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Inka occupation of enclosure 1- Kancha II, at El
Shincal de Quimivil (Catamarca, Argentina)
Article in Quaternary International · November 2011
DOI: 10.1016/j.quaint.2010.12.028
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Quaternary International 245 (2011) 159e169
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Inka occupation of enclosure 1- Kancha II, at El Shincal de Quimivil
(Catamarca, Argentina)
María G. Couso a, Reinaldo A. Moralejo b, *, Marco A. Giovannetti b, Luis M. del Papa c,
María C. Páez b
a
b
c
División de Arqueología, MLP, FCNyM, UNLP, Paseo del Bosque s/n, 1900 La Plata, Argentina
CONICET, División de Arqueología, MLP, FCNyM, UNLP, Paseo del Bosque s/n, 1900 La Plata, Argentina
CONICET, Cátedra de Anatomía Comparada, FCNyM, UNLP, Calle 64 entre diag 113 y 120 s/n, 1900 La Plata, Argentina
a r t i c l e i n f o
a b s t r a c t
Article history:
Available online 7 January 2011
The territory of the Inka once covered parts of the present-day countries of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru,
Bolivia, Chile, and Argentina, as their political control spread across South America’s Andean region. The
site of El Shincal de Quimivil, located in the western part of the province of Catamarca in northwestern
Argentina, is thought to have served as one of the most important provincial capitals within this territorial range. This article discusses evidence from excavations conducted in Enclosure 1 of the Kancha II
structure, a typical Inka architectural space located at the foot of one of the site’s artificially terraced hills.
The enclosure’s excavation has yielded abundant assemblages of archaeological evidence, including
ceramic, botanical, faunal, and lithic materials, as well as a centrally located mortar elevated on a platform of stones. The ceramic assemblages are notable for their diversity of typological styles and a high
proportion of Inka-type pottery. Faunal materials include discarded food remains, especially camelid
bones, and bone projectile points. Plant macroremains identified as maize (Zea mays) and algarrobo
(Prosopis sp.) were present in the archaeobotanical assemblages. In terms of architectural analysis, the
use of space and the materials excavated notably set this enclosure apart from other areas studied at El
Shincal de Quimivil. This unique spatial arrangement is probably directly related to festival events, where
El Shincal de Quimivil would have played a central role within the dynamics of the southern Inka
provinces. Enclosures such as the one discussed here may have served as lodging for visitors during large
gatherings.
Ó 2011 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
During the 15th century, the Andean world witnessed the
expansion of the Inka, one of the state-level societies with the
greatest territorial range in the pre-Hispanic America (Fig. 1). This
extensive political society exercised its influence or control over
a diverse set of populations throughout the Andes. A series of social,
political, and economic conditions that represented the interests of
the state combined with local realities, giving shape to new social
and cultural landscapes in each region that became integrated into
the Tawantinsuyu (Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, 1999). The
political strategies proposed to have existed in this period include
those coercive in nature as well as more diplomatic ones, with
* Corresponding author. Fax: þ54 221 425 7527.
E-mail addresses: mgcouso@hotmail.com (M.G. Couso), reinaldomoralejo@
yahoo.com.ar (R.A. Moralejo), marcogiovannetti@gmail.com (M.A. Giovannetti),
loesdelpapa@hotmail.com (L.M. del Papa), ceciliapaez@gmail.com (M.C. Páez).
1040-6182/$ e see front matter Ó 2011 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.quaint.2010.12.028
fundamental variations based upon the nature of the relations
established with local groups and the particular objectives of the
state (Williams, 2002e2005).
The nature of the Inka presence in Northwestern Argentina
(NWA) was based upon these same principles. The precise timing of
the entry of the Inka into NWA remains a subject of debate between
those who favor the radiocarbon evidence and those who rely more
upon ethnohistorical information (Bárcena, 2007). The first group
believes that the Inka had already become established by the
beginning of the 15th century, while the others believe that the first
arrival occurred around 1470 A.D. during the reign of Topa Inka. The
motive for Inka expansion into the region is also a subject of debate.
Some argue that valuable mineral resources (gold, silver, and copper)
were the main factor that made control of the region attractive
(González, 1980; Raffino, 1981). Another perspective focuses on the
attainment of new lands for agricultural expansion as well as the
need for the labor sources to support this (Williams, 2000). Factors
more ideological in nature also have to be considered, such as those
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160
M.G. Couso et al. / Quaternary International 245 (2011) 159e169
Fig. 1. Map of the Tawantisuyu expansion (from Raffino, 2007: 301, Fig. 7.1).
related to the ambition for conquest carried out by an individual Inka
to prove his ataw, or prowess as a warrior, and to thereby legitimate
his power to command (Ziólkowski,1996). The roles played by factors
such as these are still under debate, and the reality may in fact have
been a combination of these various motives for Inka expansion. In
any case, NWA became annexed into the Tawantinsuyu as the most
extensive of the four main regions, the Killasuyu. This area was in turn
subdivided into various provinces, and NWA contained five of these.
The one known as QuirieQuiri would correspond to the area where
the study site is located.
