Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development
Managing hist oric resources in act ive f arming landscapes: Nat ional priorit ies and local
pract ices
Grete Swensen Anne Sætren
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JCHMSD
4,1
Managing historic resources in
active farming landscapes
National priorities and local practices
80
Grete Swensen and Anne Sætren
Norwegian Institute for Cultural Heritage Research, Oslo, Norway
Abstract
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Purpose – To counteract processes of landscape deterioration, marginalisation and loss of cultural
heritage due to rural restructuring of farming in late-modern Norwegian society, an agricultural
landscape scheme started up in 2009. The purpose of this paper is to examine the way this recently
introduced strategy of directing particular resources to a group of selected agricultural landscapes
contributes in instigating integrated landscape management and to gain insight in the role
cultural heritage play.
Design/methodology/approach – The authors ask how potential conflicts between local
interpretations of cultural heritage and the assessments made by authoritative heritage managers
are expressed in the initial planning documents.
Findings – While the reasoning and selection of the two areas are strongly influenced by the
authoritative heritage discourse, the agricultural landscape scheme is nonetheless open to local
adaptations and adjustments, and the two plans vary both in form and contents due to the major stress
put on active involvement of farmers to render long-term management feasible.
Research limitations/implications – Examination of the role cultural heritage plays is part of
a larger research project where problems related to biodiversity, legal implication and public participation
are dealt with separately.
Originality/value – The study will provide important results for future adjustments and potential
enlargement and has transfer value to conservation schemes in other European countries.
Keywords Sustainability, Cultural heritage, Cultural resource management, Rural cultural heritage,
Assessement and evaluation, Conservation planning
Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction
Farming in Norway has provided an essential means of subsistence through manifold
adaptations. The centralisation and urbanisation of the twentieth century have, however,
affected farming significantly. The farm census of 2010 shows that the number of active
farms has fallen by 34 per cent since the last census in 1999.
To counteract processes of landscape deterioration – marginalisation and loss of
cultural heritage due to rural restructuring of farming in late-modern Norwegian
society – an agricultural landscape scheme was started in 2009. Based on an examination
Journal of Cultural Heritage
Management and Sustainable
Development
Vol. 4 No. 1, 2014
pp. 80-94
r Emerald Group Publishing Limited
2044-1266
DOI 10.1108/JCHMSD-12-2012-0072
The study presented in this paper is part of a larger interdisciplinary research project funded
by The Norwegian Research Council, “Conservation Covenants in Norway (CoCoviN) – moderating
conflict, reducing biodiversity loss and improving resource management” (2009-2012). Project
leadership is held by researchers in the Norwegian Institute for Nature Research. This paper is part
of a sub-study focusing on cultural heritage and biodiversity management, carried out in
cooperation between NIKU researchers and Ann Norderhaug, Bioforsk (Norwegian Institute for
Agricultural and Environmental Research). The authors would like to give special thanks to the
anonymous reviewers for helpful comments.
of this scheme, it will be discussed how broader national and regional strategies in
heritage management interact with local practices and interpretation of heritage.
The initial phase of the Selected Agricultural Landscape (SAL) (Statens
landbruksforvaltning, 2000, p. 20) scheme was started in 2006 as a result of cooperation
on ministerial level, with the intension of ensuring long-term management of a
representative group of Norwegian cultural landscapes. The final list (2009) included
22 cultural landscapes with a combination of biological and cultural historic values, where
long-term management was feasible.
The process will be illustrated by presenting two of the selected farming landscapes
and comparing the different management models which have been discussed to ensure
sustainable future management. The examination includes only the initial planning
phase of the scheme (2006-2009).
In this study we consider:
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.
.
how the concept of cultural heritage is expressed in the SAL policy, and how it
relates to authoritative heritage discourse (AHD);
how the concept of cultural heritage is adapted locally and whether the new SAL
policy introduced new approaches to assessing cultural heritage, thus extending
the AHD on a national level.
