Southeast Nigeria are predominately for
the purpose of housing development. Migrants who wish to return home in the
future invest in real estate projects. As a result, demand for additional housing
units to provide shelter for Nigerians, especially in rural areas has increased to an
estimated 16 million units (Hernandez-Coss and Bun 42). Although communitybased Rotating Savings and Credit Associations (ROSCAs) are one of the main
mechanisms in rural areas, the problematic nature of housing and land market in
Nigeria, people also rely on family ties. Migrants in the United States, for instance,
have initiated substantial housing investments in their communities of origin. he
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home family occupies approximately half of the houses that make up migrants’
residential housing investments in home villages. Current housing inance
relationships are based on trust and integrity between the remittance sender and
the person that manages the process. Typically, the sender sends money to a
friend or a relative, who hires a local contractor for the purpose of building the
house. he recipient uses the money to inance the construction and sends visual
updates on the progress of the construction. Interviews conducted by the World
Bank with commercial banks in Nigeria reveals that Benin City has the largest
concentration of property development approximately 15-20 percent in Nigeria
through remittances that originate mainly in Italy (Hernandez-Coss and Bun 43).
According to Ratha (185), remittances are associated with increased household
investments in education, health, or entrepreneurship. Hernández-Coss and Bun’s
study of remittance patterns from Nigerian migrants in the UK to Nigeria describes
the typical Nigerian remitter as altruistic. Remittances are usually seen as a means
of providing economic support to individual recipients at home or ways migrants
can stay in touch with their families and improve their economic situation by
sending remittances. Cultural roles and responsibilities generally require the more
fortunate family member to provide for the less fortunate ones. Limited or almost
non-existent formal welfare systems in Nigeria puts such responsibility on those
living abroad to provide for immediate family members, as well as for extended
family, friends and orphans (Hernandez-Coss and Bun).
Yang, Woodruf, and Zenteno (14) suggest that, at the household level,
remittances have the potential to encourage entrepreneurial activity. Remittances
provide capital to small entrepreneurs, reduce credit constraints, and increase
entrepreneurship. he Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF),
Senator Anyim Pius Anyim, commended the contributions of Nigerians in
Diaspora to national development. He made particular mention of the donation of
educational materials such as books and computers, and medical equipment, and
drugs:
hey have also organised many free medical missions to many communities
in Nigeria through such groups as Association of Nigerian Physicians in the
Americas; Anambra State Association (ASA); Women and Calvary Torch
International..... During the 2012 Medical Mission by ASA Women to six
communities in Anambra State, about 6,000 patients were treated of various
ailments including cervical cancer.... (Anyim)
he signiicance of looking at the remittance patterns underscores the social
returns identiied by Ratha. Moreover, studies based on household surveys
of recipient countries ind that children of remittance-receiving households
have a lower school dropout ratio and have higher birth weight, relecting that
remittances enable households to aford better health care. Some have argued that
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dependence on remittances creates a serious dilemma for development. his is
further explicated below.
A Dilemma for Development
Chimhowu, Piesse, and Pinder suggest that remittances have negative impacts by
contributing to dependent relations between the sending and receiving countries.
he argument posits that remittances increase inequality between households,
causing macro-economic stability problems for countries with low GDP. Over the
past years, there has been a remarkable increase in remittances from the UK to
Nigeria. As part of its wish to develop a remittance partnership with Nigeria, the
UK Department for International Development (DFID) conducted a study on the
UK-Nigeria “remittance corridor”. he report showed that most UK remittances
went to particular cities, considered to be Nigerians migrants’ state of origin.
he efect was an intensiication of income diferentials between Nigerian states,
favouring Southwest and Southeast regions. Moreover, for countries that have a
large Diaspora and low GDP, such as Nigeria, remittances do have the potential
to decrease macroeconomic stability and cause poverty especially for households
who do not receive remittances (Chimhowu, Piesse, and Pinder 17).
he argument therefore is that remittance inlows can slow economic growth
and productivity by helping to reinforce an already corrupt government dependent
on such inlows. A factor that can reduce remittances, and thereby reduce economic
growth and social development, is the cost of remitting. Cost can play a direct role
in reducing the net amount received and indirectly by discouraging remittances
(Goldberg and Levi 13). he global average total cost for sending remittances
decreased steadily between 2008 and 2010, reaching a low of 8.7 percent in the irst
quarter of 2010. In 2013, he World Bank’s Remittance Prices Worldwide database
recorded as low as 9.1 percent (he World Bank). Although global remittance costs
have fallen in recent years, they remain relatively high, especially in Africa and in
small countries where remittances accounts for a signiicant welfare for many poor
households. Globally, migrants pay an average cost of 9 percent to send money
home (he World Bank). he criticism associated with remittance often work
against development initiatives. his has led the search for alternative ways the
Nigerian Diaspora can contribute to development without the negative implications
associated with remittances. he alternatives to remittances are discussed below.