The Inka attempted to use various means by which to express
and impose their cosmology and ideology, including a bold pattern
of Inka spatial construction. The emulation of physical characteristics and symbolic meanings related to the landscape of Cusco was
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M.G. Couso et al. / Quaternary International 245 (2011) 159e169
one of the ways in which they sought to enforce a strong cultural
domination, through the pursuit of common experiences. One of
the manifestations of this was the creation of settlements that
made symbolic reference to Cusco in terms of both architecture
style and spatial patterning. Some historians such as Guaman Poma
de Ayala have called such settlements “New Cuscos” (Hyslop, 1990;
Farrington, 1998). In this type of settlement many of the main
political and religious practices were performed, and such locations
were also used for the large, state-sponsored festivals such as, for
example, the Inty Rayme (D’Altroy, 2003).
El Shincal de Quimivil is one of the locations most representative of this phenomenon, because of its monumental state-level
architecture and reproduction of symbolic patterns of Cusco’s
spatial structure (Farrington, 1999). In this Inka settlement -which
was a provincial capital during the time of Huayna Capac, the
region’s penultimate governor before the arrival of the Spanish- the
urban planning, architecture, and ceramic and metal artifacts that
survive today represent evidence of an intense political dynamic
involving centralized control over a wide territory.
Several specific areas of the site have been excavated and
analyzed in the framework of research activities that have taken
place since 1992, and which are still ongoing (Capparelli, 1997;
Raffino, 2004; Igareta, 2008; Giovannetti, 2009; Yapura Liz,
2009). One of these areas, Kancha II, has provided abundant and
diverse archaeological evidence that has indicated the important
role of El Shincal de Quimivil as a critical site related to Inka control
over the southern Andean region.
The term kancha has a variety of meanings reflecting the diverse
contexts in which it may be applied, but it always makes reference
to the Andean organization of space (Matos Mendieta, 1994).
Various authors (Gasparini and Margolies, 1977; Hyslop, 1990;
Matos Mendieta, 1994; Raffino, 2007) have promoted the characterization of a kancha based upon its form, construction plan, and
domestic organization of the rooms in relation to a central patio. In
this way a kancha is described as consisting of a set of rectangular
buildings oriented around a central open space. These are enclosed
by a rectangular perimeter wall, with one or two access doorways.
These investigations are set within a context oriented towards an
understanding of El Shincal de Quimivil’s political role at both the local
and regional levels, as well as its status as a provincial Inka capital.
These perspectives have been developed over the course of the history
of research at the site (Raffino et al., 1997; Capparelli, 1997; Raffino,
2004, 2007; Igareta, 2008; Giovannetti, 2009; Yapura Liz, 2009).
The objectives of this paper are contribute to a deeper understanding of the dynamics and functioning of Kancha II through of
the evidence from the excavated enclosure that here is discussed
(E1). This evidence will be addressed through a multidisciplinary
set of analyses focused on archaeobotanical, archaeofaunal, and
ceramic remains, as well as the application of sedimentological and
architectural studies.
2. El Shincal de Quimivil: introduction to the archaeological
site and its environmental characteristics
The archaeological site of El Shincal de Quimivil is spread across
the northwestern edge of an alluvial cone formed by the actions of
two rivers: the Quimivil, which has a permanent flow and is therefore
the main agent of formation, and the Hondo, which has intermittent
flow. The geographical coordinates, taken at the center of the site, are
27 4101100 S and 67 100 4400 W, in the mid-west of the province of
Catamarca in NWA. The slopes of the area’s Zapata Mountains and
Shincal Hill are covered by a thin layer of friable materials formed by
eluviation, solifluction, and aeolian deposition. The color of these
sediments is gray to light brownish-gray and grain size is that of sand
mixed with silt and clay. It is similar to loess but without much
161
differentiation from its lithological components. This main sediment,
and other types deposited together with it by river action, covers the
surface of the Quimivil alluvial cone, and it also now covers the
surface of the archaeological site (González Bonorino, 1972).
The natural landscape in which the site is found is dominated by
dense tree and shrub vegetation (Capparelli, 1997). Species known
commonly as algarrobos are dominant (Prosopis flexuosa and Prosopis
chilensis). Also present are trees including chañar (Geoffroea decorticans) and tala (Celtis tala), and shrubs including shinqui (Mimosa farinosa). There are also numerous species of annual plants representing
primary growth, many of which are used in traditional medicine. The
fruits of trees including the algarrobo, chañar, and molle (Schinus
fasciculatus) were used extensively, and continue to be used today, for
production of foods and beverages including chicha, flour, and patay
(bread). Inka agriculture was focused mainly upon maize (Zea mays)
and potatoes (Solanum tuberosum), as well as to a lesser degree on
beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), squash (Cucurbita sp.), quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa), cotton (Gossypium sp.), and peanuts (Arachis hypogaea).
In terms of animal foods, the Inka raised llamas (Lama glama), alpacas
(Vicugna pacos e a species not found in Argentina), guinea pigs (Cavia
porcellus), and ducks (Cairina moschata). A wide variety of hunted wild
birds and animals were also utilized, such as the ostrich-like rhea
(Pterocnemia pennata) and forest duck (Anatidae), and mammals
including vicuñas (Vicugna vicugna) and the North Andean deer, or
taruca (Hippocamelus antisiensis) (D’Altroy, 2003).