2. Background and approaches
2.1 Cultural landscapes as part of the heritage discourse
The agrarian landscapes in question are landscapes formed through nature-human
interaction over thousands of years. The importance that landscape researchers have put
on the cultural dimension in landscapes has varied. In his well-informed review of the
emerging trends in the cultural landscape approach, Ken Taylor presents the landscape
view of some of the most prominent cultural geographers and anthropologists in this field
of studies. An important change is identified in the late 1970s, when a shift took place in
landscape studies from viewing the landscape primarily as a physical cultural product
to including “cultural process reflecting human action over time” (Taylor, 2012, p. 21).
Taylor himself stresses this importance when he maintains that cultural landscapes
“tell the story of people, events and places through time, offering a sense of continuity:
a sense of stream of time” (Taylor, 2012, p. 31).
Increased environmental concern has turned the attention to the effects rapid
economic and social changes have on landscapes. The interest in cultural landscapes
both from a management and a research point of view widened in the 1990s (Taylor
and Lennon, 2012, p. 1). The interest coincides with the decision the World Heritage
Committee made in 1992 to include cultural landscapes on the World Heritage list. The
World Heritage Convention was the first international legal instrument developed with
an articulated aim to identify, protect and conserve cultural landscapes of outstanding
universal value (Fowler, 2004, p. 18). As a consequence, more attention has been paid
to develop and test out management plans of all sorts. Cultural landscapes have
themselves become recognised as “category of sites, requiring different and innovative
conservation and management concepts” (Droste et al., 1995, p. 16).
Through the focus on World Heritage Sites, important discussions have been raised
concerning how to assess and evaluate landscapes. One example of basic framework
for assessing and sustaining authenticity of cultural landscapes has been formulated
by Mitchell (2008). It is meant to make it easier to identify central landscape
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characteristics that are what she labels “manifestations of significance” (Mitchell, 2008,
p. 27). These are the landscape characteristics that must be protected and safeguarded
for the future by means of a thought-through management strategy (Mitchell, 2008,
p. 27, see also Mitchell et al., 2009).
There is a fine line between ensuring vital productive landscapes and protection.
The landscape ecologist Wolfgang Haber pays attention to what he calls a “fundamental
problem to overcome”, namely the contradiction between the static character of protection
or conservation measures, and the dynamic processes of landscape development
(Haber, 1995, p. 39). Change is an inherent characteristic of any landscape, regardless of
whether the changes are fast or slow. It is this dynamic aspect of any landscape he has in
mind when he considers the process of being assigned national or even World Heritage
status (Haber, 1995, p. 39).
Since cultural landscapes were included as a category in the convention, there has
been a growing amount of literature within this field of studies. At the risk of
oversimplification, we can divide these works into two major groups: the first group
focuses on how to develop useful instruments and assessment methods, such as
guidelines and management plans with international transfer value (for further
references see Mitchell et al., 2009); and the second group includes in-depth studies in
which critical approaches consider the effects that the nomination and inscription can
have on local communities. In such studies more attention is directed to the WHS as
a constructed phenomenon, frozen in time and organised to adhere to a “World Heritage
version” of lived life (Evans, 2002; Harrison, 2005; Kirschenblatt-Gimblett, 2006;
Pendlebury et al., 2009; Ronström, 2008).
In this study, the attention is directed to the cultural heritage dimension in the two
SALs. We focus on the interaction that takes place between the authorised heritage
discourse and local understandings and implementations of heritage qualities.
There have been counterarguments to the long-established hegemonic discourse in
cultural heritage, and when Smith (2006) refers to “Authorised Heritage Discourse”
(AHD), she uses it as a label to describe a nation’s official heritage understanding in
a condensed form. It is seen as a set of texts and practices that dictate the ways in which
heritage is defined and employed within any contemporary western society (Smith, 2006;
Benton, 2010). An aspect she has given much attention to in her own studies is the local
potential involved in working with heritage. “Individuals and interest groups outside
professionals are rarely acknowledged as playing any sort of active role in defining,
conserving and maintenance of heritage, and are instead characterised as audience,
visitor or consumer” (Smith and Waterton, 2009, p. 29).