Seeking Alternatives to Remittances
he Nigerian Diaspora includes highly qualiied doctors, engineers, solicitors
and advocates, and other professionals who are making tremendous contributions
to the economic and social development of the countries they reside in. As far
as Nigerian policymakers are concerned, the most signiicant contribution
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international migration can make to development is return migration. As a result,
in most policy circles, migration is primarily seen as a development failure rather
than a constituent part of broader social and economic transformation process
(De Haas). his is primarily due to socio-economic phenomenon also known as
“brain drain”. A Presidential Committee on Brain drain set up by the Babangida
Adminstration in 1988, estimates that Nigeria lost about 10, 694 professionals from
tertiary institutions between 1986-1990. Total estimates, which includes those who
left public, industrial, and private organizations, were over 30,000 (Anekwe). he
Committee’s past Chairman Professor Oye Ibidapo-Obe equated the movement
to the economic problems the country was facing at the time, particularly the
devaluation of the naira and inlation. Consequently, the country lost the ability to
pay its top specialists competitively. Also, according to Dr. Ihechukwu Madubuike,
the Health Minister during the Abacha regime, in 1995, 21,000 Nigerian doctors
were practising in the US alone. he igure, according to the Minister, was almost at
par with the number of doctors working in public service at the time. By the time
Nigerian doctors in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States, Europe, Australia, and those
in other African countries were included, the igure was estimated to be well above
30,000 (Anekwe). In this context, migration is seen as a drain on the country’s
resources, harming the ability of the country to get out of poverty.
According to a recent Nigerian investment promotion commission report, each
year roughly 2,000 Nigerians trained outside the country, speciically in the US,
UK ,Germany, France, Russia, Canada, Japan and China, return home to use their
expertise and professionalism to help develop the country. Such “Diaspora tapping”
or brain gain provides the rationale for the TOKTEN (Transfer of Knowledge
hrough Expatriate Networks) program, spearheaded by the United Nations
Development programme (UNDP), and other recognized organizations such as
Nigerians in Diaspora-UK/Europe (NIDOE), Central Association of NigeriansUnited Kingdom (CAN-UK), and non-political organizations whose activities are
to partner with the Nigeria government to develop the country.
he Nigerian government has been quite optimistic that it will achieve much
through its eforts to attract members of the Nigerian Diaspora to actively become
key in and contribute meaningfully to national development. Unfortunately,
such initiatives aimed at engaging the Diaspora may not be based on a proper
understanding of the conlicting and heterogeneous character of identities of the
Nigerian Diaspora. he issue of ethnicity, which the Nigerian Diaspora often carry
as an extra baggage to their host country, may be further complicated, with time,
by dynamics of globalization and capital, whose logic, as noted by Appadurai and
Dirlik, is the tendency to homogenize. Some informed suggestions have been
made by stakeholders on how to engage the Diaspora for national development.
For instance while Abike Dabiri-Erewa, the current Chairperson of the House of
Representatives’ Committee on Diaspora Afairs, has proposed the establishment
of a Diaspora commission to serve as a clearing house for all Diaspora issues in the
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country (Dabiri-Erewa 7). A strong case has also been made for the establishment
of a Ministry for Diaspora Afairs (MDA), to provide the bureaucratic and policy
framework for the management of Diaspora afairs and Nigeria’s Diaspora
engagement. Others have argued that the NNVS should be strengthened to enable
it drive the government policy on Nigeria’s Diaspora. Ambassador Joe Keshi has
argued that the NNVS should be headed by a National Coordinator, who should
also be a Foreign Service Oicer (171). He further argued that “had the National
Assembly promulgated the NNVS Bill which had received the support of the Federal
Executive Council and the National Economic Council, there would have been no
need for the confusion created by the House of Representatives eforts to establish
a Diaspora commission with the same objective as the NNVS” (Keshi 171-190).
he point is that the Nigerian Diaspora must be seen as a strategic asset and
thus be meaningfully engaged by the Nigerian government towards achieving
Nigeria’s developmental objectives. In this regard, other concerns being raised
by foreign-based Nigerians such as their inclusion as voters should be addressed
with all sense of seriousness. At the same time, some of the members of Nigerian
Diaspora communities at various times complained of oicial neglect by the
Nigerian government and the government’s lack of attention towards the various
Nigerian embassies abroad (Keshi 178). he situation often arises from the negative
treatment that some have received in their countries of residence. hese include
xenophobia against Nigerians and other Africans in South Africa; discrimination
in trade laws in Ghana; frequent harassment; arrests and even imprisonment due
to negative perceptions of all Nigerians as criminals due to poor records of some
Nigerians in foreign lands.