This analysis of the architectural structures and the numerous
excavations that have taken place at El Shincal de Quimivil have
revealed that the site was an important Inka provincial capital,
referred to in the specialized literature as wamani or “New Cusco”
(Farrington, 1999; Raffino, 2004). The structures that make up the
site are indicative of this, which consist of a large, 175 m 175 m
central plaza or aukaipata, five kallanka or large-sized rectangular
public buildings, and a central ushnu that is notable for being the
largest known from Argentina and Chile.
Excavations in two buildings, the ushnu and one of the kallanka,
have provided evidence of two distinct phases of the site’s occupation, a proper Inka phase and a second phase from a later period,
which corresponds to the native peoples’ battles of resistance
against the Spaniards in the 17th century. The ushnu contained
a large number of Inka offerings such as Pacific Ocean mollusk
shells (Argopecten purpuratus), ceramics, and metal objects, as well
as another type of offerings linked to European objects and other
indigenous sites (Raffino et al., 1997; Capparelli et al., 2007). It has
also been possible to demonstrate the production of great quantities of food and beverages for serving at massive communal feasts
(Giovannetti, 2009). This is based upon thirty-three multiple
mortar assemblages with more than three-hundred grinding units
dispersed across the alluvial cone, with their presence demonstrating the potential not only for production of a great amount of
grinding work e potentially performed by many people at the same
time e but also the location of these in the immediate vicinity of
production areas for chicha and food. All of this evidence has
combined to form the basis for the conclusion that El Shincal de
Quimivil was one of the most important centers during the
installation of the Tawantinsuyu in areas far away from Cusco.
3. Characterization of Kancha II
Kancha II at the El Shincal de Quimivil site is located to the west
of the Western Terraced Hill (Fig. 2). It takes the form of a rectangle
approximately 40 m 20 m, occupying an area of 800 m2. Three
enclosures of various sizes are found in its interior (E1: 3.4 m 5 m;
E2: 5 m 9.5 m and E3: 2.8 m 6 m), with doorways providing
access to a central patio. Enclosure 2 (E2) is the largest of the group,
and is divided into two rooms that do not appear to have, at least on
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M.G. Couso et al. / Quaternary International 245 (2011) 159e169
Fig. 2. Location of Kancha II in relation to the other structures at the El Shincal de Quimivil site: CJ ¼ Casa del Jefe; QÑ ¼ Qhapaq Ñan; K II ¼ Kancha II; A ¼ aukaipata; U ¼ ushnu;
S ¼ sinchiwasi.
the surface, any means of connection with the adjoining room or
the central patio.
The construction details of Kancha II are similar to those found in
other areas of the site such as the ushnu and the kallanka. The
primary construction material is granite blocks that have been
extracted from locations close to the site, and which have been
partially or fully rounded and carefully selected. In general the
width of the walls ranges from 0.60 to 0.80 m. This structure has
two access doorways, one to the southwest and the other directly
opposite to the northeast.
The interior surface of Enclosure 1 (E1) was completely excavated. A total of 17 m2 were excavated using artificial of 10 cm levels,
with various visible changes in the sediment recorded on forms
designed for this purpose. The excavations exposed the following
sedimentological layers: a) a brown clay sediment to 0.25 m; b)
a highly porous sandy gray sediment to 0.75 m; and c) a laminated
gray clay sediment to a depth of 1.10 m. In this final sedimentological
layer, the presence of one occupation floors could be identified
between 0.80 m and 1 m in depth, based upon the greater amount of
materials recovered and the sediment compaction.
In the center of the enclosure, a mortar was found elevated
0.54 m above the occupation floor on a pillar constructed of stacked
rounded stones, with the mortar mounted in clay (Fig. 3). In the
area to the south and southesoutheast of the base of the mortar, at
the level of the occupation floor, a layer of whitish sediment
approximately 4 cm thick was found. From the excavation as
a whole a total of 1050 ceramic sherds were recovered, 275 individual archaeofaunal remains (five of which were bone points), fifty
plant macroremains, and two chert projectile points.
4. Methods and materials
The different classes of objects recovered in E1 (ceramic, bone,
botanical remains, and sediment samples) were subjected to specific
methods of analysis. Ceramic analysis included macroscopic and
binocular loop observations (Hokenn 20Xe40X) in order to examine
morphological, decorative, and technological features. Special
attention was given to classification of the materials according to
their decoration, morphology, and chronological origin, as well as by
details of the ceramic matrix that could provide information related
to production methods (Shepard, 1968; Rye, 1981; Rice, 1987).
The total number of sherds recovered was N ¼ 1050, which were
cleaned, labeled, classified, and refitted prior to analysis, producing
a final sample size of N ¼ 953. Materials in this assemblage were
not considered if their size (less than 2 cm) or condition prevented
analysis of their characteristics. Taxonomic identification was performed for the archaeofaunal remains recovered. Species differentiation for camelids was performed by osteometry aided by
multivariate statistical analysis (Principal Components Analysis and
Hierarchical Cluster Analysis with Manhattan distance), as well as
through dental morphology (Wheeler, 1982; Menegaz et al., 1989;
Yacobaccio et al., 1997e98; Izeta, 2007).
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M.G. Couso et al. / Quaternary International 245 (2011) 159e169
163
Fig. 3. Photographs of the mortar taken in frontal and plan views.