Heritage production can be viewed as a process by which regular use of one’s
everyday surroundings leads to appreciation of special features. National priorities and
local practices relate to value adding processes, respectively, referred to as “heritage
by designation” and “heritage by appropriation” (Rautenberg, 1998: cit. Tweed and
Sutherland, 2007), which are used to elaborate what qualifies as cultural heritage
and to explain why it is so. It is a way of deepening the understanding of heritage by
recognising the socially constructed nature of heritage values and that heritage is
instrumental and valued for something. This approach highlights the relation between
public value and heritage, established values and socially constructed values
(Pendlebury, 2009, p. 202; Smith, 2006, see also Mydland and Grahn, 2011). We will
discuss the degree of inclusion of alternative, local perspectives that has taken place in
relation to the notion of “appropriation”. When we later return to these concepts and
discuss them in view of the “Selected Agricultural Landscapes Scheme”, we look more
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closely at the nature of the relationship between the official definitions of heritage and
the local understandings and implementations. We discuss whether the arguments in
use are in accordance with what can be labelled the Norwegian AHD, or whether such
arguments are mirroring local value assessments more than concepts borrowed from
the experts’ toolkit.
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2.2 Norway as part of the European context
There has been rapid growth in nationally designated protected areas worldwide, with
a tenfold increase in the number of protected areas over the past four decades.
Although a rather comprehensive body of literature exists on the environmental, social
and political aspects of conservation policies in general and protected areas in
particular, the effects of such schemes on management and of the farms involved have
not received the same attention (Selman, 2009, p. 145; Mittenzwei et al., 2010, p. 861).
The prime objective of such schemes is “to channel payment and advice to target
areas” (Selman, 2009, p. 143). The success of these voluntary agro-environmental
schemes in promoting sustainable attitudinal and environmental change is, however,
being increasingly questioned. Critics have claimed that protected areas fail “to integrate
the requirements into wider politics, such as agriculture”. There is also a lack of
recognition of the needs, interests and knowledge of local people within such protected
areas (Selman, 2009, p. 150). It has been argued that such policies are not “culturally
sustainable”, which here is identified as “failing to become embedded within the culture of
local communities” (Burton and Paragahawewa, 2011, p. 96). Partly, as a result of such
criticism, more emphasis is put on community involvement in protected areas, including
the direct management of land. Active engagement of stakeholders and the wider public
is seen as essential (Selman, 2009, p. 143, 145).
The Norwegian situation mirrors discussions in other European countries. Potential
conflict between development and preservation of cultural landscapes has gained
increased focus in the Norwegian agricultural policy debate, where worries about lost
cultural landscapes and viable farming are voiced (Daugstad et al., 2006). SAL should
be considered against this background.
83
3. Material and methods
The discourse analyses of this paper are based mainly on the initial plan for SAL,
as well as local documents concerning two selected areas.
Basically, two types of material have been included in the examination:
(1)
Studies of the initial planning documents on national and regional level,
supplemented by examination of heritage plans and documents on a local level.
(2)
Main data index for cultural heritage, i.e. Askeladden (the national database
management system for listed heritage) and SEFRAK register (the national
database management system for all buildings constructed before 1900).
White paper/other national documents:
.
.
Jordbruksavtale 2011-2012. Inngått mellom Staten og Norges Bondelag 23.
Juni 2011.
Selected agricultural landscapes. The Norwegian Agricultural Authority,
Norwegian Directorate for Nature Management, and the Directorate for Cultural
Heritage, Oslo, 28th June 2009.
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.
.
84
.
.
Statistisk sentralbyrå. Jordbrukstelling, tabell 5: Jordbruksbedrifter med
tilleggsnæringar, etter fylke og jordbruksareal i drift. 1998/1999 og 2009/2010.
www.ssb.no/landt/tab-2011-07-04-05.html
Uvalgte kulturlandskap i jordbruket. Endelig rapport, 1. juli 2007. Statens
landbruksforvaltning, Direktoratet for naturforvaltning og Riksantikvaren, Oslo.
Uvalgte kulturlandskap i jordbruket. Tilråding til Landbruks- og matdepartementet
og Miljøverndepartementet. Statens landbruksforvaltning, Direktoratet for
naturforvaltning og Riksantikvaren, Oslo, desember 2008.