Globalization, Transnationalism, Diasporic Tendencies
and Challenges of Engagement
We believe that we can no longer aford to treat Diaspora as a primarily cultural
phenomenon. he realities of the world today and forces of globalization have
posed serious challenges to the state-centered views of the world and make us
rethink boundaries, communities, and lows. Globalization encourages a broader
understanding of the “world view” which looks to interconnections with “others”,
although these tend to be limited to those others who present either a threat to
capitalist hegemony or constitute new sources for accumulation (Appadurai 297).
Postcolonialism is not without its problems. In general, there has been a tendency
to underplay the role of capitalism in shaping global power relations (Dirlik
9). Relecting on these developments, Dirlik has drawn our attention to need to
comprehend the “human agency” and the relations between political economy
and activities such as transnational business networks. No doubt, events of the
postcolonial period are making these theoretical interventions more relevant.
Looking at the Nigerian case, large-scale migration in the postcolonial era,
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whether done legally or illegally, means that the “New Nigerian-Diaspora”, as
opposed to the slave and colonial Diasporas, have increased dramatically. Firstly,
such movement from the Nigerian state is largely a rational response to economic
hardship, political turmoil, or simply the urge to search for greener pastures abroad.
Secondly, information and transport technologies have made interactions much
easier and cheaper, enhancing a Diaspora’s sense of community. With persistent
and growing racial polarization in USA and Western Europe, the symbolic
signiicance of the “Nigerian” or broadly speaking the ‘African’ for the Diaspora
has increased as witnessed by the popularity of Farrakhan’s Nation of Islam and
Afrocentric discourses. Indeed, this point raises an interesting concern over recent
Nigerian immigrants having a diferent relationship to the Diaspora and Nigeria
state than other Diasporas who left the country many years earlier.
Looking at the big picture, especially from the prism of theoretical postulations
by Appadurai and Dirlik, it becomes clearer why the eforts by the national
government to harness Diaspora resources for development have not yielded
enough fruits that the Nigerian government expects. Both Dirlik and Appadurai
posit that the logic of globalization and capital is its homogenizing tendencies,
amidst the otherwise conlicting and heterogeneous character of culture, identities,
peoples, media, inances, and other related issues. he Nigerian government,
especially following the country’s return to democratic rule, has initiated programs,
agendas, and projects of harnessing and appropriating the inexorable possibilities
of the Nigerian Diaspora. When viewed from a theoretical lens, the initiatives of the
Nigerian government to impose such policies and progams aim to re-channel and
redirect remittances and other sources of Nigerian Diaspora for broader national
gains. his can also be interpreted as homogenizing and appropriating tendencies
and acts that harness the immense potentials of the Nigerian Diaspora for the
objective of “national development”. Unfortunately, such appropriative eforts have
not yielded much due to the characteristic of Diaspora and diasporic identities in
their hybridized and ever multidirectional character, rendering the impossibility
of entire cooption by the national government and its agencies. here is also the
fact that the widely dispersed Nigerian Diaspora has gained some connections,
goals, and allegiances to the new host countries that may inhibit the complete
appropriation and cooption of the immense potentials of Nigerian Diaspora that
could bring about a unidirectional national development to Nigeria, the country of
origin. With more than 250 ethnic groups scattered in diferent parts of the world,
and engaged in diferent progressions, Nigerians in the Diaspora have established
diferent networks, connections, and interactions within their host country, some
of which may afect their relations with and their contributions to the Nigerian
state.
No doubt, the situation is not peculiar to the Nigerian Diaspora. For want of
space and time, we cannot delve into all the experiences and challenges of countries
in engaging their Diaspora. However, some countries, based on the understanding
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of the character of their Diaspora and the huge potential of the Diaspora in the
global era, have engaged them meaningfully for national projects. Accordingly,
there are valuable lessons that Nigeria can learn from some countries that have
efectively mobilized, engaged, and harnessed the resources of their Diaspora for
national beneits.
Engaging the Diaspora for National Development:
Lessons from Other Countries
It is worth noting that for most countries of the world desirous to engage the
Diaspora, small or large, about 1 percent of their total budget, or about 12 cents a
day, is spent on each of its citizens abroad. his commendable investment is critical
to maintaining Nigerian government-Diaspora relationship. his is in view of
promoting a better partnership for the overall development of the country. In this
regard, lessons can be drawn from the experiences of some other countries that
have implemented Diaspora policies in the advancement of economic development
and nation-building. hough there are many countries that have established such
connections and are harnessing the beneits for the overall development of their
countries, this section examines the experiences of ive countries which Nigeria
can draw lessons from, namely China, India, Italy, the Philippines and, Ghana. It
is pertinent to clarify that these are diferent countries, with diferent histories of
migration as well as diasporic experiences. As noted in the works of Dirlik and
Appadurai, there are serious contestations surrounding the claims of national
cultural homogeneity by any Diaspora, especially in the age of globalization and
transnationalism. Given the historical forces that have shaped each of the Diaspora
of these countries, it is evident that they are not similar to each other, just as the
Nigerian Diaspora is embedded in speciically diferent conditions and responses
as that of other African countries in Diaspora. he choice of these countries, which
were randomly selected, was informed by the increased recognition and positive
engagement of the Diaspora for national development by governments of these
countries.