The faunal materials were quantified in terms of NISP (number
of identified specimens per taxon), MNI (minimum number of
individuals), and MNE (minimum number of elements) (Binford,
1984; Grayson, 1984). For the parts of the camelids represented,
the MAU% was calculated (standardized minimum number of
animal units) (Binford, 1984). This was done in order to correlate
this measurement (using the Spearman coefficient) with the
economic utility indices for llamas: MUI (meat utility index) and
FUI (food utility index) (Mengoni Goñalons, 1991), as well as with
the Mineral Bone Density values (MBD) for camelids (Elkin, 1995).
The NISP% was calculated for taxa at the species, genus, or family
level, according to the specific case, although this was not done for
broader categories (e.g., large mammals), eggshells, and mollusk
shell fragments. Bone modifications were analyzed to interpret
human uses of the remains, included analysis of cut marks
(Blumenschine et al., 1996), breakage attributes (such as chipping
voids, grooves, holes, and percussion striations) (Pickering and
Egeland, 2006), and thermal alteration (Shipman et al., 1984).
Recovery of archaeobotanical materials was performed using
fine-meshed sieves. The carbonized remains were analyzed mainly
with the objective of taxonomic identification. For this a binocular
loop was used (Hokenn 20Xe40X), with the remains compared
systematically with the Museo de La Plata’s modern plant collections from northwestern Argentina.
A few centimeters below the level of the floor in the enclosure
a sedimentological change was detected to the south and southesoutheast of the base of the mortar, and a 10 g sample of this
sediment was collected for analysis. The sediment was treated with
hydrochloric acid (HCl) and its characteristics were observed with
a binocular loop (Hokenn 20Xe40X), petrographic microscope
(Leica 40Xe100X), and scanning electron microscope (SEM). This
analysis took place at the GEONORTE Institute, Universidad
Nacional de Salta.
5. Results
5.1. Ceramic analysis
Based upon the quantitative/percentage analyses of the identified types, in terms of the artificial levels defined during excavation,
a significant increase could be observed in the amount and range of
ceramic types recovered between the depths of 0.60 m and the
occupation floor detected at 1.10 m. Similar patterns were also seen
in other structures analyzed from the site (Raffino, 2004). In these
lower levels, and especially in the lowest ones (from 0.90 m to 1.10
m), various ceramic types were found that are considered to have
origins in distant regions. The types present included Belén, Yavi,
Yocavil, Famabalasto Negro sobre Rojo, Santamariano, Sanagasta,
and Sunchitúyoj, among others (Fig. 4).
Ceramic fragments were classified according to their decorative
style. Traditionally, the classification of ceramics has been performed based upon decorative motifs and morphology, which may
be related to differences in the use of vessels in terms of daily
activities, social hierarchies, or different population groups. Certain
decorative styles are characteristic of the Regional Development
period (Belén, Yavi, Santa María, and Sanagasta) but also continued
to be produced during the Inka period (Krapovickas, 1965; Serrano,
1966). Other types first appear with the Inka and can be associated
with specialization in production and with greater levels of social
complexity, including Inca Provincial and Inca Mixto (sensu Calderari
and Williams, 1991), Yocavil, and Famabalasto Negro sobre Rojo
(Cigliano, 1958; Williams, 1996). Belén and some other Inka styles
may be locally manufactured, but other types are likely to have
more distant origins in locations such as the Puna of Jujuy (ca.
600 km), Santa María valley in Catamarca (ca. 160 km) and ChacoSantiagueña region (ca. 250 km) (Togo, 2004).
It is also important to note the diversity in decoration of Inka
sherds such as Cuzco Polychrome, Inka Paya, and Inka Pacajes, as
well as the significant frequency of other types of Inka pottery,
known as Inka Provincial (Calderari and Williams, 1991) (Fig. 4).
The closed forms, arybaloid (high-necked jars) and ollitas (jars/
pitchers), make up the greatest part of the assemblage, with a clear
predominance over plate forms. There are also a significant number
of coarse/utilitarian sherds, both with and without the presence of
soot, primarily with closed forms (Table 1).
The high percentage of pyroclastic inclusions in the clay matrix
is also a feature worth noting, especially when comparison is made
with other sites in NWA. Initially identified in the western part of
Catamarca province (Cremonte, 1991, 1994), the manufacturing
technique used for production of these vessels has been assumed to
involve mixing tephra deposits with clay, so that the crystalline
mineral fraction has also been incorporated (quartz, mica, feldspar,
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164
M.G. Couso et al. / Quaternary International 245 (2011) 159e169
2009). The effect of this technique in reducing the weight of
vessels would have presented a favorable aspect for their mediumand long-distance transport (Páez, 2010).
The frequency by percentage of ceramic matrix containing
pyroclastic components in E1 (close to 30%) is significant even in
relation to the values obtained in other areas within the site. The
analyses performed by Giovannetti (2009) in the areas with multiple
mortars and in midden areas, revealed much lower proportions,
although there is consistency in the fact that these pyroclastic
inclusions are always associated with Inka or Belén pottery.