Utvalgte kulturlandskap i jordbruket. Statens landbruksforvaltning,
Direktoratet for naturforvaltning og Riksantikvaren, Oslo, 28. juni 2009.
Local planning documents – Leka:
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.
.
.
.
.
Uvalgte kulturlandskap i jordbruket. Områdeplan for kandidatområdet. Skei og
Skeisnesset i Leka kommune. Fylkesmannen i Nord-Trøndelag. Se spesielt vedlegg
med tilstandsrapport for bygninger i området Skei og Skeisnesset (2008).
Regionalt miljøprogram for jordbruket i Nord-Trøndelag 2009-2012.
Forskrift om miljøtilskudd til jordbruket i Nord-Trøndelag. Fastsatt av
Fylkesmannen i Nord-Trøndelag 6.mai 2009.
Mal for forvaltningsavtaler (for bolig/fritidseiendom – for jordbrukseiendom) (u.å).
Handlingsprogram for kulturminnepolitikk. Plandokument for Nord-Trøndelag
fylkeskommune Juli 2009.
Local planning documents – Nordherad:
.
.
.
.
.
Forvaltningsplan for “utvalgte kulturlandskap” i Nordherad i Vågå; forslag pr.
6.11.2008, Fylkesmannen i Oppland, landbruksavdelingen. Områdeplan for
Nordherad.
Kulturminner i nasjonalt verdifulle kulturlandskap: Nordherad, Vågå i Oppland
(Hage, H.) Oppland fylkeskommune.
Kriterier for prioritering og fastsetting av tilskuddsprosent for bygninger og
andre investeringstiltak i Nordherad (vedtatt 17.02.10).
Aktivitets- og informasjonsplan 2010. Forlag til årsplan 2010 for Nordherad som
utvalgt kulturlandskap (versjon 15.02.10).
Aktivitets- og informasjonsplan 2010 Nordherad (versjon 15.02.10).
In addition, four semi-structured interviews with key informants have been carried out
(case handlers in the municipal administration and, from the cultural heritage
management at county level, active farmers), supplemented by field observations and
photos. Information from secondary sources, i.e. primarily local historic literature, has
played a minor role.
Discourse analysis can refer to many different approaches of investigation of written
texts. In the study, we use discourse as a method of close-up reading of the planning
documents. They are used as examples of the form of knowledge and system of meaning
the institutions behind the documents pass on to the users. In a critical discourse analysis
the knowledge system which is passed on is perceived as a way of making others
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understand the world from a particular angle; as an element in a wider power structure
(Fairclough, 1995; Peräkylä, 2005). From this perspective, the mediated cultural heritage
values in the planning documents can be understood as a way of trying to make others
see the world from the involved official departments’ and directorates’ point of view.
4. Results
4.1 The planning background
The scheme under focus is a result of cooperation between The Ministry of Environment
and The Ministry of Agriculture and Food and Norwegian Agricultural Authority and
can be interpreted as part of the government’s strategy to take responsibility for national
environmental goals within the agricultural sector.
In 2006, The Ministry of Agriculture and Food and The Ministry of the Environment
gave an assignment to the Norwegian Agricultural Authority, Norwegian Directorate
for Nature Management and the Directorate for Cultural Heritage. The mandate
stated that “Cultural landscapes of special historical and biological value are to
be registered, and a plan for their management effected before the end of 2010” (Statens
landbruksforvaltning (SLF), 2007). This decision was partly a follow-up on the
nationwide project involving registration and documentation of cultural landscapes
(National registration of “Exceptional Valuable Cultural Landscapes”, started in 1992),
a project analysed in details elsewhere (Hansen, 1998).
The work involved the selection of relevant areas and suggested inclusion of 20
(later extended to 22). This amount represented approximately one cultural landscape
per each county. The final selected group should constitute a representative selection of
areas from the country and be based on suggestions of two to three alternatives from
each county (Direktoratet for naturforvaltning (DN), 2008, p. 4). The motion to start up
the scheme was passed by the two cooperating ministries in 2009.