India
Nigeria can draw some lessons from India’s engagement of the Diaspora and
the huge contributions the Indian Diaspora is, in turn, making to the development
of India. he Indian Diaspora consists of the Non-Resident Indians (NRIs), Indian
citizens who live abroad; and Persons of Indian Origin (PIOs), individuals with
no Indian passport but of Indian descent (Dubey 189-265). India’s irst strategy in
engaging its Diaspora was the introduction of legal and tax incentives to attract
inancial resources of NRIs and to create a PIO card. he PIO card is a long-term
20-year visa that allowed PIOs to own property or have access to the educational
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system in India. In addition, the government created a High-level Committee on
the Indian Diaspora, charged by the Ministry of External Afairs, to issue a report
on the roles NRIs and PIOs can play in India’s development. he Committee made
far-reaching recommendations, including the granting of a dual-citizenship to
some PIOs (Dubey 255).
Within the last decade, the Indian government has shown signiicant interest
in the Diaspora and established a number of Diaspora policies. India’s increasing
interest in its Diaspora can be attributed to three major factors (Dubey 255). First,
India once had a closed economy that did not encourage foreign contributions,
businesses, or investment. When the government liberalized the economy in the
early 1990s, Diaspora Indians became more useful as agents of trade, investment,
and technology. Second, India’s foreign policy began to recognize the value of the
Diaspora in the industrialized countries, especially in the United States, United
Kingdom and other countries for public diplomacy. In this regard the Indian
Diaspora has also been a useful instrument in furthering India’s engagement with
other countries including African states. And third, only from the mid-1990s, ethnic
Indians started surfacing as high-level executives of multinational corporations.
he general success of the community, especially in the US and Canada, and the
community’s positive inluence on the overall idea of Indian qualities led successive
Indian governments to take a more proactive approach.
Since 2003, the Indian government has been hosting an annual Diaspora
conference that is designed to serve as a platform for interaction between overseas
Indians, the Indian government, and interested segments of the Indian society,
such as businessmen, cultural and charity organizations. High-level political
leaders, including the Prime Minister, the President, and Union Ministers, address
1,000 to 1,500 overseas Indians on topics such as investment and philanthropic
activities in India, as well as concerns of the communities the world over. he
Ministry of Overseas Indian Afairs, established in 2004, coordinates activities
aimed at reaching out to the Diaspora. hese include the “Know India Program”
for Diaspora youth and annual awards for eminent Diaspora personalities. he
government also set up a Global Advisory Council to the Prime Minister in 2009,
consisting of Diaspora scholars, scientists, politicians, and businessmen. With the
inancial resources of the Diaspora in mind, the government amended investment
laws and established the Overseas Indian Facilitation Centre in 2007 to make it
easier for Indians abroad to invest. Additionally, the Reserve Bank of India has
procedures in place so that NRIs and PIOs can invest in Indian companies.
Although there are no reliable statistics, anecdotally, there has been an increase
in the number of Indians that have returned in recent years. Returnee Indians can
beneit their home countries by contributing enhanced skills, which can be used in
the country of origin (human capital); access to business networks abroad (social
capital); and inancial capital and investment.
he Indian information technology (IT) industry is widely regarded as a showcase
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for this triple-beneit formula. Figures from India’s national software association
National Association of Software and Services Companies (NASSCOM), show
that North America, particularly the United States, accounted for two-thirds of
India’s IT exports from 2004 to 2007. While the industry’s success is attributable
to other factors, the impact of the Diaspora and returnees from the United States
particularly is believed to be important for three reasons. First, several studies
have shown that Indians who returned from the United States have founded and
managed successful IT companies in India. Second, some Indians who founded
companies in Silicon Valley have subcontracted work to companies in India. hese
entrepreneurs often serve as intermediaries between the markets. hird, the
success of Indian IT professionals in the United States has created trust in the
country’s intellectual abilities abroad. It has been a major factor in branding India
as a source of well-educated and hard-working professionals (Dubey 265).
he Indian government’s increasing recognition of its Diaspora, in part, explains
several countries’ increased interest in recruiting Indian graduates and professionals.