The overall analysis of this ceramic assemblage suggests, on one
hand, a close relationship with state-level practices at the site, as
revealed by the stylistic and morphological studies. The abundant
presence of shadow plates, as well as arybaloid forms that are
highly variable in terms of decoration and morphology, indicates
trade between locations linked by archeology and ethnohistory, as
part of sustained, state-sponsored congregation practices (Bray,
2003). In this sense, the analysis of morphological parameters
indicated the presence of jars have different sizes, especially
medium and large, which have been used to liquid storage and
serving during the congregation events. The same is inferred about
shadow plates that, in the most of cases, have diameters of
15e20 cm, although the height could not be assessed.
Similarly, evidence of styles integrated regionally through the
Inka dynamic, and originating in distant territories, could be
interpreted in a similar way. Such trade would have been influenced by the development of production technologies that had
a material impact on the objects, as is proposed in the case of using
high amounts of pyroclastic inclusions in ceramic vessels to reduce
weight and create resistance to breakage.
5.2. Archaeofaunal analysis
Fig. 4. Ceramic types present at Kancha II, E1: a, b, c, d ¼ Inka; e ¼ Yocavil;
f ¼ Famabalasto N/R; g ¼ Yavi; h ¼ Belén; i ¼ Santa María; j ¼ Sunchitúyoj;
k ¼ Arybaloid Inka.
etc.). These components are visible during sub-macroscopic and
microscopic analyses as part of the non-plastic inclusions (Páez and
Arnosio, 2009). The spatial distribution known archaeologically for
this practice is becoming considerably wider with more extensive
analyses of matrix composition from Inka contexts, and now
extends from the modern city of Jujuy in northern Argentina to the
city of Mendoza almost 1000 km to the south (Páez and Arnosio,
A total of 275 individual remains were analyzed (bones, teeth,
mollusk shells, and eggshells), 38 of which could not be taxonomically identified. In the rest of the cases varying levels of
taxonomic assignment were possible (Table 2). A large number of
specimens (151) were assigned to broad categories (e.g., large or
medium mammals, ungulates, artiodactyles), as they did not
possess enough diagnostic features to allow more precise identification. The specimen of Vicugna vicugna was identified by the
dental morphology of the incisors (Wheeler, 1982).
The most abundant remains were those of camelids, which
represented 72.15% of the sample (Table 2). The most abundant
element for this taxon was the proximal tibia (MAU% ¼ 100), and
the next most represented were cranial elements (neurocranial and
mandibles) and proximal radio-ulnas (MAU% ¼ 66.66). Next in
abundance were limb elements (humeri, scapulas, femurs, distal
tibias, metapodials, and phalanges; MAU% ¼ 33.33e50) while the
rest of the skeletal elements were found in low frequencies or not at
all. The correlations between the MAU% and the variables MBD, FUI,
and MUI, showed low correlation values and were not statistically
significant: between MAU% and MBD, rs ¼ 0.086 (p > 0.05,
N ¼ 31); MAU% and MUI, rs ¼ 0.038 (p > 0.05, N ¼ 26); and MAU%
and FUI, rs ¼ 0.069 (p > 0.05, N ¼ 26). Because of this, the camelid
skeletal parts were not analyzed in terms of these variables.
However, a general predominance of appendicular skeletal parts
was observed as compared to parts from the axial skeleton.
Cut marks were present on 21.15% of the camelid bone specimens. The greatest proportion of these were seen on the axial
skeletal elements (72.72% on ribs, cervical and thoracic vertebrae,
and cranial elements) and were seen in lower proportions on
appendicular elements (one humerus and two phalanges). Fractured elements from Lama sp. included 40% of the tibias, followed
by 20% of the humeri, with levels of fracturing in the others in
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Table 1
Typological and morphological characteristics of the ceramic sample analyzed. * Early period ¼ pottery assigned to the Early Period (ca. 700 BC-650 AD).
Typological classification
Proportion
Belén
Santa Maria
Sanagasta
Inka
Famabalasto N/R
Sunchitúyoj
Yavi
Yocavil
Coarse/utilitarian
Early period*
Indeterminate
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
Total
N ¼ 953 (99.93%)
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
46 (4.82%)
3 (0.31%)
2 (0.20%)
453 (47.53%)
8 (0.83%)
1 (0.10%)
2 (0.20%)
1 (0.10%)
3 94 (41.34%)
2 (0.20%)
41 (4.30%)
Open forms
Closed forms
Indeterminate forms
Pyroclastic inclusions
2
1
e
63
5
e
2
1
e
e
e
37
1
2
334
e
1
e
e
382
e
20
7
1
e
56
3
e
e
e
12
2
21
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
N
74
777
102
N ¼ 122 (99.96%)
relatively equal proportions (metatarsals, femurs, and proximal
phalanges; 10%). Evidence of intentional fracturing was seen on one
specimen of radio-ulna and one tibia, which had chipping voids,
and one phalange specimen, which was grooved. Three specimens
with thermal alteration were also observed.
Aves class (10.12% of the sample) were represented by cranial
elements, coracoids, sternums, and anterior and posterior
members. One of the Pterocnemia pennata egg shell fragments
(sensu Apolinaire and Turnes, 2010) was burned. The canids (5.06%)
were represented by autopod elements (calcaneum, astragalus and
metapodials). The first of these may show signs of disarticulation,
but because the specimen was highly weathered this feature could
not be securely determined.