The cooperation between the agricultural and the heritage sector is well established
in Norway, and several of the schemes resulting from such cooperation are considered
essential to cultural heritage in farming communities. There has been financial aid for
restoration of buildings on farms since 1993, later integrated with other economic
excitants in conservation and rehabilitation. The administration of its funding was
handed over to the local agricultural authority within the municipality (2005), thereby
managing to decentralise decision making within the agricultural sector to a larger
extent than that found in nature and cultural heritage management.
That this scheme goes beyond the documentation phase to a binding and long-term
management phase has been considered new and unique. A factor assigned high
importance was that cultural landscapes had to include both high biological and cultural
historic values. The realism of securing long-term maintenance and management
of the areas was considered essential. The farmers and managers have been ascribed
a key function in the project, and area management and maintenance are based on
voluntariness. Other criteria of crucial significance were holistic landscape, continuity
and time depth, representativity or uniqueness and communicative value (Direktoratet
for naturforvaltning (DN), 2008, p. 5, 6).
From a cultural heritage perspective, the scheme can be interpreted as a
supplementary instrument to ensure protection, while the formal responsibility is still
based on the legislation.
According to the Norwegian Cultural Heritage Act (CHA), all remains of cultural
heritage from before 1537 are automatically protected (listed), while younger remains
must be listed individually. No decisions concerning such heritage can be made
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without the consent of cultural heritage management. On a municipal level, the Plan
and Building Act (PBL) is legislation protecting cultural heritage, but how actively it is
used for such purposes differs between the municipalities. With the revision in 1992 of
the CHA, “cultural environment (context)” was introduced as a new legal concept to
ensure that more attention was paid to contexts, i.e. buildings as parts of a broader
cultural environment (Hegard and Algreen-Ussing, 1995; Myklebust, 1999; Skår et al.,
2008). To ensure protection through this clause, however, is a long and extensive
process. SAL partly represents an alternative approach to the same considerations.
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4.2 Case 1: Skei and Skeisnesset on the island of Leka in the county of Nord-Trøndelag
Short description of the area and the present situation. The SAL is situated on the
island of Leka off the west coast of Norway, in Nord-Trøndelag County in Mid-Norway.
The island and a small part of the mainland constitute the municipality of Leka.
The total number of inhabitants in the municipality is 589, and the number is slowly
falling. The municipal administration itself is the most important employer, and farming
the most important trade. The farming products are mainly milk and some meat, as well
as fodder, cereal and potatoes. Fishing used to be a major source of income, but has today
less importance, even though salmon farming has grown in recent years. Tourism is
looked upon as a new line of business.
The SAL is in the northern part of the island, and covers an area of 520 hectares,
including approximately 353 hectares of coastal heather moorland. The landscape
consists of farmsteads and associated agricultural buildings, inlying fields cultivated
for modern farming and outlying fields of coastal heather-clad moors on the Peninsula.
There are 12 landowners and 66 residents within the SAL and Leka Rural Museum is
situated within the area. The island’s main ferry quay is also situated within the SAL
(Figure 1 and Plate 1).
Figure 1.
Map of Leka Municipality
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Plate 1.
The largest farm at Skei
Cultural history of the area. Today the island of Leka may be viewed as marginal, but
it was historically centrally situated and economically significant. The pre-industrial
farmers of Norway were dependent on utilising multiple economic sources for survival.
Situated close to rich fishing locations as well as right by the main coastal “highway”
between the rich fishing areas of Lofoten and the ports of Trondheim and Bergen,
this gave opportunities and provided for more inhabitants than the limited areas of
arable land.
The oldest traces of human habitation date from the Stone Age, at least 10,000
years. From the Bronze Age and especially the Viking Age, there is clear evidence of
centralised power on the island. The SAL area was originally one relatively large farm,
Skei, and some of the buildings today date back hundreds of years. During the period
of major population growth in the nineteenth century, land for approximately 40 crofts
was cleared. The system of crofts was abolished during the twentieth century and the
land was sold to the tenants. Today, these crofts are farms within the SAL, mainly
located on the western side of the peninsula.
Value assessment in official plans. In national, official white papers concerning the
heritage values within the SAL, the prime cultural heritage assets are the archaeological
findings. Herlaugshaugen is believed to be a king’s grave and is the second largest burial
mound in Norway dating from the Viking Age. The fact that it was mentioned in Snorre’s
Saga is assumed to give identity and symbolic value to the site. Many archaeological
findings are registered on the Heritage List and include Stone Age settlements, burial
mounds and building remains from the Middle Ages.