It also explains the willingness of companies in other countries to collaborate with
and outsource to Indian companies and experts. In addition, India recognizes the
importance of the U.S Congressional Caucus on India and the Indian-Americans.
his body consists of more than a third of all U.S. lawmakers, as well as the US
India Political Action Committee (USINPAC). Indian-American advocacy eforts
reportedly played a signiicant role in the signing of the U.S.-India Agreement for
Civil Nuclear Cooperation in 2008, in lobbying for the removal of U.S. sanctions in
the aftermath of India’s nuclear tests in 1998, as well as other occasions.
China
here are also, lessons to draw from the Chinese experience. he state, legislature,
and party have high-level oices dealing with the overseas Chinese. At the Central
Government level, China created an institutional apparatus targeting Chinese
Diaspora citizens and created the Overseas Chinese Afairs Oice (OCAO), which
demonstrated that overseas Chinese issues were now a national matter. he oice
is under the State Council of the PRC (the Chinese Cabinet), which is also the
highest executive body. he OCAO is headed by a Cabinet Minister and four Vice
Ministers, and has a staf of 120. Governments at every provincial, city, township,
and county have similar oices.
he Overseas Chinese Exchange Association and All China’s Federation of
Returned Overseas Chinese (ACFROC) are the two major NGOs dealing with
Chinese Diaspora afairs. Primarily, their mission includes tapping the inancial and
human resources of the Chinese Diaspora. here is an Overseas Chinese Afairs
Committee of the Chinese Parliament. It functions under the Standing Committee
of the Parliament when the latter is not in session. he Chinese People’s Congress
has an Overseas Chinese Commission, whose mission is to conduct research and
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provide recommendations for guiding policies concerning its Diaspora citizens.
To date, with all these institutions, there are more than 11,000 laws and
regulations concerning overseas Chinese (Oparaoji 3). he Chinese constitution
recognized Chinese overseas returnees as a special group. In 1990, the Protection
Law guaranteed the protection of overseas Chinese family and economic interests,
and encouraged them to come back home by granting them special legal and
economic privileges. here is no question that China’s investment in the Chinese
Diaspora spanned of an unprecedented economic growth of our time.
Italy
he Italian experience with its Diaspora could serve as a model guiding similar
initiatives in Nigeria. Italy keeps track of its over 4 million Italian emigrants
through a national database known as the Database of Italians Abroad (Ionescu
20). Records therein are compiled via a system which requires the details of every
Italian resident that has been living abroad for more than a year be registered at
an Italian consulate. Voting rights in Italy are extended to Italians resident abroad,
thereby allowing their political participation and, on occasion, the voicing and
protection of their interests within Italy. For instance, the Italian Diaspora may
vote for twelve (12) representatives in the parliament as well as six (6) senators to
represent their interests by post (Ionescu 16).
Against the growing contest for knowledge and innovation in an era of
globalization, Italy has shown considerable interest in the scientiic and
technological capacity of diasporic communities. he discourse in Italy extends
beyond the problem of the loss of scientiic minds to encompass the impact of
foreign intellect in Italy. Explained further, the debate particularly covers the
consequences of highly-skilled Italians relocating abroad, in association with the
country’s poor show in adequately attracting foreign human capital to Italy.
Simply put, Italy’s increasing interest in its Diaspora is driven by a need to
address its challenge with retaining Italian citizens well- that are versed in research
and development, working professionals, and other skilled citizens, whilst
simultaneously managing the outlow of skilled Italians, and drawing foreign
expertise into the country.
To this end, Italy’s engagement of Italian Diaspora has manifested in three
varieties of returning, retaining, and networking initiatives. he initiatives for
facilitating the return of highly-skilled Italian emigrants were introduced in Article
1 of Ministerial Decree No. 13 of January 26, 2001, highlighting incentives such as
increased inancing for research study and raised income for research staf (Aspen
Institute Italia 32). In 2005, the Master’s and Back program was established in the
Sardinian region to reduce the emigration of skilled youth abroad by reinforcing
higher education, inancing postgraduate study towards employability, and
empowering bodies and enterprises with funding for the recruitment of highly-
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skilled young individuals in Sardinia’s labor market (Aspen Institute Italia 34).