For smaller mammals, both Lagostomus maximus (3.79%) and
Ctenomys sp. (1.26%) are represented by cranial elements. For
Dolichotis patagonum (1.26%), only a single tibia specimen was
found, which had been thermally altered. Chaetophractus vellerosus
(6.32%) was represented by skeletal bony plates.
Five bone points were found in the sample. Four of these were
made from the shaft of an artiodactyl metapodial (Fig. 5: 1, 2, 4, 5),
while the type of bone used to make the fifth could not be determined (Fig. 5: 3). These projectile points have no stem and the base
and lateral edge are variable in the degree of concavity. One of these
has a suspension hole through to the center (Fig. 5: 5). Also, the
distal epiphysis of a proximal camelid phalange and a bivalve
specimen both had holes, probably made for the purpose of using
these as pendants (Fig. 5).
Table 2
Taxonomic abundances.
Taxon
NISP
NISP%
MNI
Mollusca
Aves indeterminate
Pterocnemia pennata (eggshels)
Anatidae
Mammalia indeterminate
Large mammals
Ungulata
Artiodactyla
Lama sp.
Lama cf. glama
Vicugna vicugna
Medium mammals
Chaetophractus vellerosusa
Canidae
Dolichotis patagonum
Lagostomus maximus
Ctenomys sp.
2
7
2
1
18
114
3
4
52
4
1
15
5
4
1
3
1
e
e
10.12b
e
e
e
e
e
e
72.15
e
e
6.32
5.06
1.26
3.79
1.26
2
2
1
1
e
e
1
1
2
1
1
e
1
1
1
1
1
Total
237
100
e
Large mammals: more 50 kg; Medium mammals: between 1 and 20 kg.
a
skeletal bony plates.
b
Eggshells were not included in calculations.
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
¼
16 (13.11%)
1 (0.81%)
2 (1.63%)
99 (81.14%)
0
0
0
0
0
0
4 (3.27%)
Fifty percent of the large mammal ribs showed signs of heating
action on parts of them, but this did not cause a high degree of
alteration, which suggests cooking by roasting (Gifford-Gonzalez,
1989; Kent, 1993). However, the majority of thermally altered
remains (whether medium mammal, large mammal, camelids, D.
patagonum, or indeterminate) probably reflect the result of discarding bones into combustion features or their use as a supplement to wood or plant fuels, given the large percentage of materials
with a high degree of alteration (84% of the burned remains are
carbonized or calcined) (sensu Kent, 1993). We must clarify that not
found other evidence of burning in E1.
5.3. Analysis of the calcareous accumulation
On the floor of the enclosure, in the area to the south and
southeast of the base of the mortar, a sediment anthropogenic
accumulation covering an area of approximately 1 m 0.75 m was
found, with medium compaction and well-defined limits. At the
macroscopic level this sediment is whitish in color, fine-grained,
and chalky in texture. There are also flattened, sub-rounded, whitecolored fragments present, which have a maximum size of 3 mm
and an average size less than 1 mm, with a percentage that does not
exceed 10e15%. The sediment also contains a very low proportion
(2%) of sub-rounded lithic fragments 1 mm in size, as well as small
grains of quartz and biotite, although in much smaller proportions
than the finer sediment that makes up the predominant fraction of
the sample.
Using microscopic analysis with polarized light, a large carbonaceous component could be identified in the sample. A concretion
of micritic (calcareous mud) and microsparitic (very fine-grained
calcite) composition was identified, which could be related to
calcareous concretions that occur in the local soils (caliche). With
the electron microscope, the calcite crystals that make up the
concretion could be observed.
One possible explanation for this sediment’s presence is based
on anthropogenic deposition in the area where it was found, having
been removed from its original location and transported to E1. Its
restricted location in a specific area of the enclosure, its location in
relation to the mortar, and the presence of clear boundaries in
relation to the surrounding earth, suggest an origin external to the
enclosure. With this perspective, the possible uses of this material
in view of its context in the excavated enclosure can be considered,
as well as the likelihood of a relationship with the central grinding
feature (see discussion).
5.4. Analysis of archaeobotanical remains
A variety of carbonized seed pod remains were recovered as part
of a broader assemblage of carbonized remains from woody species
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M.G. Couso et al. / Quaternary International 245 (2011) 159e169
Fig. 5. Modified faunal elements. 1 to 5: bone projectile points; 6: distal epiphysis of a proximal camelid phalange with hole; 7: bivalve with hole.
(Table 3). This demonstrates that some kind of fireplace must have
existed within the enclosure. Plant macroremains identified
included algarrobo (Prosopis sp.) and maize (Zea mays). The former
consisted of endocarps, the inner portion of the fruit pods that
surround the seeds. This reflects usage of the algarrobo pods, which
are the only edible part of the plant. The maize remains consisted of
very well-preserved kernels, found almost whole. They correspond
to species with higher proportions of soft endosperm, which are
those more suited for production of flour through grinding. Small
cob fragments were also identified, consisting specifically of the
cupules that contain each kernel.