Historic landscape features from after the reformation (1537) are not automatically
listed according to CHA. However, explicitly mentioned and referred to as worth
preserving are the varied settlements from the seventeenth up to the twentieth
century. “Cultural heritage and landscape structures show the balance of power in the
agricultural community as well as the inequality in social conditions between larger
farms, crofts and smallholdings” (Selected agricultural landscape SALs; Statens
landbruksforvaltning (SLF), 2007, p. 20). In the county of Nord-Trøndelag’s statement
to national authorities in the spring of 2008, the wide range of archaeological remains
within the area are described, but it is also stated that there is little knowledge about
cultural heritage from the seventeenth century onwards.
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Management plans for the future. Planned future activity is connected to
the management and restoration of the heather-clad moors, the restoration of
buildings, management and dissemination of knowledge for the area as a whole.
Herlaugshaugen is mentioned especially, both because of its heritage quality and for
the role it plays in identity building. Increased tourism is stated as a vital goal in
the plans.
The farmers have entered into a contract making them responsible for the upkeep of
their buildings and gardens, in keeping with local tradition, the maintenance of areas
along roads and so on. They must also cooperate with official authorities to avoid the
introduction and spread of alien species. According to this deal, they receive the yearly
amount of approximately 250 euros and they are also entitled yearly to financial aid for
haymaking, grazing and restoration related to the number of animals they have
grazing, or per decare (1/4 acre) outlying field. The farmers can also apply for financial
support for restoration of buildings, restoring pastures and hay meadows, establishing
paths, information measures and so on.
4.3 Case 2: Nordherad in the municipality of Vågå, Oppland County
Short description of the area and the present situation. The SAL of Nordherad is
situated in the municipality of Vågå in the Ottadalen valley, Oppland County.
The agricultural region is characterised by a dry inland climate as part of the highland
districts of Southern Norway. The number of inhabitants in the municipality is 3,718,
and is slowly falling. As in Leka, public administration is the main employer. Farming
is of major importance. Oppland is the county in Norway with the highest number of
farms, but 57 per cent of these farms depend on an additional income and 27 per cent
have been abandoned or the farmland has been let out in the last ten years (SSB,
Jordbrukstelling, tabell 5). Tourism is directly and indirectly an important source of
income for both the municipal and the mountain region as a whole; it is seen as a trade
to be further developed in the future.
The SAL is close to the administration centre of Vågå. It covers an area of 1,400
hectares stretching from Lake Vågåvatnet at 360 metres above sea level to the high
mountain area at 1,100 metres above sea level. The farms are mainly on two different
terraces above the Vågåvatnet. There are 49 farms within the SAL, although 15 of these
are disused. The farming products are mainly milk and most of the farms keep livestock
for grazing.
In 1999, the farmers in Nordherad started a local project based on voluntary work to
promote local life through protection of the historical landscape, and to facilitate leisure
activities and tourism (Figure 2 and Plate 2).
Cultural history of the area. Within this region of Norway, the resources in the
mountains constituted an important part of the farms’ economic resources. The high
mountains provided opportunities for hunting and, in some areas also, iron blasting
and stone quarries. The vast grazing land for domestic animals and the summer farms
have also been of major importance. In this valley there has been traffic in all directions
for many centuries.
This fertile arable land has been used for cultivation for thousands of years
with traces of human activity dating back at least 5,000 years; the high number of
saucer-shaped hollows carved in stone are evidence of Bronze Age cultural activity.
The number of farms expanded in the Iron Age and in the medieval period. As in many
parts of Norway, there was a contraction in the number of farms in the late medieval
period due to the plague, but less so in Nordherad. This indicates that farms within the
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Figure 2.
Map of Nordherad
Plate 2.
Valbjør gård in
Nordherad, Vågå
area were regarded as among the most valuable. From the seventeenth century onwards,
the population grew and during the eighteenth and nineteenth century, many crofts and
small farms were cleared in the more marginal areas.