Figures from the program as of March 2012 reveal that 3,500 scholarships were
awarded and almost 1,500 grants were made to inance trainee-placements as well
as jobs for returnees, including those who undertook a higher education without
the scheme. he country’s strategy to retain highly-skilled Italians within the
country was predicated on the creation of an educational base of international
repute and standard, largely devoted to applied research towards purposeful
engagement of the technological sector, otherwise known as a centre of excellence
(Aspen Institute Italia 1).
he year 2003 marked the setting up of rules meant to direct the formation of the
Italian Institute of Technology (IIT), as fashioned after the Massachusetts Institute
of Technology (MIT) (Aspen Institute Italia 34). Rhe initiative is an extension of the
return policy, including the formation of a world-leading center for higher education
possessing the capacity to attract economic activity of an externalist nature that
is critical to innovative study (Gibbons, Limoges, Nowotny, Schwaertzman, and
Trow 13). And in terms of Italy’s stratagem for networking, March 2003 witnessed
the showcasing of the DAVINCI network (Database Accessible Via the Internet of
Italian researchers Not residing in Italy and working abroad at university Centers,
industrial laboratories or International organizations) at the conference dealing
with Italy’s engagement of its overseas-based researchers, organized by the former
Minister for Italians Abroad Mirko Tremaglia. he framework is aimed at boosting
linkages among members consisting of researchers and scientists across developed
nations, including Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
Italian engagement of the Diaspora has also been inluenced by the codevelopment approach, typiied in the number of measures for diasporic
mobilization, which recognize the community as a deining factor, at best support
developmental eforts and, at the very least, concede autonomy in their driving
of development (Nyberg-Sørensen, Van-Hear, and Engberg-Pedersen 49-71). An
example is the Integrated Migration Information System (IMIS) (2001-2003), a
venture on capacity development inanced by the Italian authorities in collaboration
with Egypt’s Ministry of Manpower and Emigration. In addition, the Italy-Senegal
bilateral program known as the Commodity Aid Programme provides credit
facilities for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) whilst mobilizing the
development of the local private sector (International Organisation for Migration).
The Philippines
Lessons can be drawn from the Philippine experience from two areas –– how
the government ensures the safety of its citizens abroad in times of crisis, and how
is engages its Diaspora for economic development. he Philippines has a long
history of migration to other countries, which have been mainly for economic
and family reuniication reasons. According to the Philippine Department of
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Foreign Afairs (DFA), approximately 10 percent of the Philippine population are
migrants abroad. In 2011, Philippine authorities reported that 1.6 million Filipinos
left the country for temporary work abroad and 2,500 joined their families
abroad, becoming permanent migrants (Yabes 8). he Presidential Middle East
Preparedness Committee (PMEPC) was established, in response to the recent
events in the Middle East region. Crisis situationhas warranted governmental
response such as the Overseas Preparedness and Response Team (OPRT), set up
in 2011 to coordinate actions to ensure the safety of Filipinos who are caught in
crisis situations abroad.
Part of the government’s 3 Ps policy (Preparedness, Partnership, and Political
Will) and its diplomatic posts’ contingency plans involve the assistance of Filipino
communities abroad in times of crisis. he added logic behind these measures
ensures that by ensuring their safety, the Philippine government can continue
to engage, enable, and empower the networks of Filipinos abroad. Ensuring that
Diaspora continues to be part of Philippine society, thus staying connected and
making that connection stronger for sustained national development (Yabes
9). A “wardenship” system was created, wherein each community is designated
a community leader who is encouraged to take part in the command and control
procedures and structures of the contingency plans. hese leaders are considered
to be efective conduits of information that needs to be disseminated to the Filipino
community in times of crises (Yabes 9). he community leaders connect Filipino
migrants in the same location to each other and with the Philippine diplomatic and
consular personnel.
Due to the crucial contribution to the Philippine economy, the Filipino Diaspora
has been celebrated by the government and people. December was oicially
proclaimed Overseas Filipinos month by the Philippine Commission on Filipinos
Overseas (PCFO) due to the great number of Filipinos who return to the country
during the Christmas season. he Philippine Senate further institutionalized the
recognition to national development in 1994 by introducing a bill that provides
for absentee voting of overseas Filipinos such as contract workers, government
employees, and persons living abroad temporarily, during Philippine general
elections (Okamura 11). he government also set up programs to facilitate social,
political, and economic investments. For example, the Land Bank of the Philippines
set up a 2 billion PHP loan facility for Filipino workers working overseas who wish
to invest in the Philippines. Moreover, the government also formulated policies
to address the brain drain phenomenon wiping across most struggling economies.