6. Discussion and conclusions
In order to put the evidence presented here in its proper context,
it is necessary to first make a few general clarifications. The topic of
festival gatherings in the Inka state has been addressed in recent
years from an archaeological point of view (Moore, 1996). But
beyond this, these gatherings were also a phenomenon with an
importance that researchers of Andean ethnohistory make insistently clear (Murra, 1978). It must be remembered that the open
spaces e plazas or aukaipata Inka, are known to have been areas
fundamentally oriented towards the festival gatherings sponsored
by the state (Moore, 1996), and this is why they are commonly
occurring elements in important Inka sites. Ethnohistoric and
ethnographic information related to the central Andean region
provides some insightful perspectives in regard to social gathering
practices. Bray (2003) carried out a highly detailed analysis
regarding the culinary practices and material culture associated
with festival occasions. This author points out that foods such as
maize, which were typically consumed by members of all social
strata, did play an important role in certain special events, above all
Table 3
Archaeobotanical remains recovered in E1.
Taxa
Prosopis sp.
Total
Zea Mays
Plant parts Seed Endocarp Grain
Varieties
N
Cupules
soft endosperm hard endosperm
11
7
19
5
8
50
in the form of consumption of chicha. However, the role of
consumption of meat also had its own significance. Typically, meat
was a food that was limited and strictly controlled, and if the
“common” people had access to meat, it was largely restricted to
consumption of certain wild animals such as deer, rabbits, and
partridges. In the case of camelids, greater restrictions on
consumption existed for those with lower economic status during
ordinary times. For Bray (2003), therefore, the most remarkable
aspect of the study of foods used during festival gathering events is
the presence of a high proportion of products obtained from
domestic animals, especially camelids, which provide higher levels
of caloric yield, and which tend to play a fundamental role.
From the same perspective of analyzing festive gatherings,
Bray highlights among the material culture elements the use of
jars for the transport and service of chicha, and shadow plates
mainly for serving meat. A variety of other types of vessels
such as pots and pedestal-based pots, which would also be
expected to develop signs of exposure to fire, would also be
involved in these scenarios (Murra, 1978; Bray, 2003; D’Altroy,
2003).
By this point at El Shincal de Quimivil, a substantial body of
evidence related to the phenomenon of large social gatherings has
been accumulated, beyond simply the site’s architectural details,
which allows a deeper consideration of this topic. The multiple large
mortars found distributed widely across Quimivil’s alluvial cone
must have played a central role, and not just for processing products
such as maize and algarroba by grinding. It has also been demonstrated that the areas immediately adjacent to the mortars were
spaces where various steps in the production of chicha e at least the
cooking steps for certain e were carried out. The more than threehundred grinding units could accommodate an estimated 150
workers, who could potentially use them simultaneously, demonstrating that great quantities of foods and beverages were processed
at El Shincal de Quimivil. This consideration makes it possible to
conclude that great numbers of people converged at certain times at
the site. This is also supported by the relatively high percentage of
Inka-style jars recorded among the ceramic assemblages from the
site (Raffino, 2004; Giovannetti, 2009).
In terms of architecture, the large central plaza and the ceremonial buildings reflect an obvious effort to structure the space to
support the development of the festival practices fundamental for
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M.G. Couso et al. / Quaternary International 245 (2011) 159e169
maintenance of the state’s political vision. From this perspective
then, Kancha II must have been created in relation to the great
gathering practices that took place there because of the site’s status
as the region’s Inka capital. The evidence presented here carries
forward this line of reasoning.
In this way, the richness and diversity of the material record at
Enclosure 1 is remarkable, and consists of a great quantity of
objects that can be associated with non-local sources and activities.
This is the case, for example, for the bone points with morphological features traditionally associated with groups from other
regions (Lafón, 1956-1957). One of these presented in this work
(Fig. 5: 3) is similar to others found at the archaeological site of La
Paya in the province of Salta (ca. 260 km) (Boman, 1908; Pl. VI,
Fig. 13 i, j; González and Díaz, 1992:61, lam. XIa); while the others
(Fig. 5: 1, 2, 4, and 5) are similar to one from a Sunchitúyoj context
at the site of Coroespina (Beltrán, province of Santiago del Estero;
ca. 250 km), found today in the collection of the Museo de Ciencias
Antropológicas y Naturales “Emilio y Duncan Wagner”, located in
Santiago del Estero.
The distinctive ceramic types and the abundance of typical Inka
forms such as shadow plates and arybaloid, which according to
ethnohistorical and archaeological information are associated with
state-sponsored festival practices, indicate that Enclosure 1 was
a place with a unique type of social value and political significance.
The convergence in the same enclosure of such a diversity of
decorative styles (some of which can be associated with locations
outside of northwest Argentina), re-emphasizes the site’s extraregional component, above all when compared to other areas of the
site more closely connected with production practices.
The discovery of the mortar in the enclosure, in addition to its
morphological characteristics and its central, elevated location, is
an unprecedented element of the archaeological record found at
El Shincal de Quimivil, and it may be connected with some type
of practice distinct from those typically assigned to this type of
artifact. If its use is in fact associated with the calcareous sediment deposit, it is possible to consider the idea of another class of
specialized activity, perhaps related to the production of
pigments. On this subject, archaeological studies emphasize the
use of carbonates in the production of pigments for application to
ceramics (Cremonte et al., 2003). However, even if information is
not at hand regarding their similar use as body paints, inquiry
into this topic in the ethnohistoric literature may be worthwhile
to determine whether such usage may have existed and could in
fact be indicative of a ceremonial context (Puente and Quiroga,
2007).