Value assessment in official plans. Official reports concerning this area have been
made since 2004. All three reports, actuated at the county level of administration, can be
regarded as expert opinion even though a local group has been involved in at least one
of the plans. The reports emphasise listed objects and legal obligations. The Cultural
heritage report of 2004 especially interprets the area from a historiographical viewpoint
with special regard to place names and written sources from the medieval period.
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Vågå is the rural municipality in Norway with the largest number of listed
buildings. Within the SAL as many as six farms have all or some of their buildings
listed. One way of understanding this situation is the special national value assigned to
this type of wooden architecture and building tradition during the late nineteenth and
early twentieth century. In this period, Norway had to create an identity for the future
as an independent national state. The clusters of large, brown timber buildings in these
inner valleys of Norway were interpreted as unique, constructed in the medieval period
when Norway was a free country.
Management plans for the future. In the report “Plan for the area”, six principal
goals are listed; three of these concern cultural heritage. The first deals with the built
environment alone, and states that the maintenance of all kinds of older buildings
shall reach an acceptable level, which equals the national environmental goal within
the field of cultural heritage. The second states that all other kinds of cultural
heritage such as archaeological sites, stone quarries, fences, old irrigation systems
and traditional areal use shall be secured and maintained. The last goal also concerns
natural values, and emphasises communication with the public, partly directed
towards tourists.
5. Discussion
We will now return to the research questions and begin by discussing to what extent
the argumentation behind the selection and interpretation of these landscapes in the
SAL scheme has its origin in what rightly can be labelled the Norwegian AHD.
There is an underlying assumption in the initial documents that a series of local
landscape adaptations are threatened, and therefore a need for introduction of particular
measures to uphold a series of representative landscape types from an environmental,
cultural historic and nature preservation point of view.
The selected landscapes include several summer mountain farming areas, coastal
landscapes both along the western and eastern coastline, cotters’ landscapes and
representative types of landscape from prosperous farmers in the eastern part as well
as areas in the North of Norway which are representative of Sami agrarian landscapes
(Direktoratet for naturforvaltning (DN), 2008, p. 9).
The final group of selected landscapes was meant to give insight into manifold
representative landscapes on a national level. It should be added, however, that some
landscape types are missing, while some might be considered overrepresented.
The secretariat also commented on the fact that a relatively large portion of the
landscapes in the selection belongs to what they labelled “marginal” areas; areas with
more intact grazing fields and older and less altered buildings, due to external conditions
which have led to less intensive farming. Such conditions can also have made the owners
more motivated to join the project because their options are rarer. They are more in
need of motivating factors and assistance to be able to continue farming than farmers
situated in the more prosperous parts of the country (Direktoratet for naturforvaltning,
2008, p. 9).
We can derive that the combination of the generally shared set of value criteria for
cultural heritage and the use of economic incentives to uphold active farming has led to
a certain asymmetry. Representativity has not been given the same importance as
probability for success. As stated in the initial documents, the reality of realism in
feasibility, motivated parties and thought-through management plans were weighing
heavily. Although standard heritage criteria such as age, representativity, symbolic
value and uniqueness were used when the initial framework was drawn, other factors
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of economic and political character seem to have influenced the scheme just as much
later in the processes.
This leads to the second question: to what extent do the local plans exceed AHD
and introduce local perceptions of heritage values? Appropriation can be used as
a description of the process that takes place when people build a particular relationship
with certain aspects of their environments – a way of including a set of aspects in one’s
own life-world. There are several ways that the building of this relationship can take
place. Certain aspects, artefacts or material structures will gain a particular meaning
due to incidents – episodes which take place in people’s personal lives – and lead to
situations where special memories are attached to such sites. This has not necessarily
anything to do with heritage as such. When Ingold, for instance, refers to “taskscapes”
(Ingold, 2000), it is an example of a relationship that individuals build with landscapes
through practical activities in a landscape. On the other hand, the fact that certain aspects
of the structures in the environment have been ascribed with special status – designated
heritage – can also affect the relationship people have with a place. A building which was
formerly ignored can, for instance, be viewed in a new light when heritage experts
point out its particular qualities. As a result of local activities at community level,
new relationships can be built both with other people and heritage structures through
involvement in restoration work. In this way, heritage is appropriated by individuals
and gains special values on an individual level. It is through various forms of community
work that this latter relationship with the heritage context develops and that appropriation
of one’s surroundings takes place.