Programs such as Balik Scientist allows highly skilled Filipino specialists in the
Diaspora to teach in their home country universities; to mentor young scientists
and specialists; or embark on community projects with local counterparts within
the Philippines (Yabes 10).
he government also prides itself in its three specialized agencies that aim to cater
for speciic functions and types of Philippine Diaspora. To illustrate, the Philippine
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Overseas Employment Administration and the Overseas Workers Welfare
Administration are in charge of economic migrants. he Commission on Filipinos
Overseas (CFO) takes care of Filipino emigrants and permanent residents abroad,
including spouses of foreign nationals. Looking at the Commission in detail shows
that it not only focuses on strengthening ties with Filipino communities overseas,
but on the wellbeing of Filipinos overseas. he CFO registers and provides predeparture orientation seminars to emigrants; promotes the transfer of technology
as well as material and inancial contributions from overseas for development
projects in underserved communities all over the Philippines; and provides younger
generations of Filipinos overseas with opportunities to learn Philippine history
and culture (he Commission on Filipinos Overseas). Lastly is the Department of
Foreign Afairs’ Oice of the Undersecretary for Migrant Workers Afairs, with its
usual focus on protecting Diaspora interests abroad. More speciically, the Inter
Agency Committee Against Traicking (IACAT) is largely in charge of curbing the
scourge of traicking in persons.
Ghana
Within the African continent, the Ghanaian example of engagement of its
Diaspora ofers some lessons for Nigeria as well. he Ghanaian government
realized the economic importance of its Diaspora, and has sought to keep the
groups engaged. To achieve its objective of connecting the Diaspora with their
country of origin in order to promote their eforts in national development, the
government organized a Homecoming Summit in 2001, and invited all members
of the Diaspora to the capital city of Accra. Following the huge success of this
initiative and the warmness the Diaspora received from the home country, a case
was made for the establishment of an institution to serve as a one-stop “shop” in
the management of Diaspora matters.
A Non-Resident Ghanaians Secretariat (NRGS) was instituted in May 2003, to
promote further links with Ghanaians abroad and to encourage return. Data from
the Ghana Living Standards Survey (GLSS) indicate that between 1998 and 1999,
there were approximately 50,000 return migrants living in Ghana. his particular
data set includes mostly returnees from Africa, Europe, and North America. It has
been also pointed out that returnee Diaspora is contributing meaningfully to the
development of Ghana (Oparaoji 4).
Conclusion and Recommendations
In this paper, we examined the role of the Nigerian Diaspora in national
development. Our analysis of the dynamics of diasporic globalization and capital
builds on the theoretical ideas of Appadurai and Dirlik. Our analysis of the
Nigerian Diaspora brings to the fore very critical issues and exposes the complex
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nature of the general notion of the Diaspora and Nigerian Diaspora in particular.
It also challenges commonly accepted notions of homogeneity, cultural belonging,
sense of commitment of the Diaspora, and devotion to the homeland. From our
discussion in the paper, it is clear that the Nigerian Diaspora is historically rooted
in earlier as well as recent migratory movements in Africa. When compared with
the forced movement of slaves and colonially induced migrations, postcolonialism,
in the context of the Nigerian state as well as complex forces globalization and
capitalism, in their diferent ramiications and manifestations, have propelled even
more migration of Nigerians abroad. No doubt, information, communications,
and transport technologies have made interactions much easier and cheaper, thus
enhancing a Diaspora’s sense of community.
What has also come to the fore in the analysis of the Nigerian Diaspora and
national development is the conlicting character between heterogeneity and
homogeneity of the Diaspora. he Nigerian Diaspora, lowing from the hues of
multiethnic and pluralistic character of the Nigerian state, with its historical as
well as contemporary contestations over resources, power, etc., carries along with
it an extra identity baggage to new lands. At the same time, Nigerians inding
themselves in new lands, while struggling to retain their identity, have established
diferent networks, connections, and interactions within their host country. hese
complex issues have, in no little way, hampered eforts by the Nigerian government
to engage and tap its Diaspora resources for broader national beneits. hese are
realities that the Nigerian government ought to factor into its policy initiatives
towards engaging and harnessing Diaspora resources for national development.
In concluding this discussion, there are broader implications of the above, which
must be underscored. It is imperative that the Nigerian government rethinks its
current approach towards engaging the Diaspora for development. Even though
initiatives on the part of the government have included interactive meetings,
dialogues, conferences, the creation of organizations such as the Nigerians in the
Diaspora Organisation (NIDO) and Nigerian National Volunteer Service (NNVS)
as platforms for Diaspora engagement, and the adoption of July 25 as Diaspora Day
every year, the government seems to be more focused on attracting remittances
for national development. he initiatives towards Nigerian government-Nigerian
Diaspora engagement should be critically evaluated and repackaged, taking
into account the dynamics of globalization and transnationalism, and should be
anchored on a proper understanding of diasporic tendencies.