The archaeofaunal remains show a predominance of camelids
(more than 70% of the sample), and with clear evidence of human
use. Within this family both domesticated (llamas) and wild
(vicuña) species were identified, with the habitat of the latter being
the Puna region, an ecological zone distinct from that of El Shincal
de Quimivil’s location. This reflects the fact that the use of these
camelid species was subject to various restrictions and other
criteria, not only in terms of appropriation and management of
resources, but also in the symbolic manner in which they were
integrated into the Inka world. Father Bernabé Cobo ([1553] 1892)
described certain regulations for their use, making clear the fact
that the products derived from wild resources were restricted to
certain social segments, and that their procurement was invested
with a type of symbolism based upon a desire to control overexploitation. These practices known as chaku, which still take place
today, were in part characterized by collective hunting of vicuña
with the goal of obtaining wool. The dominance of camelids in the
remains from Enclosure 1, the faunal resource with the highest
caloric yield, may be related to the higher levels of meat
consumption associated with this type of gathering event (Bray,
167
2003). As the representation of parts does not show a significant
correlation with regard to economic utility, the high quantity of
remains from the appendicular skeleton as compared to the axial
skeleton may be related to practices focused not just on obtaining
meat, but also extraction of bone marrow.
In the case of burrowing mammals such as Ctenomys sp.,
L. maximus, and C. vellerosus, interpretation is more difficult, because
of the fact that remains were scarce. Also, attributes indicative of
human use were not observed, so the entry of these remains into the
archaeological record could in fact be due to the natural presence of
these taxa. It must be kept in mind that the first two of these taxa are
represented only by cranial elements and the third by skeletal bony
plates. However, their remains have also repeatedly been excavated
across the site as a whole, and these remains tend to show thermal
alteration (Lema et al., 2009; Giovannetti, 2009). These taxa probably represented valued resources for their meat, with the presence
of their remains indicating that local wild animals were hunted.
Finally, some of the archaeofaunal remains from the enclosure
reflect cooking activities, while others seem to represent discarding
of bones in combustion features or even their use as a supplementary fuel.
Also worth noting are the bone points, as well as objects that
were possibly used for adornment, such as the camelid phalanx and
the bivalve specimen. The presence of these, taken in conjunction
with the predominance of camelid remains in E1 e Kancha II (more
than 70%), when compared to other areas of the site such as area 5f e
sinchiwasi e (58%) and Kallanka 1 (50%), may also reflect practices
related to the festive gathering context.
From the botanical record, the presence of maize identifiable as
belonging to the broad “floury” category (varieties with greater
amounts of soft endosperm more useful for flour production) can
be highlighted, in contrast to types used for other food preparation
methods such as pororó (varieties with a higher amount of hard
endosperm used mainly for production of popcorn). This pattern
represents evidence for the production of foods based upon maize
flour. The presence of fireplace features was also indicated by the
presence of carbonized woody plant remains.
The E1 seems to have existed as an articulated unit oriented
towards specific types of practices at El Shincal de Quimivil. Even if
more common, everyday activities also took place there, such as
preparation and consumption of food, grinding, etc., a distinctive
set of elements also seems to indicate activities of another kind
entirely, linked to congregational practices and festive gatherings of
great importance, as discussed above. The diversity of ceramic
types, many decorated and with origins in distant locations, along
with the presence of particular vessel forms oriented towards food
transport and service, such as jars and shadow plates, reflect the
uniqueness of the setting, also supported by the presence of the
projectile points and bone ornaments. This pattern contrasts with
discoveries from other areas of the site such as area 5f or sinchiwasi,
where evidence points to permanent occupation by non-local
groups in settlements oriented towards the provision of tributary
labor (Raffino, 2004). An example of this type of evidence from the
5f location is the predominance of ordinary ceramic types (more
than 80%) and the greatest amount of evidence for consumption of
wild species from the region (Lema et al., 2009).
Little is known for northwestern Argentina regarding spaces
specifically meant to house people participating in the festivals and
ceremonies sponsored by the Inka state. The same is true for the
activities specifically involved with preparation of the range of
material goods needed for these types of gatherings. It seems likely,
however, that the enclosures such as E1 would have played an
important role in these events, and these ideas will hopefully be
further substantiated by the continuing research taking place at
the site.
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M.G. Couso et al. / Quaternary International 245 (2011) 159e169
Acknowledgements
This work has taken place with the financial support of Argentina’s Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Cientificas y Técnicas.
We would also like to thank Dr. Rodolfo Raffino for his constant
support. We thank Lic. Diego Gobbo for the design and creation of
the images. Recognition is also due to Lic. Ana Fernández, Dr. José
Togo, and Agustín Togo for their collaboration on the ceramics
classification. Miguel Martínez, Romina Giambelluca, Julia Gianelli,
and Fernando Viviani assisted with the fieldwork. Dr. Luciano De
Santis and Lic. Cesar García Esponda provided help with identification of faunal remains. Dr. Alicia Castro and Dr. Mikel Zubimendi
collaborated on identification of lithic materials. Dr. Marcelo
Arnosio (Instituto GEONORTE, UNSa) helped with identification of
the calcareous sediment found inside the enclosure. Berkeley
Cross-Cultural Associates assisted with English translation. We
would also like to thank the residents of Londres and Belén for their
generous attitude towards our archaeological work in the area.
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