After this discussion of “appropriation at work”, we will continue to consider the
degree of inclusion of alternative, local perspectives that have taken place. The fact
that each landscape has its own characteristics, has necessarily influenced the
perspectives and assessments of heritage values made at local level, in addition to
the degree of influence of cultural heritage managers representing AHD.
As regards Leka, the county administration has, to a limited degree, been
involved in the shaping and framing of the steering documents. The small municipal
administration in Leka has adapted to the SAL by using local, skilled people in the
formulation of a municipal management plan, and in making the agreements as simple
as possible. The interpretation of the local cultural heritage in Leka is broad, as well as
based on a thorough knowledge of places, areal use and narratives. Recent history,
mainly within living memory, is given most attention. The Bronze Age and the Viking
Period with the high number of burial mounds are given little space in the final plan
(“Plan for the area”).
The steering documents from Nordherad can be said to include expert statements,
in line with national politics and goals. The documents are mainly based on different
kinds of official cultural heritage index. The interpretation of local cultural heritage
is mainly based on professional knowledge, with fewer supplements from local
informants. The report is not organised spatially, and the descriptions of places,
areal use and narratives are lacking in these documents. This may be partly explained
by the size of the area. When the management plans and agreements are completed in
Nordherad, there is possibility that they will be more adapted to the individual farm,
and the concept of cultural heritage might vary and reflect both the history of the
farm and the farmer’s conception of the history of his farm.
Both areas include a social perspective on the landscape on all levels. In Nordherad
this was the main reason for including a larger area than the first proposition.
The demarcation of the area has been open for discussion since the cultural heritage
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plan was written in 2004, to 2008, when the newest area plan was finished. Today’s
boundaries encompass a larger area than the first proposition, which included
the steep and stony, marginal hillside where the younger and smaller farms and crofts
are located.
A wish to uphold active farming combined with safeguarding heritage of importance
to local identity has been the motivation for local farmers to join in the scheme, which has
given the heritage argumentation a new actuality and relevance.
The research presented in this paper deals only with the initial period of 2006-2009.
Since then, the work establishing formal agreements with each farmer for a ten-year
period and the signing of binding contracts has taken its course. In both of the studied
SALs this process is now in its final stage. A series of restoration measures on the farm
buildings has been carried out, and, in addition, the activating of long-term landscape
restoration plans has started. A mid-way evaluation of the SAL-programme will
shortly start on behalf of the Norwegian Agricultural Authority, with the intension
of summarising results from all the 22 selected landscapes, to be able to suggest
alteration of course if necessary.
International studies referred to earlier point to lack of emphasis on cultural
sustainability. In the scheme presented here, ways to ensure active sustainable
farming, cultural heritage and biodiversity are tested out and adapted to local needs.
It can prove to be a model of relevance for other European countries where rural areas
are facing rapid changes and threats of either fragmentation or neglect.
6. Conclusion
The form of preservation which involves a high degree of collaboration between
owners and local community is still new in Norway, especially within the cultural
heritage sector. This may challenge AHD because cultural heritage, to a larger degree,
is defined locally. The stressing of specific value of the AHD-objects may also trigger
immanent conflict, emerging from other interpretations and evaluations of history and
objects in today’s landscape.
The SAL stresses the importance of the farmer’s contribution as well as local
involvement; therefore, SAL may challenge a top-down management. This can give way
to a more integrated management in the future, in answer to some of the criticism against
the failure of the management of protected areas. If the results from the SAL prove
satisfactory, it can be seen as a new form of protection, which can be implemented in
different forms of cultural heritage preservation.
Another possible future effect is that while certain areas are selected, prioritised and
highly regulated, the rest are considered “free” to develop or abandon. Although this
may increase the pressure on some areas and lead to unwanted development,
other more marginal farmland might be abandoned and left to forest expansion.
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Corresponding author
Dr Grete Swensen can be contacted at: grete.swensen@niku.no
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