Another implication is that it is highly likely that with deepening globalization
there will be a series of contradictory forces at work. On one hand, as the mobility
of the Nigerian people and their ability to communicate and transact have
increased, so is the possibility of developmental potential of Nigerian Diaspora
likely to expand. On the other hand, social polarization and economic and
political exclusion means that there will be increased pressure on some Nigerians
to seek their well-being elsewhere. However, the movement of people is likely to
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be curtailed through restrictive immigration and citizenship procedures. While
acknowledging the fact that the Diaspora of some countries examined (China,
India, Italy, the Philippines and Ghana) have diferent characteristics individually
and from the Nigerian Diaspora, there are valuable lessons which Nigeria can draw
from the study. Obviously, there is the need for more platforms for the engagement
of the Nigerian Diaspora to enable the nation beneit from the huge capabilities,
which go beyond just recorded and unrecorded remittances of the Diaspora.
he study of the Nigerian Diaspora and development could also beneit from
further research and deeper analysis, which in turn would feed the policy process.
Although countless studies have been commissioned; publications and reports
have been produced; and numerous workshops, expert meetings, and conferences
organized on migration and development (between Africa and host countries), our
indings validate the need to further study and investigate diasporic tendencies in
the era globalization and transnationalism and examine enduring avenues in which
Diaspora transfer could make a diference to the situation in Nigeria.
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Notes
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
Developments such as globalization and interdependence have important crosscutting implications for international migration.
In his article titled ‘Deining and Studying the Modern African Diaspora’ published
in 1998, Collin Palmer argues that the African Diasporic communities, like other
Diasporic communities, possess a number of characteristics. hese include a shared
emotional attachment to their ancestral land, possession of a sense of racial, ethnic,
or religious identity that transcends geographic boundaries, to share broad cultural
similarities, and sometimes to articulate a desire to return to their original homeland.
In his book Path to Nigerian Freedom (1947), Chief Obafemi Awolowo, a foremost
federalist, argued that Nigeria is not a nation –– it is a mere geographical expression.
According to Awolowo, there are no “Nigerians” in the same sense as there are
“English” or “Welsh” or “French.” he word “Nigeria” is merely a distinctive appellation
to distinguish those who live within the boundaries of Nigeria from those who do not.
In 2003, then Secretary-General of the United Nations Koi Annan established the
Global Commission on International Migration (GCIM ). Whilst highlighting some
negative impacts of international migration, the Commission’s main contention was
that linkages between migration and development could be positive in ofering a
potential win-win-win scenario in which the migrant-sending countries beneit from
economic remittances, the migrant-receiving countries gain skills and labor, and
individual migrants have opportunities for economic betterment. A 2005 report by
the Commission urged engagement with migrant populations as actors (WHO are the
actors? Migrant populations or Commission?) in poverty reduction and economic
growth strategies: “international migration should become an integral part of national,
regional and global strategies for economic growth in both migration should become
an integral part of national, regional and global strategies for economic growth in
both the developed and developing world” (23).
Arif Dirlik, argues that past legacy struggled to revive its position. American
dominating position replaced Euro- centrism. he concept of backwardness proved
untrue in itself. Decolonization and socialism, once treated as alternative, were
replaced by capitalism in 1980. he geo-historical diversity produced the societies
more prone to modernity. he Labor Force marketing and advertising of East and
Southeast Asia gave birth to the concept of management. New ways pervasiveness
raised issues of class and gender, cutting across the cultural boundaries. he oncediscarded traditions and ideologies regained the position. Marxist history and
Confucius’s values stood (stood might not be the best word) in China. Attacks on
Eurocentric modernity by Levenson, the Islamic and the Hindu revivals, nationalism,
and Buddhism came up to replace the European modernity. Developed and
undeveloped nations inluenced the relationship of equanimity in the contemporary
world. he role of post-colonial criticism in constructions of European inluence
and reconiguration of the past established resurgent modernity discourse. Classical
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theories of modernity and convergence of industrial society on the philosophy of
Marx have been a basic and ultimate force in taking over and modernizing the
contemporary world.
6. See Gomez 6.
7-8. he “Out of Africa” theory is based on scientiic researches on the origins and
evolution of man, which led to testing of DNA s that conirm that all modern humans
stem from a single group of Homo sapiens who emigrated from Africa 2,000
generations ago and spread throughout Eurasia over thousands of years.
9. Which has convened annually, since 2007.
10. Understood as the movement of people across international boundaries and within
a country, respectively.
11. Discordant development refers to unequal development, including the way deepening
inequalities and rapid progress juxtaposed with groups’ distress can generate
uncertainty and violent conlict. Nigeria’s newfound status following the structural
rebasing of its economy is contrasted against rising poverty rates in the country.
For instance, most of northern Nigeria is weak economically and underdeveloped,
and sectors that are critical for job creation and employment growth such as
manufacturing seemingly remain stagnant.
12. Countercyclical refers to movement in a direction opposite to that of a normal,
or current, cycle or trend. Remittances, for example, is normally counter-cyclical to
the overall economic cycle: it increases during times of general prosperity (people
send more money back home) and decreases during economic contraction (people
send less money home).
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